Gorakhnath and the Kanphata Yogis c6: Chapter Two: The Order

Gorakhnāth and the Kānphaṭa Yogīs c6

Language: English

Chapter Two: The Order

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GORAKHNĀTHĪS claim that they receive none but the twice-born into their order.¹ This position is not quite clear, however, for some Yogīs admit that Śūdras are received.² Oman reported low caste recruits³ and said that they admitted every description of people.⁴ Wilson made a similar report.⁵ In some parts of the Panjab low castes are admitted and menials are called ‘Camarwā.’⁶ And it was reported in 1901 that they admit anyone, that even a Musalmān may become a Yogī.⁷ At Dhinodhar, orphans, children of destitute persons, lazy and disheartened men, even old men, the indolent and those afflicted with domestic troubles are admitted;⁸ but recruits are chiefly from the Shepherd (Rabari) caste. The abbot in 1838 was Warnāth of that caste.⁹ Formerly in Kacch Dheḍs were admitted to the order, and one pīr of the monastery was Meghnāth, of that caste; however, the practice was discontinued and Meghwāls, or Dheḍs, were denied admittance.¹⁰ At Gorakh-mandi they recruit from most Hindu castes, but ostensibly receive neither Christians, Musalmāns nor Dheḍs.¹¹ Kāṇthaḍ-nāthīs recruit from Ahīrs, Rājputs and others.¹² At Ṭilla candidates are drawn chiefly from Khatris, Aroras and Brāhamans.¹³ It is probable that caste distinctions are to a great extent ignored.¹ In some places they receive boys whom parents have promised to Yogīs in fulfilment of vows.²

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¹ *RTCP*, vol. II, p. 400.

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² At Devī Pātan and Almora.

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³ *OMAS*, p. 185.

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⁴ *OMAS*, p. 152.

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⁵ *Wi*, p. 206.

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⁶ *RTCP*, vol. II, p. 404.

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⁷ *Census of the Panjab, Report*, 1891, p. 117.

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⁸ See Khakhar, p. 10; *Bombay Gazetteer*, vol. V, p. 87; *IA*, vol. VII, p. 53.

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⁹ *JRAS*, 1839, p. 270.

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¹⁰ *IA*, 1878, p. 51, n.

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¹¹ *Bombay Gazetteer*, vol. VIII, p. 155.

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¹² Khakhar, p. 13.

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¹³ *District Gazetteer, Jhelum* 1904, p. 36.

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¹ Compare *BRI*, p. 213.

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² Census of the *Panjab, Report*, 1891, p. 118.

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At Gorakhpur each candidate is examined as to his family and caste before he is accepted. Besides, each candidate has to go to the police station and prove that he is not a criminal, and there he makes record that he is willing to become a Yogī.

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Yogīs are casteless. Within the order there are no caste restrictions upon eating, drinking and smoking. But Hindu and Musalmān Yogīs do not eat together, the former refusing to eat with the latter.³ Theoretical equality does not, however, extend to women, for Yogīs do not allow their women folk to eat with them,⁴ although women of all *panths* eat together.⁵

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³ So reported at Ṭilla.

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⁴ As reported to the author at Benares.

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⁵ *RTCP*, vol. II, p. 400.

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Initiation is divided, roughly, into two stages:⁶ the first, a probationary period, followed by ceremonies leading to preliminary discipleship; the second, during which the ceremony of splitting the ears, which leads to full membership in the sect, is performed. An initiate in the first stage is called an Āughar; in the second stage he becomes a full-fledged Yogī.

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⁶ Some insist that there are three stages; but the distinction lies in a subdivision of what is set up here under the second stage, and deals with the rites that follow the healing of the ear-wound. See report of the case at Gorakhpur, below, p. 37.

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A candidate may be of almost any age. There are many boys, of varying ages, who are fully initiated Kānphaṭas.⁷ In Gorakhmandi the rule is initiation in youth.⁸

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⁷ See pictures.

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⁸ Bombay *Gazetteer*, vol. VIII, p. 155.

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The months most auspicious for the ceremonies are *Pūs*, December–January; *Māgh*, January–February; *Phāgun*, February–March; and *Cāit*, March–April; and initiations are almost entirely confined to these months.

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Initiation usually takes place at a monastery, but it may be performed at a place of pilgrimage,¹ or at a temple of Bhāirom.²

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¹ The author saw a recently initiated Yogī at the Kumbh Mela at Allāhābād, in 1918.

