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Pre-Buddhist India: A Political, Administrative, Economic, Social and Geographical Survey of Ancient India Based Mainly on the Jataka Stories c4.t2: The King as a Man

Pre-Buddhist India: A Political, Administrative, Economic, Social and Geographical Survey of Ancient India Based Mainly on the Jātaka Stories c4.t2

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English

The King as a Man

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Up till now we had been considering the position of the king as seen through those general principles and concepts which, though mainly based on theoretical speculations, must have played a considerable part in forming and moulding the character of the king as a reality. Rules and duties and responsibilities that are enjoined on the king are here, as in other works on polity like the *Arthaśāstra* of Kauṭilya or the *Dharmasūtras*, based on actual conditions and go a long way in guiding the king in his administration.³ Before actually taking up the administrative affairs we try to see the character of the king as he reveals himself in the stories themselves.

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³ What Hopkins says regarding the material of the Epic, may as well be applied to our Jātaka material: "To what extent we may use in our investigation of the didactic sections concerning the Epic, is a question open to several answers. These portions are of course of late origin. Yet in a land so conservative as India we must concede that the gist of such dogmatic discourses had probably been for a long time the result of assumed and common custom, especially when the formal law of the early period essentially corroborates it; for law, as the Hindu family in class usage" *J.A.O.S.*, 13, p. 70.

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The birth of a prince was eagerly longed for by people of those times.⁴ Their keen anxiety for the perpetuation of royal line, as they considered failure of heir to be a great misfortune, led them to instal a particular kind of halo about the figure of a prince.

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⁴ See Hopkins's learned remarks : *ibid*, p. 138 and note.

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At the conception by the queen, proper rites were performed (laddhagabbhaparihāro).¹ What ceremonies were gone through on this occasion, we are not told. Probably they included the ceremony known as "garbharakṣaṇa" or the protection of embryo in the womb, i.e., the prevention of miscarriage, which consisted mainly in reciting the particular hymns (garbhadharaṇam) of the Atharvaveda²...When, after the expiry of the period of nearly ten months,³ the child was born, there was no limit to peoples' joy and happiness⁴. In this happiness each dropped a kahāpaṇa as the boy's milk-money (khīramūlam).⁵ That very day the happy father would order his chief general to find out how many young nobles had been born that day in the ministers' houses (amaccakule). For, "a retinue must be prepared for my son".⁶ On the name-day (nāmagahaṇadivasa)⁷ the new-born babe was given a name. The Brāhmaṇas who read the different marks of the babe (lakkhaṇapāṭhakānaṃ brāhmaṇānaṃ) were paid great honours. Inquiries were made of them whether there was any danger threatening him (antarāyabhāvaṃ).⁹ From the moment of his birth, the prince was given away in charge of female nurses (dhātī) of the palace who carefully tended and brought him up.⁹ Special care was taken that the nurses were faultless.¹⁰ It was only occasionally that the queen herself would give her milk to the child.¹¹ Generally the child was sucked by the nurses. His childhood then passed away in merriment in company with his mates. They played and enjoyed in and out of the palace. Sometimes they strode off in the park to watch the elephants engaged in fight.¹² Nothing more is learnt about the activities of young princes. Their life at the palace was of course gay and prosperous, and, oftener than not, indolent. There does seem much of reality in the following description of the life of the Princes and Princesses, even allowing some margin for the stress that must be laid on the contrast that the king makes between the palace—and forest-life.

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¹ J., II, p. 2; IV, p. 323; VI, p. 2.

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² 6, 17 : 5, 1, 1, Kautika-Sūtra, 98-2; Bloomfield, The Atharvaveda, in Grundriss der Indo-Arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde, I, B, p. 71; Cf. Jolly, Recht und Sitte, in the above, p. 152. Cf. Kauṭilya: "When the queen attains the age favourable for procreation, priests shall offer to Indra and Bṛhaspati the requisite oblations," Arthaśāstra I, 17.

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³ J., IV, p. 323—"Dasamāsaccayena" VI, p. 485-G. 1609.

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⁴ J., VI, p. 2 "Deva mayaṃ pubbe anāthā, idāni sanāthā jātā sāmike no laddhi."

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⁵ J., IV., p. 323.

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⁶ Ibid. "Mama puttassa paricāro laddhuṃ vaṭṭati." Cf. J., V, p. 210.

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⁷ Cf. Manu, II, 30, who lays down that the name-rite (nāmakaraṇa) should be performed on the 10th or 12th day after birth; Jolly, op. & loc. cit.

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⁹ J., II, 328; III, p. 31; IV, p. 492; V, 298, VI, p. 3

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¹⁰ The Mugapakkha Jātaka, VI, p. 3, notices the faults and merits of nurses. "If a child drinks milk, sitting on the hip of a nurse who is too tall, its neck will become too long; if it sits on the hip of one too short, its shoulder bone will be compressed; if the nurse be too thin the baby's thighs will ache; if too stout, the babe will become bow-legged; the body of a very dark nurse is too cold, of one very white is too hot; the children who drink the milk of a nurse with hanging breasts have the ends of their noses flattened, some nurses have their milk sour, others have it bitter." Cf. also, J., VI, p. 488. All this shows at least some scientific knowledge, no doubt.

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¹¹ J., VI, p. 5.

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¹² J., V, p. 183.

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CHILDHOOD.

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⁸ J., VI, p. 3.

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"Fine rice has been their food and well-cooked viands hitherto ;
If they must feed on wild-tree fruit, what will the children do !
From silver dishes well-adorned or golden hitherto ;
They ate : but with bare leaves instead, what will the children do ?
Benares cloth has been their dress, or linen hitherto ;
If they must dress in grass or bark, what will the children do ?
In carriages or palanquins they've riddden hitherto ;
When they must run about on foot, what........ ?
In gabled chambers they would sleep safe-bolted hitherto ;
Beneath the roots of trees to lie, what........?
On cushions, rugs or broidered beds they rested hitherto :
Reclining on a bed of grass, what........?
They have been sprinkled with sweet scents and perfumes hitherto ;
When covered all with dust and dirt, what......?
When peacock's feathers, yak's tail fans have fanned them hitherto ;
Bitten by insects and flies, what...... ?"¹

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¹ J., VI, p. 510-GG. 1883-1890. For luxurious outer appearance of princes, see J., VI. pp. 144-5 GG. 647-54 ; 217-8 GG. 931-44, 485-6 ; of princesses, J., VI, p. 590 GG. 2443-2451 ; of course, we must give greater latitude to these apparently poetical fancies and exaggeration.

