Administrative System of the Marathas c21: Chapter IX. Other Aspects of Administration

Administrative System of the Marathas c21

Language: English

c21.s1 1. The Navy — 9 parts
c21.s2 2. Salary of Naval Officers — 65 parts
c21.s3 6. The Cavalry — 45 parts
c21.s4 11. Postal System and Military Intelligence — 22 parts

Chapter IX. Other Aspects of Administration

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Before concluding we may take a passing notice of the Navy and Army of the Peshwas; a fuller treatment, however, will be reserved for some other place. We may also have a cursory glance at the condition of education in Maharashtra, and the postal system and how it was conducted by the indigenous rulers of the Bombay Presidency before the introduction of the British rule.

1. The Navy

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The Maratha was more familiar with the rugged hills of his native land than with the stormy sea that washed its broken coast. But the genius of Shivaji had early perceived the importance of naval power not only as an effective arm of war, but also as an instrument for the extension of oversea trade. Scott Waring says, "Sevajee in his irregular incursions into the Konkan had beheld with admiration the powerful settlements, for so they must have appeared to him, which had been formed upon the coast. He aspired to participate in so profitable a commerce and while spreading his ravages throughout Konkan, found leisure to add to the fortifications of Rajapoor, Seven-droog and Colaba." And again, "Sevajee from the commencement of his power had justly estimated the value of the maritime possessions and the greater part of his attention had been directed to the attainment of so desirable an object. The completion of his plans was entrusted to Moropant his principal minister." Although he had enough to do on land, he succeeded in organising a fleet, and a Muhammadan officer was placed in charge of Shivaji's navy. It accomplished very little excepting some fighting with the Siddis. In 1670 a large Portuguese ship was captured near Daman by the Maratha fleet.

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The Maratha naval power saw its zenith under the Angrias, but as they were practically independent of the Peshwas, the Angria's fleet does not fall within the scope of this work. Under the Peshwas the navy formed a regular department. It had its headquarters at Vijayadurg and Bassein, and the revenue of several Mahals was granted for the naval establishment. We shall here notice two points only in connection with the naval policy of the Peshwas.

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Long before the birth of Admiral Mahan the Peshwas had realised the necessity of the growth of a commercial navy for the development of naval power and we actually find Balaji Baji Rao seriously thinking of employing trained sailors of merchantmen in times of war on an increased pay,¹ and Madhava Rao II enlisted fifty private Mahagiris in 1774-75.² And although the principle of using hereditary officers or Darakhdars as a check upon their official superiors was at first used in the administration of naval affairs, it had to be given up in recognition of the necessity of undivided command and guidance in the navy. The principle, however, was not abandoned all at once. In a letter of Madhava Rao I (1765-66) to Admiral Ananda Rao Dhulap we find the first recognition of the necessity of undivided command. Madhava Rao I did not recall the Darakhdars of the navy but he appointed Jagannath Narayan the civil head of the navy to supervise and control the work of the Darakhdars on a salary of Rs. 2,000 a year. While the Admiral (*Subhedar* of the *Armar*) was the military head of the navy, the Amin was its civil head; and he was generally responsible for such work as accounts, muster-roll, purchase of provision, etc. It is noteworthy that in this letter mention is made of the naval power of the Europeans. "The Europeans are hostile at sea and negligent men should be removed and really good men should be procured."³

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¹ P. D., Vol. III, pp. 185-87.

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² P. D., Vol. VI, p. 194.

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³ P. D., Vol. IX, pp. 340-341.

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In 1781-82 the second Madhava Rao recalled the Darakhdars of the navy, as admiral Ananda Rao Dhulap could not pull on well with them, and the entire charge of the navy was entrusted to Dhulap.¹ The letter conveying the above order, instructs Ananda Rao to fit out 19 ships; 3 pals, 3 ghurabs, and 13 gallibats, for an expedition.

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¹ P. D., Vol. VI, pp. 195-196.

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The Maratha fleet was generally employed for checking piracy, collecting Zakat from merchant-men coming to and going from Maratha ports, and also for taking possession of wrecks within territorial water. These last belonged as a right to the Peshwa's government, but the English had obtained an exemption by treaty for their own ships as well as for ships belonging to merchants of Bombay. Sovereignty over territorial sea was therefore recognised and exercised. The Admiral granted passports to merchant-men sailing within his jurisdiction.

2. Salary of Naval Officers

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During the administration of Balaji Baji Rao the annual salary of the Admiral was Rs. 1,186 in addition to grain measuring 16½ maunds, while the petty officers and sailors got the following pay:

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| Sar Tandel | ... | ... | Rs. 10 | per month. |
| Tandel | ... | ... | Rs. 7-8 | " |
| Sailor | ... | ... | Rs. 4-8 to 5 | " |

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Some food allowance in kind was also given in addition to money salary, the amount varying with the rank of the man.⁵

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⁵ P. D., Vol. III, pp. 185-187.

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The officers and sailors of the navy were suitably rewarded by the Peshwas for good services in war. Madhava Rao I distributed Rs. 4,250 among officers and sailors of the navy for their services in a war against Haidar Ali. Three officers Damaji Naik Kuveskar, Shivaji Rao Surve and Vithoji Naik Bamvkar got Rs. 300, Rs. 250 and Rs. 200 respectively. Balaji Hari Fadnis received Rs. 500, and Serangs and sailors got Rs. 3,000 in all.⁶

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⁶ P. D., Vol. IX, p. 344.