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² So reported at Benares. This applies when there is no monastery at the place. At Kāma, it was said, that the ceremony is performed at a monastery.

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The candidate is first closely confined for a period ranging from forty days³ to from three to six months;⁴ that is, for a period of testing satisfactory to the guru. During this time the candidate is tried as to his resolution and ability to carry through his undertaking. At the same time he is dissuaded from becoming a Yogī, the guru pointing out to him the hardships that his initiation and his life as a Yogī would entail.

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³ BCI, vol II, p. 497.

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⁴ So reported at Almora.

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When the guru is satisfied with the self-control and resolution shown by the candidate, a fast of two or three days may be prescribed. Then, on the day chosen for the initiation ceremony, the candidate bathes and appears before his guru, bringing with him a rupee and a quarter, a cocoanut, flowers, and sweets.⁵ The latter are distributed amongst those present. A two-edged knife, with which the ears are to be split in the second stage of initiation, is presented to the candidate three times, and he is again dissuaded from proceeding with the ceremony.

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⁵ Laḍḍu, or similar sweets.

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The knife is driven into the ground, or is laid down before him and the candidate takes the necessary vows over it, swearing not to engage in trade, not to take employment, not to keep dangerous weapons, not to become angry when abused, not to marry, and to protect his ears. Like all other ascetics he takes the vow of *ahiṃsā* (non-injury). He then receives the mantra,⁶ or initiatory verse, either from his guru, or from some other Yogī. Ochre-coloured clothes are then presented to him, and he is accepted as a disciple by his guru. A barber now shaves his head, including the scalp-lock (*cuṭiyā*). In some places, however, his guru cuts off the *cuṭiyā*.⁷ In Almora it was stated that a special guru, not the candidate’s chief guru, cuts the scalp-lock. If the Ganges river is nearby, the hair is consigned to it; if not, the guru keeps the hair in his wallet until he and his disciple go to the river, when it is taken and offered to the Ganges. Or, the hair may be thrown into a tank.¹ A feast is then given.

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⁶ Mantras are used with each act throughout the ceremony of initiation—Almora.

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⁷ So stated in Dhinodhar, Gorakhpur and Benares.

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Among the Ratannāth Yogīs the candidate is given, by his guru, a razor and scissors seven times, and he is urged not to proceed with the initiation. The scissors suggest the cutting of the scalp-lock, which entails the breaking of caste; the razor, the painful ordeal of having the ears split. But if the candidate persists, his guru cuts off his scalp-lock after which his head is shaved by a barber. He then bathes and is besmeared with ashes, and a kafni or shroud, a laṅgoṭī or loin-cloth, and a cap are given to him. The ashes and the shroud signify death to the world. After six months, or so, if his guru be satisfied, the candidate’s ears are split.²

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² RTCP, vol. II, p. 401, n. 1.

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After the ceremony the novice allows his hair to grow, or at least his scalp-lock, until he pays a visit to some famous shrine, when he has it cut, places it before the deity, with offerings of food, and gives a feast.¹ This practice is denied however by the Yogīs of Gorakhpur. In Almora, they say that the cuṭiya alone is allowed to grow until a pilgrimage is made to some sacred place like Hardwār, when it is cut and offered to the Ganges.

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¹ So Russell, TCCP, vol. III, pp. 250, 251.

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After the barber has finished his work and the candidate has bathed, he seats himself before his guru, facing north, or east.³ His teacher then puts around his neck the siṅgnād-janeo, or sacred thread of the order.

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³ So stated in Almora.

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The candidate’s body is then smeared with ashes.

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He is now the accepted disciple of his guru and begins to serve his religious guide.⁴

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⁴ Compare CTC, vol. III, p. 157.

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The candidate may now add to his name the sect word, dās.⁵ To this Almora Yogīs agree, but at Gorakhpur and at Devī Pātan it was contradicted. He may at this time, or during the final stage of the initiation, receive from his guru a new name, that of some saint, or of a plant, or of an animal.¹

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⁵ Compare OMAS, p. 85; RTCCP, vol. III, p. 250.

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¹ Compare PNC, vol. II, para 562.

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Those who have undergone the first stage of initiation are usually termed Āughars.

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They wear, as a usual thing, the clothes of the ordinary Hindu. The one in charge of the shrine on the summit at Dhinodhar wore (1924) a very long, loose coat, of ochre-colour, reaching nearly to his ankles, and without a waistband; and a turban of cotton of the same colour.

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Some Āughars wear their hair long and unkempt.²

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² See pictures.