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The prince was respected, very often petted by the people. They would not let him do any manual work even if he wished to do², because he was a "prince". His life thus tended to be easy-going upto the 16th year, which was considered to be the age of discretion when generally he had to leave home and go abroad for purposes of higher education and training under "world-renowned teachers".³ It is conceivable that the young prince up to this time had been instructed in his father's house in the elementary sciences (the three Rs)' and physical exercise, and it was only for higher studies both in arts and sciences that he went abroad.⁴ It is Takkasilā which is invariably mentioned as the place where these young princes go for their higher studies. Takkasilā had a long-standing fame as the seat and centre of Indian culture which exercised a kind of intellectual suzerainty over the wide world of letters in India. And there is nothing to be mistrusted in the words of the Jātakas which speak of this custom of sending princes to so far away a place as Takkasilā, as Fick seems to feel.⁵

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² J., IV, p. 169.

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³ J., I, pp. 259, 262, 273 ; II, pp. 2, 87, 277, 319, 323, 400 ; III, pp. 122, 158, 168, 415 ; IV, 315 ; V, pp 161, 210.

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⁴ According to Kautilya, Arthaśāstra, I, 5, the prince had to learn alphabet (lipi) and mathematics (samkhyāna) after the 3rd year. After the 11th he had to study the triple vedas ānvikṣiki (philosophy) and vārtā (economics) and daṇḍanīti (politics). When these were completed, it is not expressly said. See Dikshitar, The Mauryan Polity, p. 102.

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⁵ op. cit., pp. 95-6.

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This custom of sending princes to far-away places for their higher education seems to have been prevalent in many a State of those days. Court-life at home was necessarily felt baneful for the growing prince. All sorts of luxuries, pleasures and comforts only made a prince's life easygoing and practically, as we might see even to-day, useless for heavy responsibilities that attended a king. It was this feeling of practical utility that inspired kings of those days, "deliberately and as a matter of policy," to send their princes abroad to acquire valuable practical experience about men and affairs of the world.¹ By journeying on foot through villages and towns, plains and deserts, countries and kingdoms, they naturally gained rich experience which turned out to be a source of great help in their later life. "Now kings of former times" says the *Tila-Muṭṭhi-Jātaka*,² "though there might be a famous teacher living in their own city, used to send their sons to foreign countries afar off to complete their education, that by this means they might learn to quell their pride and highmindedness, and endure heat or cold, and be made acquainted with the ways of the world." This is in complete consonance with the spirit of Kauṭilya who urges upon the prince a thorough course of intellectual training and moral discipline.³ A thorough politician and a psychologist that he was, Kauṭilya realized the great fact that from education springs discipline and that only a prince with a disciplined mind and body can carry on administration on sound lines. Did not the kings of the *Jātakas* remember this great truth, when they sent their sons abroad?

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¹ Mookerji in "Buddhistic Studies", p 239.

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² J., II, p. 277. "Porāṇakarājāno ca attano putte, evam ete nihatamānadappā situnhakkamā lokacaritañu ca bhavissantīti attano nagare disā pāmokhe ācariye vijjamāne pi sippuggahanatthāya dūre tiro raṭṭham pesenti."

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³ Arthaśāstra, I, 5; VIII, 3; Ghoshal, Hindu Political Theories, p. 139,; Dikshitar "The Mauryan Polity", pp 101-105.

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Takkasilā was not the resort only for Princes, but also for students from other classes and ranks of society—Brāhmaṇas, sons of magnates and magnificoes, sons of merchants and tailors and fishermen. And the education imported there was in the main the same, though special courses for different students were also not absent. As this subject on education shall be dealt with in detail in a separate chapter, we shall here confine ourselves to some of the general points only which touch the life of a prince in particular, though it is difficult, we should admit, to differentiate between a prince-student and others.

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Usually, though not always, the prince went to Takkasilā in company with his fellow-students—sons of the Purohita, the ministers, the commander-in-chief and other officers.⁴ He had to come out in the robe of an humble student leaving aside all those feelings of his higher position which he had upto then been, consciously or unconsciously, cherishing within himself. The interesting and very valuable material furnished on this point by the *Tila-Muṭṭhi-Jātaka*,⁵ to which a reference has already been made and to which we shall have frequently to return while dealing with this subject in detail, must here be noted, especially because it presents before us the prince-student:

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⁴ J., V, pp. 247, 263; III, p. 238; V, p. 210.

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⁵ J., II, pp. 277-8.

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"Calling his boy to him," thus runs the story,—"now the lad was sixteen years old—he (i.e., the king of Benares) gave him one-soled sandals, a sunshade of leaves, and a thousand pieces of money with these words:

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“My son, get you to Takkasilā, and study there.”

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The boy obeyed, he bade his parents farewell, and in due course arrived at Takkasilā. There he enquired for the teacher’s dwelling, and reached it at the time when the teacher had finished his lecture, and was walking up and down at the door of the house. When the lad set eyes upon the teacher, he loosed his shoes, closed his sunshade, and with a respectful greeting stood still where he was. The teacher saw that he was weary and welcomed the new comer. The lad ate, and rested a little. Then he returned to the teacher and stood respectfully by him.

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“Where have you come from?” he asked. “From Benares.” “Whose son are you?” “I am the son of the king of Benares.” “What brings you here?” “I come to learn,” replied the lad. “Well, have you brought the teacher’s fee or do you wish to attend on me in return for teaching you?”