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The Angrias and other Maratha naval leaders have often been charged with piracy for capturing and detaining vessels of friendly nations that did not sail with their *dastak* or permit. This however was not regarded as an act of piracy by the Marathas. They were not a little guided by Portuguese precedents in their naval affairs, and the Portuguese deemed it necessary to assert their sovereignty of the sea by compelling every vessel to seek and carry their *Cartas*. Not only merchants of friendly nation but friendly potentates like the Sultan of Bijapur and the King of Canara had to secure the previous permission of the Portuguese government before sending their ships on a voyage in the Indian Ocean. The merchants had to pay a fee, which varied according to the capacity of their ships, and to acknowledge the Portuguese right of search before they could obtain a Cartaz. In a letter addressed to the Siddi of Janjira on the 16th of December, 1715, the Portuguese Viceroy pompously asserted, "There is no prince in Asia who is not aware that the Most High and Powerful King of Portugal is the sovereign of the Indian seas and the same is acknowledged by the Great Moghul King and the Magnificent King of Persia inasmuch as their vessels take Cartazes and observe all the conditions mentioned therein."⁷

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⁷ Reis Visinhos, Tomo VII, fols. 26 & 27.

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In another letter addressed to the Siddi fifteen years earlier the Portuguese government had emphasised the same principle by saying, "the Portuguese are the sovereigns of seas and not pirates."⁸ The Marathas could and did advance the same argument.⁹ Moreover, it should not be forgotten that the merchantmen captured by the Portuguese or the Marathas were not necessarily unarmed or unprotected. From the Cartazes published in Biker's monumental collection, it appears that some of the merchantmen that sought and got Cartazes were well armed. A ghurab of Govind Das Nana, a Gujrat merchant, for instance carried nine pieces of artillery.¹⁰ It is therefore clear that they deliberately defied a power claiming sovereignty of the sea when they omitted to procure its *Cartaz* or *dastak*, and if they suffered in consequence they had very little reason to complain.

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⁸ Reis Visinhos, Tomo IV, fol. 28.

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⁹ For a fuller discussion see Sen, Historical Records at Goa.

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¹⁰ Biker, Vol. IV, pp. 186-188.

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3. *The Army*:

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Shivaji's followers were nearly all of them natives of Maharashtra. There was a sprinkling of Muhammadan soldiers and officers in his army, but on the whole it was composed of homogeneous elements capable of being inspired with common ideals and common interests. The great Maratha leader had a distrust for feudal levies, his officers and men were paid directly by him and he carefully refrained from creating fresh fiefs. The Peshwas, on the other hand, relied mainly on feudal forces and divided the whole of the Maratha Empire into a number of military Jagirs. The Sardars or feudal Barons on their part sublet a part of their fiefs to some of their favourites and subordinates in lieu of military service and sub-infeudation resulted with all its concomitant evils. The feudal chiefs were more attentive to their own interests and were absolutely incapable of taking a broad view of the imperial interests. This was the real cause of the interminable civil wars that characterised the closing years of the Maratha Empire. Sindhia was a Sardar of the Peshwa and was in theory bound to render him military service whenever necessary. Khande Rao Hari, better known as Appa Khande Rao, held his fief of the Sindhia and owed his allegiance to him. George Thomas, an Irish adventurer, received his Jagir from Khande Rao Hari and was expected to serve him loyally and faithfully. But Daulat Rao Sindhia did not hesitate to impose his authority on his master the Peshwa, Khande Rao Hari was equally prepared to wage a war against his immediate feudal over lord and master the Sindhia and George Thomas, a foreigner, naturally cared more for his own interests than for his master's welfare. If the feudal lords felt inclined sometimes to fight against the Peshwa, it is no wonder that they were frequently engaged against their neighbours and fellow chiefs. This was detrimental to the solidarity and unity of the empire which they all belonged and which they were supposed to serve. But unfortunately this was not the only defect of the Maratha military system.

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4. Employment of Foreigners :

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Shivaji generally enlisted in his army Marathas of his own race, but in the Peshwa's army were employed men of all races, religions and creeds. Rajputs, Sikhs, Rohillas, Sindhis, Gossains, Karnatakis, Arabs, Abyssinians, Telingas, Bedars and Christian and Shenvi subjects of the Portuguese Government were all welcomed by the Peshwa and his tenants-in-chief. And when conflict with European powers brought home to them the superiority of western discipline and military science, English, French, Portuguese German, Swiss, Italian, American and Armenian adventurers were eagerly employed. They had no common interest with their employers, and the interests of the English officers in the Maratha service were often opposed to those of the state they served. Their intimate knowledge of the country and its defence was therefore used against their former masters when war broke out between the Marathas and the English. Writing about the easy capture of the strong fortress of Koel or Alighar, Thorn remarks—"It should here be observed that the achievement was materially facilitated by the loyal and gallant conduct of Mr. Lucan, a British officer, who had lately quitted the service of Scindiah, to avoid fighting against his country. On joining our army he undertook to lead Colonel Monson to the gate, and point out the road through the fort, which he effected in such a manner as to gain the particular thanks of the commander-in-chief, and the public acknowledgments of the government"¹¹ It was probably to prevent such a betrayal of military secrets that Jaswant Rao Holkar cruelly murdered Majors Vickers, Dodd and Ryan, when they refused to serve against their countrymen. It was natural and honourable on the part of English soldiers to stand by their countrymen in India, but even the French employees in the Maratha army could not always be relied on in a war against the English as Daulat Rao discovered to his cost when Perron and most of his compatriots made their terms with the British government and retired to British territories leaving the trained battalions of Sindhia to be led by their native officers.

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¹¹ Thorn, Memoir of the Campaigns in Hindoostan p. 99.

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It should be noted here that Shivaji had some Portuguese officers in his army.¹² But what exactly was their duty and on what terms they had been employed we do not know. A number of European adventurers had also found employment in the fleet of the celebrated Kanhoji Angria,¹³ long before Mahadaji Sindhia thought of engaging de Boigne. But it should not be forgotten that tempting as the terms offered by the Indian princes were they seldom attracted European officers of real ability. With the exception of de Boigne and Raymond there was not perhaps a single European officer in the Indian armies who could boast of a sound education and military training. Most of them were adventurers of a low type without any character, as Colonel Skinner tersely observed and he had reasons to know ¹⁴ Perron and George Thomas were runaway sailors, but they did not belong properly speaking to the Peshwa's army. The account that Moor gives of Mr. Yvon, who commanded a corps in the service of the Peshwa, is hardly complimentary to the judgment and choice of his employers, if he was the type of the European officers employed by the Poona authorities. Lt. Moor writes of him—

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¹² Biker, Vol. IV, p. 126, Sen, *Historical Records at Goa*, p. 9.