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The Āughar serves his guru, attends his teaching, and performs certain duties about the establishment where he lives. At Dhinodhar the novice is made to repeat, twice daily, in the presence of his guru, the words, oṃkār, updesh, adesh and oṃ through his siṅgnād.³ In Almora it was said that these words need not be repeated through the whistle.

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³ Bombay Gazetteer, vol. V, p. 87; IA, vol. VII, p. 52. The updesh mantra is, ‘Be wise, pious and useful.’ Oṃkār is Oṃ.

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The Āughar is not accorded equal rights with the Yogī. This is illustrated by the fact that at feasts and when gifts are distributed, the Āughar receives but half the portion of a Yogī. In Benares, however, Yogīs maintain that Āughars would share equally with them.

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There is no stated period of service before which an Āughar may proceed with the final stage of initiation which will constitute him a Yogī.⁴ At any time, when his guru is satisfied that he is ready, the disciple may proceed with the initiation. There are some, however, who wait for twelve years; and, according to Russell, the novice in the Central Provinces must remain such for twelve years, during which time he is expected to make two or three parikramas (that is, travel from the mouth of the river to its source on one bank, and return by the other) of the Narbada river. During each pilgrimage, he allows his hair to grow, and, at the end of the journey, shaves all but the scalp-lock, and offers the hair to the river.⁵ In Benares, in Gorakhpur and in the Panjab, Yogīs assert that the parikrama is not obligatory. In Almora it was explained that an Āughar would make such a pilgrimage only as the companion of his guru, should the latter make the journey.

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⁴ Sherring reported that the candidate was kept in a room under surveillance for forty days.—SHTC, p. 262.

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⁵ RTCCP, vol. III, pp. 250, 251.

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Āughars of all panths are constantly met with, who are old men, and who have no intention of ever having their ears split. They call themselves Gorakhnāthīs. At Kirāna, in Jhang, the Āughars are in good repute and are wealthy. They have their own pīr, or abbot, who, after his induction into office, is never allowed to descend the hill.¹ There are other monasteries of Āughars, for example, at Hardwār and at Bombay. Near the temple of Bālkeśwar on the sea-front at the latter place, is the residence of a group of Āughars who are followers of Bālaknāth. He has some followers in the Panjab. Rose says that he was a disciple of Gorakhnāth, who left his guru in childhood for the jungle where he used to suck unmilked cows. The caran (foot-prints in marble) of this saint is found there. These Āughars never become Kānphaṭas. They bear a rather bad reputation.

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¹ RTCP, vol. II, p. 402.

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Āughars pretend to some magical powers, and some approximate the Aghorī.² Others say that they are followers of Kānipā, pupil of Jālandhar.³ In the west, Āughars (Oghads) are an inferior class.⁴

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² Census, North-western Provinces and Oudh, 1891, Pt. 1., p. 226. Gospel in Gonda, p. 216.

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³ Census of the Panjab, Report, 1891, p. 115.

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⁴ Bombay Gazetteer, vol. VIII, p. 447.

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When his guru is satisfied that the candidate is prepared to complete his initiation, the arrangements are made.⁵ The chief tests of fitness are that the pupil has kept his vows, has been faithful in his service to his guru and is steadfastly resolved to proceed. First, the candidate bathes, is shaved, puts ashes on his body, and ties a cloth of cotton about his loins. Some say that he covers the upper part of his body with a cotton cloth dyed in ochre,⁶ but others say not. He then presents himself, with two of his guru’s disciples, before his teacher.¹ The candidate is made to sit facing north. He draws his knees up and clasps his hands under them. Preparation for the splitting of the two ears is then made. A specially skilled Yogī is called to perform this service, for which he receives one and a quarter rupees.² The fee may be larger, two and a quarter or twenty-five and a quarter rupees. This guru is called *Kān Guru* (ear-guru) or *Cīra Guru* (the guru who splits the ears). The two edged knife is brought, and in front of Bhāiroṁ, mantras, or sacred texts, are pronounced over it. Slits, about three-quarters of an inch long, are then made in the cartileges of both ears. The mantra, ‘*Śiva Gorakṣa*,’ being used.³ Some claim that the effect of the mantra is to make the operation painless and bloodless. Plugs of *nīm* or of *bikua* wood are then inserted in the wounds. The gashes are washed daily with pure water or with *nīm* water. Some say that the plugs are removed daily when the wounds are dressed. The care of the wounds continues for forty days. It is said that the plugs fall out after nine days. In some instances the *nīm* sticks are covered with the soft, downy feathers of the peacock’s quill and the wounds are kept wet.