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“I have brought a fee with me,” and with this he laid at the teacher’s feet his purse of a thousand pieces.

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The resident pupils attend on their teacher by day, and at night they learn of him: but they who bring a fee are treated like the eldest sons in his house, and thus they learn. And this teacher, like the rest, gave schooling to the prince on every light and lucky day. Thus the young prince was taught.

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A long passage this, yet it brings before us practically all the principal features of the educational system of those times.

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It would appear from the above passage that the prince left his home with a very modest equipment and lived at his teacher’s house as an humble student. The system thus inevitably fostered healthy feelings of comradeship, with no recognition whatsoever of earthly distinctions. In fact, we may be forced to feel that “youths of all sorts and conditions of life, of different classes and castes, had all their divisions and distinctions merged in the democracy of learning.”¹ And yet, instances are not rare where we receive a strong impression, that with what of feelings of common pursuits and of the stringency of the moral code binding all into one compact whole, that instinctive class-consciousness, specially in the aristocratic blood,² was not possible to be effaced completely. The first and the basic distinction that the “world-renowned teacher” unfortunately makes, viz., that of the paying and non-paying students receiving different treatment, must necessarily create a feeling of distinction and division.³ What must have the Prince, of course always coming with 1000 pieces as the teacher’s fee (ācāryabhāga) and hence living there as an eldest son, felt against other poor students undergoing ‘daily a course of exacting and low kind of menial service for the school’ should be easily imaginable. Reading of human psychology, particularly of the growing youth, would be erring if it tried to see harmonious relationships under such circumstances. Try hard as he would to make himself amenable to the stricter system of moral and intellectual discipline, the prince could not, possibly, forego his aristocratic consciousness. Of course it was the right and duty of the teacher to punish all defiance of rules and regulations, come from whatever corner it might. But unfortunately the proud Khattiya youth would at once consider this as an insult to, and an infringement upon, his high position. And the malicious spirit of revenge must have been lurking in his inner heart only to burst open when the opportunity presented itself, for instance, when he became the ruler of his kingdom. Such an instance is presented by the Tilamuṭṭhi Jātaka.¹ In the beginning the prince behaves well. One day he goes for a bath along with his teacher. He sees an old woman sitting and watching some white seeds that she had prepared. The youth picks up a handful and eats away without paying anything. The same thing happens on the next and the third day, when the poor old woman cries out, “Master, I have been parching some seeds, and your pupil took a handful and ate them! This he has done to-day, he did it yesterday and he did it the day before! Surely he will eat me out of house and home!” The teacher consoles her and causing two lads to take the young fellow by his two hands, smites him thrice upon the back with a bamboo stick, bidding him take care not to do it again. The youth keeps silent at the moment though the “bloodshot glare” in his eyes is not concealed, and after finishing his courses, reverently invites the teacher to come to his kingdom when he becomes the ruler. The honest teacher, then, goes there and witnesses the revengeful mien of his pupil—now a king. The story, of course, then ends with a convincing speech of the teacher dwelling on the usefulness of discipline which ultimately quiets the king. Instances of this kind can be found in other places also. The prince of the Dhoṇasākha Jātaka² is forced to hear the advice of his teacher ‘to suppress his cruel, harsh and violent nature, as, says the teacher, power that is attained by a man of violence is shortlived, and when it is gone from him, he is like a ship that is wrecked at sea.’³

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¹ R. K. Mookerji in “Buddhistic Studies”. p. 244.

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² The Khattiyas of the Jātakas are proud of their birth or status, what then to say of the Prince, the Khattiya par excellence?

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³ In this case, it may be recalled that the older Brāhmaṇical system of ‘Gurukulas’ was

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¹ perhaps more sounder as under that system it was the more usual practice for the brahmacāri to pay fees to his teacher only when he became a snātaka and ended his studentship—thus placing all students on equal level: Mookerji, op. cit., p. 240. Cf. also his paper on Ancient Hindu Education in Sir Asutosh Mookerji Silver Jubilee Volumes, III, p. 1 pp. 229-230.

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² J., II, pp, 279-282, GG. 4-5.

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³ J., III, pp. 158-9.

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COURSE OF STUDY What were the Courses of Study that the prince could and would go through at the world-famous university of Takkasilā? The three Vedas and the eighteen or all the arts (tayo vede aṭṭhārasa vijjāṭṭhānāni or sippāni) is the conventional list of the subjects of study taught at Takkasilā.⁴ The three Vedas, of course, refer to the older Brāhmaṇic threefold knowledge—trayī vidyā—that of the Ṛk, the Yajus and the Sāman, thus showing that the Atharva Veda was not included in this curriculum.¹ We have, unfortunately, no mention of individual subjects under the sciences and arts (*Sippāni*),² though there are stray passages which name some subjects under ‘scientific and technical education,’ which may or may not come under the ‘Eighteen Sippas or *Vijjhātṭhānāni*”. Of these, we may particularly note the following: Elephant Lore (*Hatthisutta*),³ Magic Charms (*mante*),⁴ Hunting by bow (*dhanu-koṭim nissāya luddakammam*),⁵ Spell for understanding all animals’ cries (*Sabbarāvajānanamantam*)⁶ and Archery (*Issāpasippa*).⁷ These were perhaps some of the Arts and Sciences which specially attracted the prince more than the study of the *Vedas* which was the birthright of the Brāhmaṇas, though we are not specifically told so.⁸ It is rather difficult to conceive that the young prince should be prattling over the huge collection of hymns which were, presumably, not of much practical value in the governance of the kingdom. We may, therefore, without much fear of ill-imagination, dismiss the stock phrase as only conventional and take it that the general education of the prince, as Hopkins⁹ has carefully tried to show regarding the Epic prince, consisted in learning the aphorisms on horses, on elephants, on chariots, and practical uses of military machines like archery, and fine arts and a general knowledge of philosophy economics and politics—the *Anvīkṣikī*, *Vārttā* and *Daṇḍanīti* of the *Dharmasūtras* and of Kauṭilya.

