The State in Ancient India: A Study in the Structure and Practical Working of Political Institutions in North India in Ancient Times c14.17
The State in Ancient India: A Study in the Structure and Practical Working of Political Institutions in North India in Ancient Times c14.17
- Language
- English
c14.17
“What may have been practised by the virtuous, by such twice-born men as are devoted to the law, that he (the king) shall establish as law, if it be not opposed to the (customs of) countries, families and castes.” Clearly, local and communal custom must always be respected and for the rest, sound tradition should have its way. Elsewhere, too, Manu lays down that legal disputes of all sorts should be decided “according to principles drawn from local usages and from the institutes of the sacred law.” Almost in the same breath he advises the judges to depend on “the eternal law” but, in his view, this involves no inconsistency with the observance of local usage.¹ It seems that even when political autonomy was disturbed by imperialistic ambitions, legal autonomy continued in every region. Manu expatiates at length on the ideal,² the majesty³ of the kingship and the need of a firm policy—Daṇḍa or chastisement, but he holds that the king should “behave like a father towards all men” and please all. He is probably reflecting actual practice when he wants the king to regulate the economic life of the community. The king should watch and control traders—‘open cheats.’ He must fix the prices of all marketable goods, mark the weights and measures and re-examine them every six months. The followers of various occupations, mechanics, manual workers come in for state supervision. Physicians or veterinary surgeons, who wrong their patients, must be fined.⁴ Manu again seems to steer close to facts when he insists on the appointment of a learned Brāhmaṇa as the royal priest and of seven or eight ministers. Every day they should be consulted on peace, war, finance, endowments and general administration. The king should consult them first individually and then collectively and ultimately decide for himself. Another official of first-rate importance was the Ambassador, a sort of foreign secretary and plenipotentiary, who negotiated alliances and transacted that business by which kings "are disunited or not." Then there are a number of other officials concerned with mines, manufactures, storehouses, revenue, etc.¹