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⁵ Compare CTC, vol. III, pp. 156, 157; RTCCP, vol. III, p. 251.

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⁶ An añchala, kafnī.

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¹ In some cases Yogīs are initiated by their fathers; e.g., in the Himālayas. There the practice has been handed down from father to son. In this case the cuṭiya, or scalp-lock, is cut by another Yogī and the ears split by still another.

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² *RTCCP*, vol. III, p. 250; *RTCP*, vol. II, p. 401; *Census of the Panjab, Report*, 1891, p. 115.

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³ Compare *FORL*, p. 348.

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According to one report the regular Yogī who slits the ears inserts the knife and then asks the novice whether he be willing to renounce the world or not; and if he is unwilling he withdraws the knife. If the novice says that he is willing to follow the precepts of the sect and become an ascetic, the ear-slitter moves the knife up and down, finishing the operation; pieces of a twig of *nīm*-wood, soaked in oil, are inserted in the wounds for three days, when ear-rings are inserted.⁴ One of the pictures shows an initiate whose ears are not yet healed, wearing ear-rings.

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⁴ *Bombay Gazetteer*, vol. VIII, p. 447.

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By the slitting of the ears the Āughar becomes a Yogī, and may add to his name the word Nātha, Lord. Often he takes a new name to which he adds the word, Nātha.² He may receive as a name that of a plant or animal; e.g. Nimnātha Kanahnātha, Nāgnātha.³ Kaṇṭhaḍnāthīs use the word Kaṇṭhaḍ, instead of Nātha.⁴

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² RTCP, vol. II, p. 399.

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³ PNQ, vol. II, para 51.

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⁴ IA, vol. VII, p. 53.

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When the wounds have healed, the Yogī resumes his sacred thread, smears his body with ashes, and appears before his guru. From now on, he will ‘remember’ his teacher twice daily and appear before him. Ear-rings of clay, weighing about one-fourth of a pound, are now put on, the mantra, ‘Om svāham,’ being used.⁵ In some parts of India the rings are of lacquered earthenware. After a period varying from fifteen to twenty, or forty days, or a year, rings of some other substance may be substituted for those of clay.⁶

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⁵ SHTC, p. 14.

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⁶ See under ear-rings, above, p. 7.

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When the rings are inserted, the following exhortation is whispered in the Yogī’s ear; ‘Be wise, pious and useful’;⁷ or, ‘Be wise, perform your religious duties, keep yourself prompt in the service of your guru.’⁸

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⁷ The updesh mantra.

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⁸ Compare Bombay Gazetteer, vol. V, p. 87.

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The ceremony of initiation is completed with the worship of the nine Nāthas, the eighty-four Siddhas and Bālasundarī. The goddess is represented by a twisted thread wick fixed in a ball of dough and lighted. This is placed in a square made on the ground with flour or rice. In this square a jar (kalsa) of water also is set. The light is worshipped with offerings of flowers, sweets (laḍḍu, halwa), cakes and a cocoanut. The latter is split with a knife before being offered.⁹

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⁹ A substitute for human sacrifice? CTC, vol. III, p. 157.

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The duties of a Yogī are various. At Dhinodhar, for example, he repeats the name of Dādā, referring to the founder of the sect,¹⁰ or Bābā, referring to his guru, serves his teacher, and performs such other tasks as are assigned to him. The disciple is considered as the adopted son of his guru and inherits from him.¹¹

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¹ RTCP, vol. II, p. 401.

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¹⁰ Compare Bombay Gazetteer, vol. V, p. 87.

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¹¹ IA, vol. VII, p. 52.

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After initiation a Yogī may elect to become a militant Yogī, vowed to celibacy. In this case he would be known as Nāga, Nihaṅg, or Kānphaṭa. On the other hand, quite contrary to supposed regulations, he may become a householder, or gṛhasta.¹

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¹ That he need not remain in the monastery is allowed by the Haṭhayogapradīpika, 1, 12 f. See Wi, p. 216 n. and Tessitori, ERE, vol. XII, p. 834.

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The initiate becomes a member of the sub-sect of his guru; consequently, in choosing his guru, he chooses his sub-sect. He belongs, also, to the monastery of which his teacher is a member.²

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² For the specialized functions of gurus and mahants, or pīrs, see below, pp. 38, 39.