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⁴ Ibid. G. 14.

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⁵ J., I, pp. 259, 356; II, p. 87; III, pp. 115, 122 etc.

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¹ Kauṭilya, also has the triple *vedas*, together with *ānvīkṣiki* (philosophy) *vārtā* (economics) and *daṇḍanīti* (politics) as the courses of study for a prince: See *Arthaśāstra*, I, 5; *Cf.* Manu, VII, 43.

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² The *Milindapañho*, VI, II, gives the individual names of the 19 *sippas*, then current. For the names of the various subjects of study in the older *Brāhmaṇas* and *Upaniṣads*, see Mookerji, Sir Asutosh Silver Jubilee Memorial Volume, III, pt. I, pp. 237-42. *Kṣatravidyā* must have been a special subject for a prince.

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³ J., II, p. 47.

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⁴ Ibid, p. 100.

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⁵ Ibid., p. 200.

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⁶ J., III, p. 415.

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⁷ J., I, p. 356; II, p. 87; III, p. 219; V, p. 128.

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⁸ The following references seem to indicate that the princes generally learnt only the *Sippas*, no mention of the *Vedas* being made: J., III, p. 238; V, pp. 161, 177, 247, 426.

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⁹ J.A.O.S., 13, pp. 108-112. Some pertinent remarks of the erudite scholar are worth noticing: “The active young knight and busy trader must have performed the duties toward the *Veda* in a very perfunctory manner, if at all. The more reasonable supposition seems to me to be *Veda*-learned, the convenient practices of his caste nevertheless constrained most of his attention to arms... and he probably did nothing more than go over the text of the *Veda*. The memorizing of even one Vedic collection, it is absurd to believe, could have been attempted by such young warriors as those the Epic depicts. The practice must have been peculiar to the man of leisure, the priest.”

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As regards his general mode of life at the University, there is nothing more to be said, as it was the same as that of any other student excepting the distinction which we noticed before, viz., that he, being one of the group of *ācariyabhāgadāyakās*, lived a somewhat privileged life, being treated as the eldest son of the teacher. We have no knowledge as to the manner in which these princes

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STUDY OF POLITICS mixed with other students, Brāhmaṇas, merchants and others. But one interesting thing can be seen. Princes hailing from different kingdoms, here, contracted friendship,¹ as we saw in the beginning of this Section, which had considerable effect upon their lives later on. Even some of the teachers seem to have taken a good deal of interest in the internal affairs of the kingdoms which were represented by these princes. They were able, on the basis of reports procured from their pupils, to form a somewhat definite idea regarding the prospects of their pupils in their own countries and the dangers they were likely to face in the near future². Furthermore, they must have had a general idea about the motives that led to rivalries and struggles in politics and how these could be clearly checked. With these notions in their minds, they did not forget to tender practical and valuable advice to these aspiring Khattiya youths, which proved remarkably helpful in facing the calamities when they took the reins of Government in their hands.

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¹ For instance, See J., IV, pp. 315 *ff.*
2. Sen, op. cit., p. 78.

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It is through such practical advice that the prince in the *Thusa-Jātaka*³ succeeds later on, when he ascends to the throne, in averting a great calamity coming from his own son who was planning a plot against him. A teacher at Takkasilā presents a set of five weapons to a prince when he leaves the University and starts for home, with the help of which he defeats a very powerful enemy on the way.⁴ There is an exceptional case where a king places his sons each under the charge of a separate courtier (*amacca*) with directions to teach them each what they ought to learn (*sikkhitabbayuttakam*). The *Samvara Jātaka*,⁵ where this occurs, shows how great the influence of the teacher was in moulding the character of the prince. The courtier who takes charge of the youngest prince imparts to him 'something more than a mere academic education—something that is the product of deep political knowledge which guides the prince successfully through his grave responsibilities'.

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³ J., III, pp. 122-125.

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⁴ J., I, pp. 273-275.

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⁵ J., IV, pp. 131 *ff.*
6. Under the older Brāhmaṇical system as found in the *Dharmasūtras* and other works, 'from seven and a half to thirteen, eighteen, twenty-four, thirty-six, forty-eight or even more years are demanded, till their study be perfected.' Hopkins says: '... and we shall be antecedently disposed to think that the students of warrior and people-caste were permitted to give up study under easier conditions, as they were easily freed from penances obligatory on priests.' J. A. O. S., 13, p. 108.

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How long did he stay abroad for education is nowhere stated in the *Jātakas*.⁶ The education of a prince was not yet complete when he left the University. It was now the time to have a practical training of what he had learnt in theory. It is with this intent that we find the princes, after completing their studies at Takkasilā, undertaking extensive travels through towns and villages and all the land to acquire all practical usages and understand country observances.⁷ And when, after such an extensive travel rich with experience, he returns to his country, the prince has to demonstrate his learning and various accomplishments and impress upon his father.¹ He is then fit to be appointed to the post of Uparāja or Viceroy.² It is not difficult to imagine that the return of the prince was something more than an ordinary occurrence, and was attended by festivities both in the palace and in the city. A king of Benares, thus, orders a general amnesty for all prisoners on the return of his son from Takkasilā.³

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⁷ J., III, pp. 115, 238—"Sabba samyasippam ca sikkhissāma desacārittam ca jānissāma;" V, pp. 247 420.

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¹ J., III, p. 159 ; IV, pp. 96, 402 ; Cf. Arthaśāstra, I, 17.

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² J., I, p. 259 ; II, p. 212, III, pp. 123, 159, 407 ; IV, pp. 96, 168, 176, 402 ; V, p. 22; VI, p. 30. It is only very rarely that princes obtain power immediately after return from the University, J., IV, pp. 96, 316 ; V, pp. 177, 458.

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³ J., IV, p. 176—"assa... āgatakāle rājā sabbāni bandhanāgārāni sodhāpetvā."