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¹³ Downing.

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¹⁴ Memoir of Skinner.

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"As this gentleman's history is very little, indeed not at all known it will be interesting to many of this detachment to hear some account of him. His name was Evans, and the last place in which he was known by it was at Vellore, where he was quarter-master sergeant of a troop of cavalry of the Madras establishment. At that time which must be twelve or more years previous to his death, he had with him a European woman, supposed to be his wife, who being expert in the art of making pastry, as Evans was at fencing, they lived very comfortably on the profits of their several employments. At length, in consequence of a dispute with his superior, Evans and wife left Vellore clandestinely, and were never more heard of by his corps until the time of which we are now speaking. His employment for several years is not known, but after a considerable

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lapse of time, we find him in an inferior station in the corps that he latterly commanded. In a former war between the Mahrattas and Tippoo, we believe it was at the siege of Badamy his gallantry and good conduct were so conspicuous, that a vacancy happening, he was appointed to command the corps, and his former companion being dead, he married a native Christian, it appears chiefly from gratitude, for attentions and kindnesses to him when wounded and on other occasions." ¹³ We are further informed by Moor that the dues of Evans from the Poona government amounted to forty thousand Rupees at the time of his death. What his pay was we do not know, and as the Maratha government was very irregular in its payment, the sum, most probably, represented more than 12 month's salary.

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¹³ Moor, A Narrative of the Operations of Captain Little's Detachment, pp. 26, 27

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Evans had under him about fifty Europeans of different nationalities. He served in the Peshwa's army during the administration of Madhava Rao II. His successor Baji Rao II was more fortunate in his European officers. He appointed Colonel J. R. Boyd, an American, to command a regiment of trained infantry, the numerical strength of which was 1,683.

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One of Boyd's colleagues in the Peshwa's service was William Henry Tone, brother of the famous Irish rebel, Theobald Wolfe Tone, who had like his American commander served in the Nizam's army before joining the Peshwa's forces. The European adventurers who came to India changed their masters very frequently. A monthly account of the salary expenses of Boyd's Regiment has been published in the fifth volume of the Peshwas' Diaries.¹⁸ Boyd is there wrongly described as Mr. Bight, an Englishman. His regiment of trained infantry cost the Peshwa Rs. 26,242 a month and the officers and men were paid at the following rate:

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¹⁸ P. D., Vol. V. pp. 184-187.

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6 Tambarchis ¹⁷ Rs. 120 at the rate of Rs. 20 each. 6 Pipers ... Rs. 150 at the rate of Rs. 20 each. 2 Cymbals beaters Rs. 40 at the rate of Rs. 20 each. 5 Standard bearers ... Rs. 60 at the rate of Rs. 12 each. 7 Drummers ... Rs. 84 at the rate of Rs. 12 each. 3 Karkuns (clerks) Rs. 120 at the rate of Rs. 40 each. 14 Bhistis (water carriers) ... Rs. 84 at the rate of Rs. 6 each. 6 Torch bearers Rs. 36 at the rate of Rs. 6 each. 7 Scouts ... Rs. 49 at the rate of Rs. 7 each. 2 Shield bearers Rs. 12 at the rate of Rs. 6 each.

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¹⁷ The beater of a Tambura or small Turkish guiter.

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*Artillery:*

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8 Portuguese ... Rs. 480 at the rate of Rs. 60 each. 2 Jamadars ... Rs. 60 at the rate of Rs. 30 each. 2 Havaldars ... Rs. 36 at the rate of Rs. 18 each. 42 Golandaz ... Rs. 504 at the rate of Rs. 12 each.

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24 Khalasis ... Rs. 240 at the rate of Rs. 10 each.

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9 Carpenters ... Rs. 102 at the rate of Rs. 12(5) and Rs. 10-8-0 (4 men) each.

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8 Blacksmiths... Rs. 88 at the rate of Rs. 11 each.

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10 Beldars ... Rs. 80 at the rate of Rs. 8 each. (stone cutters)

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5 Tabeldars ¹⁸ ... Rs. 45 at the rate of Rs. 9 each.

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¹⁸ A hewer of wood, the word is generally understood as a lascar or clashee following a camp.—Molesworth.

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*The New Regiment.*

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1 Captain ... Rs. 450.

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2 Lieutenants... Rs. 500 at the rate of Rs. 250 each.

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1 Sergeant ... Rs. 90.

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4 Subhedars ... Rs. 200 at Rs. 50 each.

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5 Jamadars ... Rs. 150 at Rs. 30 each.

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32 Havaldars ... Rs. 576 at Rs. 18 each.

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7 Naiks ... Rs. 84 at Rs. 12 each.

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7 Tambarchis... Rs. 140 at Rs. 20 each.

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6 Pipers ... Rs. 120 at Rs. 20 each.

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1 Cymbal beater Rs. 20.

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12 Bhistis ... Rs. 72 at Rs. 6 each.

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484 Sepoys ... Rs. 4,356 at Rs. 9 each.

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20 Portuguese Musketeers Rs. 800 at Rs. 40 each.

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10 Drummers ... Rs. 120 at Rs. 12 each.

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5 Karkuns ... Rs. 200 at Rs. 40 each. 4 Torchbearers Rs. 24 at Rs. 6 each. 1 Jamadar of Sowars ... Rs. 55. 15 Sowars ... Rs. 525 at Rs. 35 each.