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Some women receive initiation. These are either married women, or those who enter the sect after the death of their husbands. In Almora, in 1924, there was one, Sarasvatī (Nāthnī), a widow whose husband had been a landlord. After his death, she was initiated into the Satnāth sub-sect at Almora. She had been on pilgrimages as far as Hiṅg Lāj. She was pūjārī at a temple of Bhāirom in her own house. On her arm was a brand mark received at Koṭeśwar, and she wore the usual beads from Hiṅg Lāj. Her cocoanut begging-bowl (darya nārial) was from Bhūj in Kacch. In her rosary of thirty-two beads she wore a tāwīz, or amulet; black stones from Badrināth; and large, white stones from Hiṅg Lāj, set in silver. Another widow, at Kāma, who had made the pilgrimage to Hiṅg Lāj, was a member of the same sect.

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The Kānphaṭas possess many monasteries, of which there are a number of importance.³ Some of these occupy very old religious sites whose history undoubtedly long antedates the rise of the Gorakhnāthīs. There is no fixed rule of superiority amongst the monasteries; but that at Ṭilla, in the Panjab, is generally considered to be the chief seat of the Gorakhnāthīs. The abbot at Gorakhpur claims authority over the establishments in the United Provinces, and regions to the south look to this place as their chief authority. This monastery claims to supervise some 360 lesser establishments. However, the nearby monastery at Tulsipur is related to that at Sawārikot in Nepāl and is independent of Gorakhpur. The head of the Gorakhpur establishment was, in 1924, of the Dharamnāth sub-sect, while that at Tulsipur belonged to the Ratannāth branch of Gorakhnāthīs. There may be some relation between Gorakhpur and Dhinodhar where the Yogīs are known as Dharamnāthīs. Yet, the pīr at Dhinodhar belongs to the Santnāth sect of the Panjab and Nepāl. The chief monasteries seem to be more or less independent of each other. The chief seats of the Yogīs exercise wide influence.

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³ Baines calls attention to the fact that those with monasteries have the right to be called Yogīs. (Ethnology, p. 41.)

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There is an organization, called the *Bhek Bārah Panth* which has general supervision over the monasteries, and which is consulted when mahants are elected, and which deals with disputes arising from various causes, or where the deposition of a mahant is desired. The Bhek is composed of representatives from the twelve Panths of the Gorakhnāthīs, one from each. The elections are made at the Kumbh Mela, held at Hardwār once in every twelve years. At this time thousands of Yogīs from all of the *mathas* (monasteries) are assembled. Special elections may be made to supply vacancies when the Bhek is convened to settle questions, at local monasteries, or at great melas, such as those held at Ujjain and Allāhābād. The head of this organization is chosen in turn from each of the twelve panths. This is a desirable office, with tenure of twelve years, for which the incumbent pays a fee of twelve hundred rupees. He is considered as Jogeśwar and ranks as head of all the Gorakhnāthīs. The Bhek has a monastery at Hardwār. On two occasions, when the author visited it, there was no one in residence. It is reported that the committee was not re-elected at the last Kumbh Mela.¹

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¹ See references to the trial at Gorakhpur, below, p. 37.

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The monasteries (*matha, asthāl, akārā*) vary in structure and extent according to the wealth of the Yogīs who reside in them, or the extent of their endowments. They comprise a set of chambers, or cells, for the resident mahant, or abbot, his permanent pupils, and other members of the order. There are always in residence a number of disciples as well as vagrants. The older disciples usually have young followers to whom they are teaching the elements of their doctrine and practice.¹ In connection with the monastery will be found a temple of Śiva, of Devī, or of Bhairon, or temples of all these deities and others; the *samādh*, or shrine, of the founder of the monastery, or of some other eminent teacher; tombs (*samādhs*) of numerous other Yogīs; and one or more *dharamśālas*, or rest-houses for the accommodation of the mendicants and other travellers who are constantly visiting the place. Ingress and egress are free to all.

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¹ The maṭha is more particularly the residence of teachers. Their pupils frequent the establishment and may become semi-residential; but the inmates are not a permanent body following a fixed rule of life.

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The buildings of the Kānphaṭas vary from substantial halls, some two storeys high, like those at Dhinodhar, to less pretentious structures, like those at Tulsipur, and to rude, mud huts with roofs of thatch, like those at Purī.

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The monastery is under the control of an abbot, called mahant, or pīr. The functions of the mahant are to direct the worship at the temple and elsewhere in the establishment and to appoint pūjārīs and assistants for this purpose; to instruct and to direct instruction in Yoga and in the duties of Yogīs; to administer the funds of the monastery and to keep the property in repair.

