The Administration of the Sultanate of Dehli c10.9

c10.9

A constructive effort to put this injunction into practice could, perhaps, have resulted in the establishment of representative bodies, but nowhere is the limitation of the Muslim jurists so apparent as in the failure to organize well-defined institutions in accordance with the democratic principles of Islam. Their essentially practical outlook prevented speculation; besides they could not rise above their environment. The physical difficulty of geographical distance, if nothing else, would completely rule out such an effort; still, an unambiguous verse of the Qur'ān could not be lightly dismissed, and, though not given a legal form, it was commended as a moral consideration. A despotic command was not *ipso facto* inoperative or invalid; though the obligation to seek counsel was freely conceded and its exercise advocated, the right to be consulted was neither demanded nor bestowed. During the days of the Republic the caliph consulted the important companions of the Prophet in all their undertakings; but there was no right to tender advice.¹ The caliphs in the capital and their representatives in the provincial cities took the community into confidence by reporting to the state of affairs and explaining the new measures. This practice fell more and more into abeyance; though whenever a cause needed popular support, the pulpit was, and has ever been, used to convass public opinion.² But, for advice in administrative affairs, the monarchs, after the fall of the Republic, turned more and more to their courtiers and servants. Influential and powerful elements were naturally represented at the court; for the government could not be carried on without their co-operation. Even this representation was informal and arbitrary. Its most perfect form was attained under Māmūn when, for the first time, a council of state representing various groups owing allegiance to the caliph was established and given full freedom in the expression of their opinions; but no scientific or democratic method of selecting these representatives was devised.¹ Even this council deteriorated into a synod of divines and doctors of law when the caliphs lost all effective power.² At the court of Dehlī the sovereign was surrounded by the wisest and the most experienced men in the realm; he had wonderful opportunities of seeking advice and counsel and keeping in touch with public opinion; he had to bow before the will of strong elements or in face of widespread opposition; but there were no representative institutions. The ministers, therefore, were just the servants of the crown and responsible only to it. It should not be thought, however, that a minister had no real authority, for his position and powers were well defined by law and sanctified by tradition.