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*Artillery.* 6 Havaldars ... Rs. 108 at Rs. 18 each. 24 Golandaz ... Rs. 288 at Rs. 12 each. 12 Khalasis ... Rs. 120 at Rs. 10 each. 2 Daruwalas ... Rs. 60 at Rs. 30 each. (Powder suppliers) 2 Chaudharis ... Rs. 20 at Rs. 10 each. 7 Carters ... Rs. 49 at Rs. 7 each. 8 Beldars ... Rs. 64 at Rs. 8 each. 3 Tabeldars ... Rs. 27 at Rs. 9 each. 1 Jamadar who supervises the workshop ... Rs. 30. 7 Blacksmiths Rs. 77 at Rs. 11 each. 4 Chambhars ... Rs. 24 at Rs. 6 each. (leather workers) 2 Karkuns Ramchandra Krishna } Rs. 300 at the rate of Apaji Chimnaji } Rs. 150 each.

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Grand Total Rs. 26,242.

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It is needless to say that the native Maratha officers or Jagirdars were not so well paid. Mahipat Rao Kavde was granted in the year 1762-63 a Saranjam of Rs. 6,25,000 for maintaining a force of 2,500 Sowars. His salary including all sorts of allowance was fixed at Rs. 25,000 a year while Boyd was appointed thirty-three years later on a salary of Rs. 36,000 a year though the Regiment he commanded was much smaller. Of course the feudal chief generally managed to make more than a legitimate profit by avoiding his legal obligations, but we should not forget that a horseman did as a rule get a better salary than his brother in the infantry. The Portuguese officers in the Peshwa's employ were also more liberally treated. In 1789-90 a Portuguese soldier called "Musa Almel" (?) was appointed to the command of a small unit of twenty-five men and he received a monthly salary of Rs. 155. The Indians serving under him got Rs. 9 only per month, while their native Christian and Portuguese colleagues got Rs. 15 and Rs. 25 respectively.

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5. *The Arabs:*

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Of the Asiatics in the Maratha army the most favoured, so far as pay was concerned, were the Arabs. Baji Rao II had a large number of these foreigners in his army as we are informed by men like Blacker and Prinsep who had opportunities to know. Blacker tells us that "Every substantive Native Power had a portion of these troops." ¹⁹ And Prinsep writes : ²⁰ "It may be proper to mention, as a proof of the estimation in which the Arabs are held as soldiers by the native powers, the rate of pay they received in the Peshwa's army in comparison with natives of other countries.

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¹⁹ Blacker, p. 21.

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²⁰ Prinsep, Vol. II, p. 160.

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Arabs, natives of Arabia... 15 Rupees a month. Their descendants born in the country ... 10 Rupees a month. Hindoostanees (the same as our sepoys) ... 8 Rupees a month. Mahrattas and Dukhunees 6 Rupees a month."

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This certainly betrays a most deplorable state of things. A state that looks towards foreigners for its defence and relies on foreign mercenaries in times of war can hardly be considered a stable one. For the foreign mercenaries, who constituted the majority of the Maratha infantry, both trained and untrained, could be inspired by one motive only, *viz.*, that of self-aggrandisement. It is noteworthy that most of the murderers of the young Peshwa, Narayan Rao belonged to this class. Tone, who had personal knowledge of the Pardesis, gave them the worst possible character. "They are more soldiers of fortune," he wrote, "and serve only for their pay: they migrate from Hindustan to the Deckan for service where they are called Pardesis or strangers : they have no idea of patriotism or love of their country, but would plunder their native village without pang."

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When exactly these foreigners first found their way into the Maratha army we do not know. There is documentary evidence that some Arabs were employed on a salary of Rs. 11 per month as early as 1742 during the administration of Balaji Baji Rao.¹ It was probably when the Marathas first established their authority on the northern banks of the Nurbudda that the necessity of a strong body of infantry was for the first time felt for the reduction of forts and strongholds in that quarter. And as the Marathas as a rule preferred to serve in the cavalry, foreigners like Rajputs, Sikhs, Rohillas, Sindhis and Arabs had to be recruited for this new service and to induce them to enlist in large numbers attractive terms had to be offered.

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¹ P. D., Vol. III, p. 165.

6. The Cavalry

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Before the introduction of the European methods in the Maratha army its main strength lay in the cavalry. The Peshwa maintained his personal force or Khasgi paga and the whole country was divided among Saranjamis or Jagirdars on military tenure. According to a paper published in the Kavyetihas Sangraha the principal Maratha leaders received Jagirs to the value mentioned against their name for maintaining a stipulated number of Sowars (horsemen).

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| | Sowars. | For a Jagir of |
| Malhar Rao Holkar | ... 22,000 | 95 lakhs. |
| Ananda Rao Pawar | ... 15,000 | 45 " |
| Patwardhans : | | |
| Chintaman Pandurang | | |
| and Gangadhar Govind | 3,000 | 11 " |
| Parshuram Ramchandra | 1,500 | 6½ " |
| Kurundvadkar | 300 | 2½ " |
| Pratinidhi | ... 5,000 | 14 " |
| Rastia | ... 3,000 | 21 " |
| Ghorpade of Mudhol | ... 800 | 4 " |
| Panse | ... Artillery | 3½ " |
| Throat | ... 500 | 1½ " |
| Bhapkar | ... 150 | 60 thous. |
| Nana Fadnavis | ... 700 | 4½ lakhs. |
| Tryambakrao Pethe | ... 1,200 | 7½ " |
| Raja of Akalkot | ... 1,000 | 4½ " |
| Sultan Rao | ... 500 | 1½ " |
| Purandare | ... 300 | 2,32,000 |

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The paper need not be quoted in full. It is noteworthy that while the Holkar enjoyed a Jagir of 95 lakhs for maintaining a force of 22,000 horse, Ananda Rao Pawar got a Jagir of 45 lakhs only for a force of 15 thousand. The Saranjami was usually a man of approved service and wide military experience. He was informed how many horsemen he was expected to bring to the field. In his Sanad his personal allowance including all usual items was clearly mentioned as well as the salary he was to pay to each of his Sowar. This varied from Rs. 250 to Rs. 300 a year. He was also expected to look after the civil administration of his Jagir and to provide for its agricultural improvement. The clerical work of the army under him was done by a number of Darakhdars appointed by the Peshwa, but paid out of the Jagir of the Saranjami or fief holder. Thus in the Sanad granted to Mahipat Rao Kavde in 1762-63 we read that he was to employ the undermentioned civil officers at the following annual salary²²:—

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²² P.D., Vol. IX, pp. 310-314.