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The mahant at Gorakhpur nominates his successor, invariably choosing a member of his own sub-sect. However, Sundarnāthjī, who was head of the monastery in 1924, died without naming a successor. A dispute immediately arose as to whether a brother guru (that is, a brother of the same sub-sect) or a cela (personal disciple) should succeed to the gaddi. The matter was taken to the civil courts for decision. Sundarnāthjī was of the sub-sect of Dharamnāth. The rule as stated at Gorakhpur is that, upon the death of the mahant, representatives of the twelve sub-sects of the Gorakhnāthīs meet to choose a successor. They invariably elect the person named by the late mahant. The law suit referred to above shows that the election is not wholly within the power of the residents of the monastery.

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An interesting point in the dispute at Gorakhpur was that one Nanhoo Singh, who was involved in the suit, and who hoped to win the gaddi, was not a Yogī at all. He stated that if he had won his case at law, he had intended to undergo initiation, become a Yogī and have his ears split.¹ It seems that in this particular case the *guru bhāi* had died previously to the mahant and the dispute involved the question of cela. According to the opinion of the judge in the Gorakhpur case the succession would be (1) cela, (2) *guru bhāi*, (3) caca guru; e.g., disciple, guru of the same panth as the mahant, and brother of the brother guru.

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¹ Reported by the Rev. E. C. Dewick, M.A., in a letter to the author, dated 27 March, 1928. Nanhoo Singh won his suit, and is now mahant of Gorakhpur.

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After a mahant has been chosen, the electors proceed to the District Officer of Gorakhpur and announce their decision. The officer takes the signature of the twelve Yogīs on a declaration that the newly-elected mahant is their choice. After his election, it is said, the mahant is not allowed to leave the monastery. Sundarnāthjī had made the various pilgrimages from Nepāl to Kacch and from Badrināth to the south of the peninsula before he was elected head of the monastery. The mahant is inducted into office with the usual form of worship, the *prasād* and a feast which includes the giving of food in charity to all who may come to the ceremonies, whether they be Yogīs or not. The installation is concluded with fire-works. Part of the services of installation take place while the mahant is seated in a niche in the wall of the main shrine. The Yogīs worship him, present him with a new garment and mark his forehead with the *ṭīkā*. Afterwards he is seated on the *rāja gaddi*, or royal seat, outside the veranda of the main shrine. Then the priest at the monastery gives him a garment and marks his forehead with the *ṭīkā*, and makes other presents. There is, of course, a large number of Yogīs and others including prominent men of the community present. In connection with the ceremonies there is a protracted worship of Pātar Deo, covering seven days.²

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² See trial cited above. Pātar Deo = Patel Deo (?) the spirit of the ancient (village) proprietor. See Sleeman, *Rambles and Recollections*, Oxford edition, p. 221.

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The abbot at Dhinodhar, in Kacch is called pīr. The head of that monastery, in March, 1924, was Pīr Śrī VII, Somnāthjī. The pīr is chosen, from among the Yogīs at the monastery, by the Rāo of Kacch and holds office for life. He is not allowed to go outside of the bounds of the state. The pīr is installed in office by the Rāo, who invests him with a dress of honour, and seats him on the gaddi, or cushion of authority, as chief of the Kānphaṭas. The pīr is held in high honour. He does not have to return the salute of anyone, not even of the Rāo; and he need not rise when the Rāo pays him a visit.¹ In 1924, the pīr had a small boy as his much beloved cela, or pupil. Evidently he hoped to provide for succession through him. It would seem that the succession is through adoption and that the Rāo’s choice is only nominal. This view is upheld by the fact that, in the west, outside of Dhinodhar, the pīr, or bābā, is allowed to marry, and, failing issue, to adopt one of his disciples, thus providing for the succession at his establishment.

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¹ JRAS, 1839, p. 270.

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The mahant of Tulsipur (Devī Pātan) is chosen by vote of twelve Yogīs representing the twelve sub-sects of the Gorakhnāthīs. He is placed upon the gaddi, given a janeo and a special dress, and offerings of prasād are made before him. The mahant (in 1924) was Harināth. He did not initiate nor did he make disciples.

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The mahant at Ṭilla occupies the most important seat of the Kānphaṭas; in other respects he does not exercise peculiar functions. His establishment is in good repair, except for the very old remains on the site, even though the income of the institution has been much curtailed in recent times. The records show that, once inducted into office, he should never descend the hill. However, in 1924, the author met him in Amritsar under circumstances related below. This fact, however, might be the very important exception which proves the rule.