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It was probably usual for the princes to get married after their return from Takkasilā and before their assuming the post and charge of Viceroyalty. We cannot form any definite idea as to how these royal marriages were accomplished.⁴ Marriages between nephews and nieces were in vogue.⁵ Even those between brothers and sisters are known,⁶ where they afterwards succeed as kings and queens. But these seem to be very rare cases. The more usual custom was probably to get a bride from other royal families. Instances of this kind we have already noticed in connection with Political History. But who chose the bride? The prince himself? Most probably he did not. Looking to the general custom in vogue in other grades of society of the times, it seems the parents—the king and the queen—found out a wife for their son. The Kusa Jātaka⁷ is an instance in point. If we wish to rely on this single Jātaka, we may derive some interesting information. Counsellors were despatched to find out a suitable princess. They would approach the father of a worthy princess and say ‘Our king desires to contract a marriage (āvāha) with your daughter.’ If decided, the parents with a great retinue, went on an appointed day to bring the princess. On their return the city was decorated, prisoners released and festivities indulged in. This was the proper marriage. But, as we shall see, a king was free in having as many wives as he liked. He dwelt in a separate palace of his own.⁸

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⁴ See for Royal Marriages in the Great Epic, Hopkins, J.A.O.S., 13, pp. 167-70.

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⁵ J., I, p. 457.

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⁶ J., IV, p. 105.

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⁷ J., V, pp. 281-5.

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⁸ J., II, p. 374 ; IV, p. 191; VI, pp. 491, 498, 502; III, p. 415.

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It goes on all well if the prince is the only son of his father. Nothing unusual happens and the prince, without any hindrance, marries, becomes the Viceroy and, after his father’s death, ascends to the throne.⁹ But in many cases he has at least one brother, if not more, who turns out to be a stumbling block in the way of his succession to the throne, and suddenly on the death of the aged father there is an outburst of jealousies, which soon develops into a bitter fratricidal war.¹ In the ordinary course of affairs, the elder of the two brothers becomes *Uparāja* on the completion of his education and the younger is given the post of Commander-in-chief (*senāpati*). And, if nothing untoward happens, when the father dies, the elder ascends to the throne as a king and the younger is appointed as *Uparāja*.² In the event of a king having more than two sons, the usual practice followed was perhaps this, that they married and settled down and either lived as the king's companions³ or the king gave them each a province and let them go.⁴

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⁹ This seems to be the normal course of the life of the prince as the following passages occurring often, will show: "So vayappatto Takkasilam gantvā uggahasippo āgantvā pitu sippam dassetva uparajjam labhitvā aparabhāge pitu accayena rājā hutvā... dhammena rajjam kārento... J., III, pp. 159, 407 : IV, pp. 176, 402 ; also J., I, p. 135; II, p. 113, 349 ; V, 22.

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¹ Sen, op. cit., p. 79.

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² J., I, 133 ; II, 367 ; IV, p. 168 ; VI, p. 30 ; also J., II, p. 212.

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³ J., II, p. 116 "....te satta pi janā anupubbena vayappattā gharāvāsaṃ gahetvā rañño sahāyā viya vicaranti."

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⁴ J., IV, p. 131—"Rājā tesam janapadam datvā uyyojesi :" VI, p. 294-G. 1284—

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The real conflict, however, arises in case the younger brother begins to cherish an idea of getting hold of the kingdom putting aside his elder, whose was the hereditary claim to the throne. We have sufficient evidence to get an idea of these conflicts. The youngest prince of a king of Benares consults some *Pacceka Buddhas* regarding his prospects of succession and finding that he has none, he leaves the country and on the advice of his consultants goes straightaway to Gandhāra where he succeeds in securing the throne.⁵ In some cases, even after the elder has already succeeded to the throne, the younger does not leave the idea and carries on his secret plannings. A report is made by a slave to the king of such plottings of his brother. The king becomes suspicious and interns his brother in a certain house near the palace. The man somehow manages to escape and returns with a vast army and invites his brother either to surrender the throne to him or give battle. In a fight that ensues the elder is killed and the younger easily gets to the throne.⁶ Elsewhere⁷ the elder brother is serving as the *Uparāja* and the younger as Commander-in-Chief during the life time of their father. After the death of the King, the courtiers, as was usual, want to make the elder son king, but he is overtaken by a feeling of disgust for the kingdom which is then offered to his younger brother. But shortly afterwards he gets rid of his erstwhile feeling and is tempted to seize the kingdom. He proceeds to the capital with a host of his followers, invites the king to give battle or surrender, who, out of discretion, abdicates the throne and gets himself appointed as *Uparāja* under his elder brother.

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⁵ J., I, pp. 395-399.

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⁶ J., VI, pp. 30-31.

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⁷ J. IV, pp. 168-9.

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"Puttam va bhātaraṃ sam va
Saṃpagganhati Khattiyo
Gāmehi nigamehi vā
Ratthe janapadehi vā."

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We have the evidence of the Edicts of Aśoka where we find that *Kumāras* were appointed as heads of provinces. Bhandarkar *Aśoka*, pp. 325-9.

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A somewhat similar incident occurs in another place also.¹ The king on his death-bed recommends to the courtiers that his elder son should succeed to the throne and the younger should be heir-apparent. The elder, however, has no liking for kingship but lives in all royal state and the younger is consecrated as king. Here again ear-poisoning is at work against the elder brother who is about to be taken prisoner, when out of disgust he goes away to a foreign country where he earns his living by archery that he had learnt at Takasilā.

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¹ J., II, p. 87

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Hindu political literature lays down a great principle viz., *rājyaṃ rakṣati rakṣitaḥ*,² meaning that he who is protected protects the realm.³ That is, the king should protect himself. This personal safety must be from his own sons, thieves and enemies. Kauṭilya devotes a whole chapter on "protection of princes"⁴ wherein he, with his usual masterly insight into human nature and current conditions, shows what a danger the prince is likely to be to a father, and lays down what steps should be taken by the latter to protect himself against the former. He quotes the opinions of some of his predecessors in this connection which, at times⁵ go to horrible extremes. One of these, that of Bhāradvāja, is that "princes like crabs have a notorious tendency of eating up their begetter".⁶ The retort must have been an outcome of long experience with actualities, and not a commonplace theoretical speculation. The *Jātakas* place before us a good many nstances of the tendency described above.