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| | | Rs. per year. |
| Diwan | ... | ... 5,000 |
| Khasnis | ... | ... 5,000 |
| Fadnis | ... | ... 950 |
| Sabnis | ... | ... 400 |
| Daftardar | ... | ... 500 |
| Chitnis | ... | ... 400 |
| Parasnis | ... | ... 250 |
| Jamdar | ... | ... 300 |
| Potnis | ... | ... 400 |

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The incumbents of these offices were all mentioned by name and Mahipatrao was expected to bring his force for a general muster each year and to receive an acknowledgment after the Sowars had been counted:

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The Shiledars obtained an advance called *Nalbandi* for preliminary expenses and we learn from a document of Balaji Baji Rao's time that horses were divided into three classes according to their price. "A horse worth Rs. 400 should be classed as superior, that worth Rs. 200 as middling and that worth Rs. 100 as inferior. Any horse worth less than Rs. 100 should not be counted in the muster. A horse classed as superior but having a bad rider should not be counted in the muster."²⁵

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²⁵ P. D., Vol. III, p. 183, Parasnis's Summary.

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A cavalry regiment was generally served by a number of attendants, and that under Ranoji Bhonsle had no less than 5 Karkuns and 181 attendants though its fighting strength was 700. There were in this regiment, 9 Rikibdars (stirrup holders), 5 Farriers, 8 Camel-drivers, 4 Khijmatgars, 3 Musicians, 2 Scouts, 5 Kothavales (store-keepers), 2 Jamdars (wardrobe keepers), 13 Bhois (palanquin-bearers) 2 Saddlers, 1 Washerman, 2 Macebearers, 1 Leather-worker, 1 Sweeper, 2 Drummers, 4 Messengers, 1 Torch-bearer, 1 Barber, 1 Tailor, 7 Water-carriers, 2 Sunshade-bearers, 2 Trumpeters, 4 Mahatgadkaris (elephant drivers) 1 Potdar, and 99 Grooms. These non-combatants were paid very little by the Peshwas' government and there is reason to believe that they were not very regularly paid, for the army was always in arrears and the Peshwa and his chief officers were frequently subjected to *Dharna*, an extreme form of dunning, by the discontented soldiers.

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In granting Saranjam the Peshwas took care to place rival chiefs in the same area and to make some use of their mutual jealousy. Govind Pant Bundele, the founder of the Sagar family, was used as a check on the Bhonsla of Nagpur. The revenue of Malwa was divided among the Sindhia, the Holkar and the Pawar, the Peshwa retaining a share for himself. Thus the grant of Saranjams in conquered territories stimulated the spirit of conquest, and the division of the revenue was calculated by the Peshwa to check any undue increase of the Sardars' power, and at the same time to secure co-operation by unity of interest. But the Peshwas failed to secure the last result. For Sardars like Sindhia and Holkar grew more and more powerful, and although grave national dangers rallied them to the Peshwa's side, the feudal tendency and individual jealousy ultimately led to the disruption of the empire. The Sindhia fought against the Holkar, the Bhonsla of Nagpur levied *Ghasdana* on the Peshwas' subjects, and constant war resulted in public insecurity. This was the real source of weakness of the Maratha empire.

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7. *A career open to all* :

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One point however should be noted here. In the Maratha army, a career was open to every man of ability, and every soldier carried a Marshal's baton in his knapsack, and many Sardars, like Napoleon's generals, rose from very low position. Says an English writer about Napoleon's Marshals, "Those men who under the Emperor are the greatest in the country have been the one a waiter, the next a wine-smuggler, the next a cooper of barrels, and the next a house painter. Those are the trades which gave us Murat, Massena, Ney and Lannes." Of the Maratha Sardars Ranoji Sindhia was the slipper-bearer of the Peshwa, Malhar Rao Holkar was a goatherd, Govindpant Bundele, a cook. Balaji Vishvanath, the founder of the Peshwa family, was a village clerk and the ancestor of the Ramdurgkars was a domestic servant. Fate Sing, Raja of Akalkot, can be regarded as a foundling. This similarity between the French army under Napoleon I and the Maratha army under the Peshwas, however, is extremely superficial. The latter lacked the solidarity and discipline that characterised the former.

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Darakhdars held their hereditary office in the army of Saranjamis as a check upon them. But as the Saranjams were generally hereditary, this method proved of little effect.

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8. *The Pendharis:*

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The policy of the Maratha rulers accentuated the hardships of war instead of mitigating it. Over and above the regular soldiers, Pendharis in large number were allowed to accompany the army on every expedition,—in return of a tax called *Palpatti*. These Pendharis were authorised robbers, and plunder was their only profession. They shared their spoils with the government (the tax amounted to 25 p. c. of their booty) and had no consideration for their friends or fellow-countrymen. Sometimes even Hindu temples were not spared. One instance of their sacrilegious depredation will suffice. Nilkanth Appaji wrote to Bala Saheb of Miraj on the 23rd April of 1791 during the second expedition against Tipu:—"The Lamans and Pendharis of Dada Saheb's army plundered the temple of Shri Shankaracharya at Shringeri, and took elephants and other property worth several lakhs of rupees in all; and yesterday brought their spoils to a place about two miles from the camp."²³ When Shri Shankaracharya's temple was not secure from the Pendharis of the Peshwa's army, we may easily guess what little security private property of ordinary people had. The Brahmans were sometimes protected by Sardars of high position, but we do not think that their protection had much effect against these professional robbers. The Siddis of Janjira also sent "chortas" or authorised thieves to rob the Peshwa's subjects, and although these were ruthlessly punished when caught, the Peshwa's government could afford but little protection against depredations of the feudal army. This, and not the corruption of the Maratha officers, was the weakest point in the Maratha government. The whole situation has been so nicely summarised by Tone, that an extract from his letter will bear quotation here. "In a country such as this where revolutions are so common, the great spur to industry, that of security is taken away; the Rayat who cultivates his grounds this year, is by no means sure of possessing them the next, or if he should, it is highly probable that in a Government that holds its supremacy only by sword, some large detachment may be quartered by the neighbourhood; than which a greater blow cannot be given to industry; for a Maratha army are more indefatigable and destructive than myriads of locusts. The property of friends and enemies falls equally a prey to their indistinguishing depredations.