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It may now be stated that the office of mahant is either (1) Māurūsī, hereditary, by succession, (2) Pañchayatī, by decision of a council, or (3) Hākimī by authority or right. No definition of the third case has been discovered.

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Next in order after the mahant is the guru or teacher in the order. He usually has a group of students about him who are receiving instruction preparatory to initiation, or who are Yogīs under instruction in Yoga.

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Yogīs and Aughars make up the rank and file of the order. As indicated above, a candidate chooses his guru in the first instance; but the choice may be decided finally by the mahant.

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Life in the monastery follows a fairly close, but not very exacting routine. There is the early worship at the samādhs, and the later offerings as well; the time given to teaching and to meditation; the midday worship at the various shrines and the evening worship. Begging may form part of the day's work. There is plenty of time for conversation. Visitors are constantly coming and going. Every Yogī returning from a pilgrimage has much to report about all sorts of things. There is the business of administration. Each Yogī has his own room, where he may enjoy some privacy, but much of the life of the establishment is open to public view. Further details of activities may be noted in the accounts of the various establishments.

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Gorakhnāthīs bury their dead,¹ rarely, if ever, employing the services of Brāhmans, the rites being performed by fellow-Yogīs.² A legend is sometimes given which accounts for the practice. There was once a dispute between Hindus and Musalmāns as to who were masters of the earth. To disprove the claims of the latter, Gorakhnāth sat on the ground, placing his food and belongings beside him, and called upon the earth to yield to him if he had a share in her. The earth opened and he sank below the surface of the ground.³ The practice of burial is not confined to Kānphaṭas, being followed by some other ascetic orders.

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¹ See *RTCP*, vol. II, pp. 399, 400.

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² Compare *OBTM*, p. 264; *Wi*, p, 196; *SHTC*, p. 262.

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³ *RTCP*, vol. II, p. 400.

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Thy dying Yogī, especially if he be an adept in Yoga, is made to sit cross-legged, as in meditation.⁴

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⁴ *RTCP*, vol. II, pp. 399, 400.

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After death the body is prepared for burial. It is washed by Yogīs, rubbed with ashes of cow-dung, or with ashes from the dhūnī,¹ sometimes with sugar also, and dressed in new garments of everyday life.² Or, the body may be covered with an ochre-coloured shroud. A new sacred thread, with the nād, ring and rudrākṣa berry, and a new rosary are hung around the neck. Some say that the ear-rings are removed and replaced by earthen³ ones. A ṭīkā of sandalwood or of red lead is drawn on the forehead. Five things are put into the mouth—gold, silver, a pearl, a charred wick from a lamp (cirāg) used in the worship of Devī, and incense (kesas khuṣbhu).⁴ The body is then placed in a posture of meditation (a sitting posture) on a seat, and is supported by one crutch, or by three. Under the body sugar, and sometimes earth, but not salt, are placed.⁵ Flowers also may be put on the seat. A potsherd is placed on the head, but for this a black silk cap or a turban may be substituted.

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¹ PNQ, vol. II, para 464.

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² CTC, vol. III, p. 158.

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³ Census Report, Berār, 1881, p. 60.

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⁴ Reported by the Āipanthis at Hardwār.

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⁵ In Sind, sugar is placed under and above the body. (Aitken, Gazetteer of the Province of Sind, p. 184.) See note in Śiva Saṃhitā, p. 50, where it is pointed out that after beginning the practice of the Hatha Yoga, a Yogī may not use salt.

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The grave is a pit, dug deep, three and one half hands (hāth), and circular. In the south wall a niche is cut for the reception of the body which is set facing north. Under the seat one rupee and four annas or five and one-fourth rupees and sugar are deposited. The platform is made of ‘wool, grass, etc.’

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At the right end in front of the body is placed a gourd full of water; and at the left a roṭ (a thick loaf of unleavened bread), a saucer of rice and milk, and another of water. A loin cloth and a staff (kanak) are laid in front of the body. The begging bowl is filled with milk and is placed in the wallet which is hung from the right shoulder.⁶ Rose says that the nails are removed and taken to Hardwār, but at Gorakhpur this was denied. Sugar and gold are put into the grave. It is then filled in with earth, and a mound is raised over it. Later, a masonry platform, or a tomb may be erected over the grave, in which case it will be surmounted with the yoni-liṅga.

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⁶ Compare CTC, vol. III, p. 158.