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² Cf. Arthaśāstra I, 17.

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³ Diksitar, Hindu Administrative Institutions, p. 98.

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⁴ Arthaśāstra, I, 17.

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⁵ For instance those of the Ambhiyas and of Vātavyādhi: Ibid; Cf. Ghoshal, Hindu Political Theories, p. 152.

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⁶ Arthaśāstra, I, 17.

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A prince of 16 years of age becomes greedy of his father's splendour (*siri-vibhavam*) and is tired of waiting for his death. He resolves to kill him and in this he is bestirred by his followers (*upaṭṭhākā*), who are of the opinion that it is no good getting kingdom when one is old. He tries four expedients one after another viz., (a) administering poison to his father's food (*visaṃ khādāpetvā*), (b) taking his stand amongst his father's councillors at the time of the great levee (*mahāupaṭṭhānam*) and striking him a blow with his sword when off his guard, (c) stabbing him at the top of the stairs in the royal closet and (d) hiding himself beneath the bed-stead in the king's chamber on the floor of the palace intending to kill him as soon as he enters the room. But everytime the impatient prince fails to carry out his plans and he finally begs his father's pardon. The father, however, has apparently no faith in his son. So the prince is bound in chains, placed into prison house and well guarded.⁷ A similar thing happens in another *Jātaka*.⁸ The prince, greedy of the throne says to his followers: "My father is still young. When I come to look upon his funeral pyre I shall be a worn-out old man. What good will it be for me to come to the throne then?".¹ Machinations are on foot. And here again, stirred by his followers, who by the by do not approve of the idea of going to the frontier and raise an open revolt against his father, he tries to use some expedients: viz., (a) killing him near the bathing ghat (*nahānapokkharaṇi*) (b) stabbing him at the foot of the stair-case (*sopānapādamūle*) and (c) killing him by a blow of the 'spoon-shaped instrument with its long handle poisoned (*dīghadaṇḍikam dabbipaharaṇam*). He fails and is arrested, put in chains and thrown into prison. The way in which the princes are dealt with in both the instances given above agrees well with the policy as laid down by Viśālākṣa and Parāśara according to Kauṭilya,² viz., that the unruly prince should be kept under guard in a definite place or fort.

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⁷ J., III, pp. 123-5, GG. 149-152.

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⁸ J., III, pp. 216-8.

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¹ Ibid, p. 216 "mayham pitā taruṇo, ahaṃ etassa dhūmakālaṃ olokento mahallako bhavissāmi jarājinno, tādase kāle laddhenāpi rajjena ko attho?" Almost the same words occur again at J., V, p. 263.

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² Arthaśāstra, I, 17 "tasmādekasthānā parodhāstreyam."

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Very often the king smelt the suspicious nature of his son when acting as a Viceroy. He did not, then, want his presence in the city, as long as he himself was alive. Thus ponders a king on seeing his son who had come to pay his respects to him: "This fellow may do me wrong, if he gets an opportunity." And he asks him to go away from his city and live in another place. The son goes to a village and dwells there with his wife.³ Another instance of such a banishment is given in the *Puṭabhatta Jātaka*.⁴ Accompanied with his wife the prince comes to a village and lives there during the rest of his father's life. Similarly a king growing suspicious on observing how magnificent was the pomp of his son, banishes him from his realm. The prince with his wife makes his way to the Himalayas and lives there till his father's death.⁵ Similar are the fears entertained by the king of the *Bhūridatta Jātaka*,⁶ and he orders the heir-apparent to accept a life of temporary exile from the city. In all these instances, we notice that the exile was only temporary; immediately after the death of the father, the prince returned to take charge of the kingdom which was hereditary (*kulasantakam*). A few more instances of these unfilial relations may be noticed. A king wants to get rid of his son whom he had appointed as the Viceroy. When his Kingdom is attacked by a hostile king, he orders his son to go and defend the city. But the latter, knowing the situation, leaves the city, the whole population following him. The king thus left helpless flees away with his wife and the *purohita* and the prince then comes back to occupy the throne.⁷ In another place⁸ a prince actually puts his father to death and in this case also the parricide is helped by his attendants, while the priestly friend flies away to the Himalayas on hearing about this plot.

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³ J., III, p. 67 "... ayaṃ maṃ antare dusseya"

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⁴ J., II, 203 "... rājā padubbheyyāpi me ayaṃ ti attano puttaṃ āsankato nihari."

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⁵ J., II, 229 "Bārārasirājā attano puttassa parivārasampattiṃ disvā uppannasaṅko puttaṃ raṭṭhā pabbājesi".

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⁶ J., VI, p. 158; also II, p. 116.

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⁷ J., III, pp. 415-7 "Pitā taṃ opparajje thapesi. Kiñcāpi uparajje thapesi mārāpetukāmo pana taṃ hutvā diṭṭhampi na iccheri." Dr. Ben, op. cit., p. 82, seems to have read the passage wrongly. Kauṭilya has his sympathies with princes who may be wrongly or unjustly put to troubles by their fathers and gives some advice. Arthaśāstra, I, 18.

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⁸ J., V, p. 263.

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We have now reached a stage in the course of our narration, when the king begins to play his part in the administration of the kingdom as a prince,¹ when, of course, the cases just before described were absent, and all was normal.

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¹ The Crown Prince or *Yuvarāja* is always mentioned as one among the eighteen '*tirthas*' or the heads of departments of the state of ancient Indian historical literature. For the names of these, See Nag, *Les Theories Diplomatiques De L'Inde Ancienne*, pp. 38 ff; also Jayaswal, *Hindu Polity*, II, pp. 133-4. See *Arthaśāstra* I, 12. Under Mauryan administration he was a regular officer of the state drawing a handsome allowance of 48,000 *panas* yearly, the highest remuneration equal to that of the *purohita*, Commander-in-Chief, King's mother and queen: *Cf.* ibid. V. 3. See Also Jayaswal, *op. cit.*, pp. 124-5.