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²³ Khare, *Aitihasik Lekha Sangraha*, Vol. IX, p. 4474.

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Hence it is that no man raises more than barely serves him and the produce of the year is just equivalent to its consumption."

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We will again turn to the army. When wounded the men and officers were well attended to and rewarded. When killed in action, their children if of age were taken into the Peshwa's service, if minor, enjoyed a liberal pension until they should come of age and enter the army. Higher officers were encouraged by grant of Saranjam, Jaripatka, and similar honours. Some of the government "Kurans" or grasslands were set aside for the cavalry, and village artisans like the Chambhar, the Lohar and the Sutar were sometimes requisitioned for professional work in the cavalry. When disciplined battalions officer-ed by Europeans came into fashion, the Peshwa also decided to maintain two battalions. These battalions or kampus did not lag behind their undisciplined brethren in the matter of plunder. The depredation committed by a kampu under one Dalton Saheb is mentioned in more than one letter.²³

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²³ Rajwade, Vol. X.

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9. Forts:

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The Maratha forts were in the Peshwa days of the same primitive type as in the time of Shivaji. "In the art of fortification," Blacker observes, "the Natives of India are still less advanced. In this country, it is in the same state as it was in Europe before the introduction of the regular systems. Even though some judicious works have been constructed by European engineers for Indian powers, they appear to have neither imitated the example nor appreciated its superiority. They place their reliance more in a strong profile than in a judicious plan." As a consequence, impregnable as these strongholds appeared to the Indian armies, they could offer but little resistance to the superior military science of the west.

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Generally, the revenue of some villages was granted for maintaining these forts and their garrison. The pay of an ordinary soldier serving in a fort was about seven Rupees and he was paid for eleven months only though he was expected to serve for twelve months. When he lived in the fort with his family, he got an extra allowance. The pay of the Sabnis, the Karkhannis, the Havaldar and the Sarnobat varied with the importance of the fort under their charge. In the year 1763-64 the Havaldar and the Sarnobat of Fort Bahula got Rs. 125 each per year while the Sabnis and the Fadnis were paid at the rate of Rs. 200; the Subhedar got Rs. 250 per year. The Havaldars of Chawand and Ahmadnagar, however, got Rs. 360 and 300 respectively.

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As in the days of Shivaji no officer enjoyed undivided supreme authority in the fort. Surety was, as before, taken at the time of enlisting the garrison as well as the officers. The salary of the Karkhannis was so low that we learn from a letter of Balaji Baji Rao's time that in 1750-51 the Karkhannis of fort Trigodi found it impossible to serve on the old pay and he was replaced by a new man on a higher salary, *vis.*, Rs. 100 a year.²⁴

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²⁴ P. D., Vol. III, p. 191.

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All the important forts were furnished with some pieces of artillery, the heavy guns were cleaned once a year and the smaller pieces more frequently.²⁵ There was also a Darukhana or magazine as well as an Ambarkhana or granary in each fort. Old grains were sold out at intervals at the market price and new grains were stored. Towards the close of the Peshwa period the Arabs were largely employed for garrisoning the more important forts of the Maratha empire. Sir Thomas Munro tells us that some small strongholds in the Karnatak were garrisoned by hereditary servants enjoying rent-free land in lieu of their service. Their commander alone was appointed by the state, such an arrangement, it is superfluous to say, could not be conducive to discipline or efficiency.

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²⁵ P. D., Vol. III, p. 191.

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10. *The Artillery* :

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The artillery formed a separate department and was generally manned and officered by the Portuguese and Indian Christians. The pay of an ordinary Portuguese gunner varied from Rs. 15 to Rs. 30 per month during the administration of Balaji Baj Rao as a letter addressed to Shripat Rao Bapuji ²⁸ in 1753-54 shows: "The following artillerymen are sent to you. They should be paid on the first day of each month at the following rate :

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²⁸ P. D., Vol. III, p. 177.

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Joki (Joachim ?) Rs. 30. Manik (Manuk ?) Rs. 25. Pharasis Rudrak (Francisco Rodrigues?) Rs. 12-8. Jacob Rujel (Rozario?) Rs. 12-8. Malakmalkar(?) Rs. 15. Manvel (Manoel ?) Rs. 15."

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The Peshwas had their own factories for manufacturing cannons and cannon balls. Captain William Gordon writes on June 30th, 1739: "I visited the foundry, where I saw many coehorns and bomb shells said to have been cast there, and a form of a thirteen-inch mortar. I was told they make such with great ease, and have learned the art of running iron for making shot." ²⁷ Tone says of Sindhia's firelocks, "His are very excellent ones far superior to the ordinary European arms to be met with in the Bazars." A cannon-ball factory was established at Ambegavan near Votur in Prant Junnar in 1765-66 and a new factory was established at Poona four years later for manufacturing cannons. Unfortunately the Marathas relied mainly on the English and the Portuguese for the supply of artillery and munitions. Maratha officers were often commissioned to purchase these from Bombay ²⁸ while the Portuguese undertook to supply the Peshwa with artilleries of the latest type.²⁹

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²⁷ Forrest, Maratha Series, Vol. I, p. 97.