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The *pāduka* (*caran*) of the deceased may be put on the *samādh*.¹

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¹ This applies in the case of disciples of Matseyendranāth and of Dattatreya also. See Enthoven, *Folklore of Bombay*, p. 150.

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If the deceased had been a rich Yogī, or if he had been the disciple of a guru who owned land, his body would be placed in a chair shaped like a *doli*, it would be adorned with flowers, and he would be carried to the grave in a procession lead by musicians. In Berār, according to Kitts, the body is carried to the grave in a large wallet.²

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² *Census Report*, Berār, 1881, p. 60.

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The grave is called *samādh* or *samādhi*.

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In some places, especially in Benares and in Almora, Yogīs were formerly buried in their own houses. But municipal regulations have put a stop to the practice. However in the outlying places about Almora the practice still continues. At Almora their burial grounds are at Pātal Devī, outside of the town. There are some, manifestly old, *samādhs* in Almora which consist of four slabs of stone making a box with a fifth slab for a cover. There are now no *lingas* on them.

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If the Yogī was a poor man, or if he had been the disciple of a man without landed property, his body might be placed on two poles and sunk in a river.³ This practice was acknowledged at Benares, but Gorakhpur Yogīs insisted that all are buried.

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³ Compare *CTC*, vol. III, p. 158.

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For ten or twelve days after the death offerings are made to the deceased. *Bel* leaves and flowers are placed on the grave and upon it a lamp is kept burning.

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After the disposal of the body, all the Yogīs bathe with water supplied by the deceased’s disciples, and then sweets (*laddu*) are distributed. There is no further ceremonial impurity.⁴ However, some say that clothes are washed on the tenth day after death.⁵ A council of all the Yogīs at the place where death occurred is held, and in case the deceased had not chosen a successor, a guru, if this was his rank, is chosen to take his place. The clothes of the dead are given to degraded Yogīs or are divided among those present. Food and money also are distributed.

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⁴ See *CTC*, vol. III, p. 158.

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⁵ At Almora.

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On the third day cakes (roṭ), cooked rice, milk and cūrmā are offered on the grave and then are consumed by the worshippers. If the deceased were not well off, cūrmā only is offered. Some wash their clothes on the third day, but this is not considered necessary.

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On the twelfth day turmeric powder is sprinkled.¹ And worship of Bahrām Deo and Mārī Māī is performed on a kettle drum (ḍanka).

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¹ Kitts, Berār Census Report, 1881, p. 60.

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On the thirteenth day a conch shell is blown and the krya karna is completed and the spirit of the deceased departs. At Dhinodhar a feast is given on the thirteenth day and alms are distributed.² In Berār, on the Śivrātri, the pāduka of the deceased is worshipped.³

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² Bombay Gazetteer, vol. V, p. 87.

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³ Census Report, Berār, 1881, p. 60.

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After a year (bārsī), or a year and a half, the śrāddha, or funeral rite is performed.⁴ The Yogīs keep vigil all night and in some places the ceremony known as bharad, the beating of drums for Devī, is kept up. In the watch before dawn fish, or pakāuṛī, or khīr, or palāu or flesh is distributed. Six or seven thrones (gaddi) are erected; to the pīr, to Joginīs, to Śākhya (or witness), to Bīr, to Dhandārī (cook of Guru Gorakhnāth), to Gorakhnāth and to Neka or Ant (reported at Almora). Mantras are recited, clothes and coins of gold, silver and copper are distributed, and a cow or some other gift is made to the pīr. Gifts are made also to Yogīs. The silver goes to Śākhya, copper to Bīr, the cow to the pīr, water to Gorakhnāth.

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⁴ Compare RTCP, vol. II, pp. 399, 400.

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Formerly all classes attended this ceremony, now only Yogīs.

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Householders also are buried, and in some cases their families likewise. Kitts reported that ceremonies for the widow of a Yogī are the same as for a member of the order, but that her shroud would be of red or green, not of ochre colour.⁵

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⁵ Census Report, Berār, 1881, p. 60.

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Worship is continued at the samādhs indefinitely and is performed twice a day. In the early morning,¹ after bathing, the pūjārī offers Ganges water, sandalwood, rice, bel leaves, flowers, sweets and incense at each samādh connected with the monastery; or at least some of these things are offered. The food is then thrown away. In the evening milk and sweets are offered, a lamp is lighted and incense is burned. The poor before consuming their food offer it at the samādhs.

Cites (5)

Śivasaṃhitā — Sanskrit
Haṭhapradīpikā — Svātmārāma, Sanskrit
Indian Antiquary
Kama
Gorakhpur