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The *Jātakas* unfortunately do not give us any clear idea about the duties and functions of the Viceroy. As a matter of fact, there is not much said about his person or his office, as he is oftener than not described as only assuming the throne after his father's death. What they sometimes speak is confined only to superficial things. Thus we see that on ceremonial occasions the *Uparāja* sits behind the king on the back of the elephant,² a seat which is otherwise occupied by the *purohita*.³ He probably used to pay his *devoirs* (*rājupaṭṭhānam*) to the king at evening.⁴ The *Kurudhamma Jātaka*⁵ has an interesting thing to say in this connection: "and when they came to the palace courtyard in his car," thus runs the description about the Viceroy's visit to the palace, "if he wished to eat with the king, and spend the night there, he would throw his reins and goad upon the yoke; and that was a sign for the people to depart; and next morning early they would come again and stand awaiting the Viceroy's departure. And the charioteer (too) would attend the car and come again with it early in the morning and wait by the King's door. But if the Viceroy would depart at the same time, he left the reins and goad there in the chariot (*antarathe*), and went in to wait upon the king. Then the people, taking it for a sign that he would presently depart, stood waiting there at the palace door." There is nothing taht may sound incredible in this account and it really gives a welcome sidelight on Court-life of those days.

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² J., II, p. 374.

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³ For he was a constant companion of the king whenever he went outside. See J., IV, p. 232; V, p. 101.

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⁴ J., II, pp. 374; VI, p. 131.

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⁵ J., II, pp. 374-5.

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It is very likely that the Viceroy sometimes took part in the administration of justice and had higher authority than the *Senāpati* or the priest who also, not infrequently, are seen acting as judges. A man who had lost his suit at the hand of the then judge, a priest who took bribes, approaches the Viceroy and appeals for justice. The Viceroy comes to the Court and overrides the judgment of the former judge and makes the man the owner of his disputed property.⁶

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⁶ J., VI, p. 131. That the Viceroy had a share in the administration of justice is also clear from the Commentary on the *Mahāparinibbāna Suttanta*, wherein we find that "the process of law from the institution of a suit to its final decision was a considerably complicated affair". *Cf.* Fick, *op. cit.*, p. 107 and note.

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The Uparāja was considered as a “sub-king,” a vice-regent. He however did not necessarily act for the king during the latter’s absence. Once a king entrusts the kingdom to the care of his mother.¹ Another king who sets out on a long journey to discover his faults, hands over the charge of the realm to the ministers as a whole.² Sometimes he is seen acting as a mediator between the king and the ministers.³

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¹ J., VI, p. 95.

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² J., IV, p. 370.

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³ J., II, p. 316.

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More than these vague indications of the Viceroy’s functions, we are not told anything about him.⁴

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⁴ In a drama ascribed to Bhāsa, we find that one duty of his was to keep a record of the public proceedings—*Pañcarātra*, Act II, 41 : S. V. Venkateswara, *Indian Culture through the Ages*, II, p.. 106.

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Just a few moments before we saw how the whole problem of succession to the throne was complicated by premature jealousies on the part of the princes. We also notice, *inter alia*, that kingship was generally hereditary in character (*Kulasantakam*),⁵ and the kingdom descended directly to the king’s eldest son,⁶ as were the conditions from the Vedic times.⁷ This was the general custom: Abnormal circumstances of course arose when this custom was, or rather had to be, set aside. That Kingship was hereditary is also clear from the stories where we witness people’s anxiety for the perpetuation of the royal line. Thus for instance in the *Suruci Jātaka*⁸, we observe a vast gathering of townsfolk in the palace courtyard with upbraidings. “What is it?” asks the king. “Fault we have no other to find,” reply the people, “but this, that you have no son to keep your line. You have but one queen, yet a royal prince should have sixteen thousand at the least. Choose a company of women, my lord: some worthy wife will bring you a son.” The monogamous king, however, refuses to flinch from his previous promise. Then the virtuous queen herself, playing the part of mother and wife to the king, presents to him a company of women. It is again the same anxious and assailing feelings of the people that drive the poor, helpless king of the *Kusa Jātaka*⁹ to agree to the barbarous proposal of exposing all the women of the harem, including even the chief queen, for promiscuous intercourse with his own subjects in order to obtain a son to succeed to the throne.

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⁵ J., I, p. 395; II, pp. 116, 118, 203, 231, 264, 323; III, pp. 67, 125, 149, 159, 216, 407, 439; IV, p. 124; VI pp. 34, 158: *Cf*. Bhavabhūti, *Uttararāmacaritam*, I, §1, 22.

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⁶ J., I, pp. 127, 137; II, pp. 39, 87, 212; VI, pp. 30, 96; *Cf*. *Arthaśāstra* I, 17.

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⁷ For the Vedic period see Zimmer, *Altindische Leben*, pp. 162, 172; views of different scholars on the point: *Ved. Ind.* II, p. 211; for the epic period, See Hopkins, *op. cit.*, 13, pp. 317 ff.

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⁸ J., IV, pp. 317 ff.

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⁹ J., V, pp. 279 ff. *cf*. Hopkins, *op cit.*, 13, p. 138 n.

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As a rule, only the sons of the eldest queen (*aggamahesī*) who must be, as Fick surmises,¹⁰ of the same caste as the king and thus a Khattiyā, seem legitimate heirs to the Crown.

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¹⁰ *op. cit.*, p. 123. That the eldest should always be a Khattiyā was not, and could not be the *conditio sine qua non* of succession for we have instances where women others than of the Khattiyā caste are made chief queens whose sons must succeed.

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Exceptions to the general rule given above, viz., that of heredity and primogeniture, did naturally arise. With regard to the first, we may note the following: If a king was without a son, his brother, if any he had, could ascend the throne¹. If he left a nephew and a daughter surviving him, he would nominate his nephew to the throne and marry his daughter to him, in which case the continuity of the direct line alone was broken but the dynasty did not end. Such are the two instances furnished by the *Asilakkhaṇa* and the *Mudapāṇi Jātakas*².