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Lt. Moor was of opinion that the park of artillery was more of a source of weakness than strength to a Maratha army on march. The following account of the park of artillery from the pen of Major Dirom is of very great interest : "The park of artillery, where all their guns are collected, made an extraordinary appearance. The gun-carriages, in which they trust to the solidity of the timber, and use but little iron in their construction, are clumsy beyond belief; particularly the wheels, which are low, and formed of large solid pieces of wood united. The guns are of all sorts and dimensions; and having the names of their gods given to them, are painted in the most fantastic manner; and many of them, held in esteem for the services they are said to have already performed for the state, cannot now be dispensed with, although in every respect unfit for use. Were the guns even serviceable, the small supply of ammunition with which they are provided has always effectually prevented the Maratha artillery from being formidable to there enemies. * * On a marching day, the guns......move off soon after daylight......the guns and tumbrels, sufficiently unwieldy without further burden, are so heaped with stores and baggage that there does not seem to be any idea of its ever being necessary to unlimber, and prepare for action on the march. As there are no pioneers attached to the Maratha artillery to repair the roads, this deficiency is compensated by an additional number of cattle, there being sometimes a hundred or a hundred and fifty bullocks, in a string of pairs to one gun.³⁰ The European officers who saw the Maratha artillery in operation had all of them a very poor opinion of the men who served it.

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³⁰ Dirom, A Narrative of the Campaign in India, 1792, pp. 11-12.

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The artillery department had also its contingent of Darakhdars as the Sabnis and the Fadnis for its account and clerical work.

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Space will not permit a more detailed treatment of the Maratha military system here, but it will not be out of place to take note of one significant change in the character of the Maratha leaders. They were no longer the hardy simple warriors who could rightly call the saddle their home. When Shivaji led his army to the Carnatak he had with him only two rough small tents, one for himself and the other for his ministers. But the Maratha chiefs who accompanied Sadashiv Rao to the fatal field of Panipat needed like the Mughal officers of Aurangzib costly tents, splendid equipments and comforts and luxuries of all sorts. Even the followers of the homeless Raghoba could not do without a certain amount of pomp and splendour. Forbes writes—"The Maratha cavaliers of distinction frequently ornament their saddles with the bushy tails of the Thibet cows, as also the horse's head. On one side an attendant carries a rich umbrella, called an aftaphgere, generally of velvet, embroidered with gold; on the other, is a man with a large fan, or chouree, formed of the tail of the wild cow from Thibet, covered with long flowing hair, delicately white, and soft as silk: the handle is gold or silver, sometimes studded with jewels........ The cruppers, martingales and bridles of the horses, are ornamented, according to the rank and wealth of the owner, with gold or silver plates, knobs, coins, and a variety of decorations: the tails of the grey horses are frequently dyed of a red and orange colour, and the manes plaited with silk and ribbands, interspersed with silver roses :...... The great men have also servants with gold and silver staves of rich workmanship running before them, called chopdars and assaburdars: a sort of heralds, who sing their praises, and proclaim their titles in the hyperbolic style of the east :... The magnificence of the Indian tents, pavilions, and summinianas, or canopy far exceeds anything of the kind in Europe...... The Mahrattas seem to prefer their tents to houses, and enjoy more pleasure in a camp than a city." ³¹

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³¹ Forbes, Oriental Memoirs, Vol. II. pp. 41-44.

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Shivaji could not countenance the introduction of women into the camp on any account, and he had made it a capital offence. But in the Peshwa days not only the feudal chiefs but even the ordinary horsemen were accompanied by their womenfolk and dancing girls, jugglers and fakirs all flocked to the Maratha camp as a good place of business. Lt. Moor writes, "The number of women with this army (Parsharam Bhau Patwardhan's) could they be at all accurately computed, would not be believed; our estimate so far exceeds the bounds of probability, at least strangers would deem it so, that we are afraid to give it." ³² In the market place or camp bazar not only necessaries of life but commodities of all descriptions found customers. "Raghoba's encampment" Forbes informs us, "covered a space of many square miles; the bazar or market place, belonging to his own division, and to the principal generals, contained many thousand tents, where every trade and profession was carried on with as much regularity as in a city. Goldsmiths, jewellers, bankers, drapers, druggists, confectioners, carpenters, tailors, tent-makers, corn-grinders, and farriers, found employments; as did whole rows of silver, iron, and copper smiths;³³ the bazar did not lack wine-stalls as we learn from Broughton, and votaries of Comus had no grievance. It is needless to say that the non-combatants in a Maratha army far exceeded the combatants.

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³² Moor, Little's Detachment, p. 29.

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³³ Forbes, Oriental Memoirs, Vol. II, p. 48.

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The army was further encumbered by a large number of animals, deemed unnecessary in Shivaji's time. "The number and variety of cattle necessarily attendant on an Asiatic army is astonishing;" writes a European eye-witness, "there were at least two hundred thousand in the Maratha camp of every description; the expense of feeding these animals, as also the difficulty of procuring provender, is very great; and their distress for water in a parched country and sultry climate, often fatal. Exclusive of the Mahratta cavalry trained to war, were many thousand horses belonging to the camp-followers; the bazar alone required twenty thousand bullocks to convey the commodities of the shop-keepers, besides a number of small horses and asses. Some thousand camels were employed to carry the tents and baggage; but the elephants, proud of their distinguished elevation, were appropriated to some honourable service, or covered with caparisons of embroidered velvets and scarlet cloth, decorated with gold and silver fringe, were destined to carry the houdahs of Ragobah and his chief officers with majestic pace to join the princely retinue on state occasions." ³⁴

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³⁴ Forbes, Oriental Memoirs, Vol. II, p. 54.

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This vast horde of men, women, children and cattle relied for a steady and regular supply of grains on the Brinjaras, a hardy tribe of nomads and brave carriers who plied the double trade of plunderers and corn-dealers. They did not hesitate to procure their merchandise by force when it could not be obtained by honourable purchase and were always prepared to take an active part in the military operations of their warlike customers.

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It is needless to say that the vast feudal army of the Peshwas could not be mobilised at a moment's notice. The Feudal chiefs were scattered all over the empire, and when an urgent summons reached them they were not always able to hasten to the Peshwa's standard. Ambitious and powerful chiefs like the Sindhia found it necessary to maintain a big army, but the lesser barons found it profitable to employ in times of peace as few horsemen as possible. The Peshwa, moreover, was unable to finance a military expedition and the feudal chiefs had to find money for themselves. It appears that very few Maratha chiefs had a surplus or reserve fund to fall upon and on such occasions they had to rely on moneylenders. It is on this account that rich bankers like Gokul Parekh could rise to the position of Daulat Rao Sindhia's principal minister.³⁵ When the war was over the Peshwa's government had to grant fresh Jagirs to the feudal chief to pay off the debt he had incurred in the service of the state. This however led to numerous and interminable altercations between the feudal Barons and the audit officers of the Peshwa. The ultimate result was invariably an addition to the feudal chief's Jagir and consequent increase of his power. The process went on till in the closing years of the Maratha empire, the ruling Peshwa had very little power or prestige left. The personal defects of the last Peshwa did to a certain extent contribute to this result, but it was not a little due to the inherent defects of the system.

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³⁵ Imperial Records Nomenclature, 1814, Vol. 129, p. 107.

11. Postal System and Military Intelligence

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There was no regular postal department under the Peshwas. The work of military intelligence and what postal work there was, were entrusted to *Jasuds* and *Harkaras*. They were not only good runners, but intelligent men, well acquainted with roads, resourceful and brave. While on duty, public officers in villages on their way were expected to help them in their journey; and sometimes letters to that effect were addressed to the Patil and the Kulkarni. Major Broughton, a hostile critic, is very eloquent in his praise of the Harkaras. "These Hirkuras," says he, "are a most active and useful set of men: their business is to obtain information, to act as guides, and convey letters or messages: they are always well acquainted with the country, its roads, passes through hills or across rivers; and are so generally useful, that, like the ancient heralds, they are looked upon as privileged, and allowed to pass unmolested where other travellers would be in the utmost danger. They are often sent to great distances, and are absent for many months; when they must necessarily be subjected to the greatest hardships, in a country where there are no inns, and when the inhabitants of many provinces subsist entirely by plunder." Sometimes the Jasuds were paid at the high rate of Rs. 3 per day, they were known to cover the whole distance from Maheshwar to Delhi in thirteen days.

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*12. Education:*

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Like the postal department, the Peshwas did not organise any department of public instruction. Learning was indirectly encouraged by Dakshana grants to scholars. Originally instituted by the Dabhades, this system was continued by the Peshwas after the fall of that family. Scholars from all parts of India were attracted to Poona by this money reward, and the metropolis of the Peshwas soon became distinguished as a great seat of Sanskrit learning. Misuse of such a system however was bound to set in, and what was originally meant for scholars alone, was extended to Brahmans in general. Peshwa Madhava Rao I tried to put a check to indiscriminate distribution of Dakshana. Scott Waring says, "In the reign of the great Peshwa Madhava Rao it was ordained that the learned Pandits and Shastries should undergo an examination at the palace by the Head Pandit and should there receive gifts proportionate to their qualifications and knowledge." The last Peshwa Baji Rao II spent about four lakhs of Rupees annually in Dakshana grants. In his time indolent Brahmans, and professional beggars of that caste, again began to take a share in the Dakshana. After the annexation of the Peshwa's territories to the British dominions, Mr. Elphinstone maintained a Pathshala for imparting Sanskrit learning at Poona out of the Dakshana grant. The Pathshala no longer exists, but the grant still survives in the form of Dakshana fellowships in certain Colleges of the Bombay Presidency.

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*13. Library:*

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The Peshwas tried to procure old manuscripts for their library and get others copied. In the year 1747-48, Balaji Baji Rao procured no less than thirty-six manuscripts of religious books from Udaipur.³⁶ He also bought fifteen other manuscripts in 1755-66.³⁷ In 1765-66, the first Madhava Rao granted a monthly expenditure of Rs. 31 for an establishment for making copies of old books.³⁸

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³⁶ P. D., Vol. II, pp. 199-201.

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³⁷ P. D., Vol. II, p. 207.

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³⁸ P. D., Vol. VII, pp. 328-329.

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*14. Medicine:*

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The study of medicine was encouraged by grants of Inam lands to eminent physicians. They were further encouraged to distribute medicine gratis. No distinction of caste and creed was in this respect made. Among the grantees, we find mention of Hindu and Muham-madan physicians and of a Portuguese Missionary doctor.³⁹ It appears that physicians also got an annual Dakshana.⁴⁰

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³⁹ P. D., Vol. II, pp. 129-134.

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⁴⁰ Peshwanchi Bakhar, p. 55.

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In some respects the administrative institutions of the Peshwas were certainly as good as those of contemporary Europe; in other respects better. The temperance measures of the Peshwas were so successful that Wellington had to lay special stress on the necessity for making special arrangements for the supply of wine in a future Maratha campaign, in his Despatches. The soundness of their currency policy can also be proved by an extract from Wellington's Despatches. The attitude of the Maratha government towards the currency of the country was almost neutral; the English government tried to fix an exchange rate, and the result was described by Wellington as follows: "Much inconvenience has been occasioned in the general and regimental Bazars in consequence of the orders of Government of the 27th December relating to the exchange of money. This morning (3rd January, 1799), only one Shroff appeared in camp, and all the business of the Bazars was stopped." The Maratha officers, so much condemned by European writers for corrupt practices, were perhaps not much worse than the European officers in the Company's service. In Wellington's Despatches alone, we find that a Captain and a Lieutenant-Colonel were charged with and convicted of committing embezzlement; a Lieutenant was found guilty of purchasing a stolen horse; and two Lieutenants were convicted of committing violence in the Bazar.¹

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