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¹ J., VI, p. 40; also V, p. 185.

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² J., I, pp. 455 *ff*; II, pp. 323 *ff*.

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As regards the latter, it is sufficient to remember, that the custom usually in vogue was to confer the crown upon the first born as the numerous references show. And if we find youngers occupying the throne, it is always clearly in contravention to the long-standing principle. The cases we noticed before, where the eldest sons in their temporary fits leave the throne and the youngers occupy it, are, no doubt, exceptions to the general rule. When a Benares king on his death-bed instructs his courtiers that "all my sons have a right to the white umbrella: but you may give it to him that pleases your mind,"³ he speaks something that is obviously unusual. If the youngest prince is recognised in this case by his elder brothers as king, it is due to his extraordinary virtues. In the same way the youngest prince of the *Telapatta Jātaka*,⁴ does consult some *paccekabuddhas* regarding his prospects of succession, but he is disappointed.

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³ J., IV, pp. 131 *ff*.

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⁴ J., I, p. 395.

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If there was neither a male heir nor a kinsman who could succeed, the successor was, most probably, chosen by the ministers and the citizens combined. In no circumstance was the crown formally placed on the head of a woman. However, an incidental statement would seem to indicate that such cases, though exceptional, did occur. Thus says a *gāthā* of the *Kaṇḍina Jātaka*⁵

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⁵ J., I, p. 155 G. 12 "*dhiratthu taṃ janapadaṃ yattha itthi pariṇāyikā.*"

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"Cursed by the dart of love that works men pain,
Cursed by the land where women rule supreme,
And cursed the fool that bows to woman's sway."⁶

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⁶ The same thing is told more clearly in the prose portion of the same *Jātaka* "*yaṃ janapadaṃ mātugāmo vicāreti anusāsati so itthi-pariṇāyako janapado garahito va.*"

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There is also a real instance where the throne is handed over to a woman. On the death of king Udaya no king was set up, but the commands of his wife. Udayabhaddā were promulgated and the ministers carried on the administration of the kingdom.⁷ In another story,⁸ a brother gives his own share of the kingdom to his sister, but it is not clear whether the latter was duly crowned. We learn from another story⁹ that when the throne of Benares was left vacant by the king turning a hermit, the people gathered before the palace door and requested the queen to undertake royal duties. All these may be exceptions, but they at least show that women also sometimes took the reins of government in their hands.

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⁷ J., IV, p. 105 "*Añño rājā nahosi, udayabhaddāya eva āṇā pavatti, amaccā rajjaṃ anusā-simsu.*"

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⁸ J., IV, p. 84.

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⁹ J., IV, p.487-G. 314.

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This leads us to the question of election. From what has already been said, an impression might have gained ground, that the matter of succession was wholly and solely in the hands of the king. But this was not always the case. There was the people’s voice, *vox populi*, which became specially uppermost when the question of electing a new successor arose, owing to the lack of a regular heir. On the death of a king of Gandhāra, a prince hailing from Magadha was placed on the vacant throne by the joint will of the citizens and the Courtiers of Takkasilā.¹ The *Pañcagaru Jātaka*² does speak of the same prince as one on whom the kingdom was conferred by the people (*nagaravāsīki*). Elsewhere³ a king while renouncing the world as an ascetic, directs his people to elect a successor. Such a popular voice is also heard from the timely warning given to the vicious prince of the *Ekapaṇṇa Jātaka*:⁴ “The people of this kingdom, dreading what a prince so fierce and passionate may become when king, will not place you on the throne but uproot you like this nimb tree and drive you forth into exile.” It is apparent from all this that the people could, under some circumstances at least, elect a king.⁵ The people’s voice was also effective in cases where kingly rule proved baneful or oppressive. But about this, we shall speak later on, while examining the character of the monarchical rule in general. Let us here carry on the discussion on election to its logical conclusion. And here we come to examine instances where the rule of heredity and primogeniture were done away with, and the question of succession fell in the hands of the ministers and the citizens.

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¹ J., I, p. 399, “*Atha sabbe amaccā ca nāgarā ca ekacchandā hutvā Bodhisattam.... abhisiñcitvā Takkasilārājānaṃ akamsu*”. The phrase *ekacchandā* occurs also, at J., V, 162; *Chhanda*, according to Jayaswal op. cit., I, p. 115, is vote. The learned scholar has rightly recognised the importance of this story from the constitutional point of view. His remarks on this particular point may not be wholly acceptable owing to the obscure nature of the evidence: “This was a referendum of the whole city, and not the city assembly only.” Cf. Sen, op. cit., p. 61.

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² J., I, p 470.

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³ J., V, 187—“*Ahaṃ tumhākaṃ kiñci na homi, attano rājānaṃ gaṇhātha*” See Sen. op. cit., p. 61.

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⁴ J., I, p. 507.

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⁵ We cannot subscribe to Fick’s view that “election by the people as represented in the Vedas and the Epics is nowhere mentioned (in the *Jātakas*)”. Fick, op. cit., p. 125.

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Of course, as a general rule, the deathbed instructions of a monarch regarding succession were followed, if he had left an heir to the throne. But we have instances which show that heredity was often not the sole support by which a prince could get on to the throne. He was thoroughly examined by the ministers and if found worthy and capable, then only he was declared fit for kingship. Thus the *Gāmaṇicaṇḍa Jātaka*⁶ relates how the ministers, after they had performed the funeral ceremonies with great eclat and made funeral gifts, met in the palace and told the prince that he, being rather young, could only be consecrated to the throne after he had satisfied their tests pertaining to the administration of justice. In another *Jātaka*,¹ a king of Benares leaves behind a stupid son, an idle lazy loafer. The Courtiers (*amacce*) hold a trial to test his worth before consecrating him to the throne. At the end they find that the prince was a blind fool:

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