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Studies in the Puranic Records on Hindu Rites and Customs c9: Chapter I. The Hindu Society Before 200 A. D., and the Purāṇic Rites and Customs in the First Stage of Their Development

Studies in the Purāṇic Records on Hindu Rites and Customs c9

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English

Contents

Chapter I. The Hindu Society Before 200 A. D., and the Purāṇic Rites and Customs in the First Stage of Their Development

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It has already been said that the Purāṇas, which dealt originally with the five topics only, have now grown up to be encyclopædic works by incorporating chapters not only on religious and social matters but also on law, politics, poetics, grammar, medicine, music, dancing and sculpture, and that there were two main stages in the development of the Purāṇic rites and customs. Hence the question naturally arises as to what led to such a remarkable change in the form and character of the Purāṇas, and determined the stages in the development of their Smṛti materials. To answer this we shall have to review briefly the early religious movements and the foreign invasions and occupations, and their effect on Brahmanical society. This discussion will, on the one hand, help us to find an explanation as to the present form of the Purāṇas, and, on the other, explain the nature of their Smṛti-contents.

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Ancient India saw the rise of various religious movements which may be classified, according to their relation to the Vedic (comprising Śrauta and Smārta), as anti-Vedic (viz., Jainism, Ājīvakism and Buddhism), semi-Vedic (consisting primarily of Vaiṣṇavism, Śaivism and Brahmāism), and non-Vedic (viz., Śāktism). Besides the staunch followers of these religions, there was another class of people who were rather of a mixed type. On the one hand, they had high regard for the sectarian gods and looked upon their worship as the means of attaining salvation; on the other, they valued much the practice of the rules of the Varṇāśramadharma, and regarded the Vedas as the highest authority. We shall see hereinafter that the Purāṇic Dharma originated with this last-mentioned class of people.

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The Brahmanical religion, rooted in the Vedas, allowed the highest place to the Brāhmans in society. In the Ṛg-veda, the Brāhmans are said to have sprung from the mouth of Puruṣa (the Primeval Being). They formed the intellectual class among the Aryans, and commanded,—at least claimed for themselves,—the highest respect. Their duties were the performance of sacrifices, the study of the Vedas, and making gifts, and they depended, for maintenance, upon the liberality of kings and others received mainly in the forms of priestly fees and gifts. They enjoyed allowances and preferences even in the courts of justice. In marriage, inheritance etc. also, the Brāhmans enjoyed greater privileges than the other classes. The Kṣatriyas and the Vaiśyas had their prescribed duties which they were required to perform. The Śūdras were to serve the twice-born, who claimed absolute right over the earnings of their respective slaves.¹ Such a state of Brahmanism continued, more or less smoothly, for a time until there arose many new religious systems, some of which were clear protests against the position of the Brāhmans and the authority of the Vedas, while others also were not very favourable to the Varṇāśramadharma. The rise and propagation of these rival faiths proved very fatal to the sacrificial religion of the Vedas which was already on the decline. We find that long before the time of Manu the Śrauta rites were gradually becoming obsolete and the orthodox Vedic religionists were turning Smārtas.

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¹ Gautama-dharmasūtra X, 65—tadartho 'sya nicayaḥ syāt.

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Probably long before the time of Gautama Buddha there were revolts against the Brahmanical doctrines. The Suttanipāta, in one of its sections named Mahāvagga,² mentions sixtythree different philosophical schools—probably all of them non-Brahmanical—existing at the time of the Buddha; and there are passages in Jain literature exhibiting a far larger number of such heretical doctrines.³ Of the teachers of these anti-Vedic religious systems the names of Vardhamāna Mahāvīra, Gosāla Maṅkhaliputta and Gautama Buddha are too well known to be overlooked, and these three non-Brahmanical teachers were the most formidable enemies of Brahmanism.

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² S. B. E., Vol. X, 2, p. 93.

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³ CHI, Vol. I, p. 150.

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Mahāvīra, the son of a nobleman of Vaiśālī, practised severe austerity and became the founder, or rather the reformer, of the Jain church. According to Jain traditions Mahāvīra was immediately preceded by Pārśva, the 23rd Tīrthaṅkara. Professor Jacobi and others hold that this Pārśva was the real founder of Jainism. For want of information, literary or otherwise, we are not sure what the teachings of Pārśva were, and in what respects Mahāvīra differed from his predecessor. ‘We are told that Pārśva enjoined on his followers four great vows, viz., not to injure life, to be truthful, not to steal and to possess no property, while Mahāvīra added a fifth requisition, viz., that of chastity. Pārśva allowed his disciples to wear an upper and an under garment. Mahāvīra, on his part, followed the more rigid rule which obliged the ascetic to be completely naked'.⁴ Over and above these, Mahāvīra valued most the fourth stage of life and recommended it to his followers. These teachings of Pārśva and Mahāvīra were largely antagonistic to the ideas and tenets of Brahmanism. Moreover, the Jains did not recognise the authority of the Vedas. They had little faith in caste distinctions and in the Brahmanical rites and duties.

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⁴ Ibid., Vol. I, p. 154. Also see S. B. E., Vol. XLV, p. 121, and Dr. Hoernle in ERE, Vol. I, p. 264.

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During the lifetime of Mahāvīra the spread of Jainism was rather limited. Though ‘there seems to be little doubt that the Jains have more claim to include the parricide king (Ajātaśatru) amongst their converts than the Buddhists’⁵, Jainism does not seem generally to have overstepped the boundaries of the kingdoms of Magadha and Aṅga where the great teacher principally dwelt. After the death of Mahāvīra about 468 B.C.,⁶ his followers and successors succeeded in popularising the faith to a much greater degree, so that it did not fail to gain the support of kings as well as commoners. From the evidence of the legendary tales related by Jain writers, of whom Hemacandra is the most important, it seems that Udāyin, the successor of Ajātaśatru, was a great champion of the faith. He was so partial to the Jains that his partiality turned out to be the very cause of his death.⁷ From the fact that the Jains do not condemn the Nandas like the Buddhists, it seems that the Nanda kings were not unfavourably disposed towards Jainism. The Jain tradition tells us that the Nanda kings had a line of Jain ministers of whom Kalpaka was the first. This Kalpaka was made to accept the ministership against his will, and with his help the Nanda king uprooted the Kṣatriya rulers from the face of the earth.⁸ From all this we are tempted to suppose that the Nanda kings were Jains.⁹ This supposition is strengthened by the Hāthigumphā inscription of Khāravela, wherein Nanda-rāja is found connected with an idol of the first Jina.¹⁰ From the evidence of this inscription we know that Khāravela was a strong upholder of the Jain religion.¹¹ According to Jain literary tradition, Samprati, a grandson of Aśoka, was a staunch Jain. He reigned probably in Ujjain, which, as the later Jain authors say, came to be regarded as one of the most important centres of Jainism even before the death of Aśoka. The numerous Mathurā inscriptions, discovered by Cunningham and Führer, show that in the period ranging from about the middle of the second century B.C. to the end of the Kushan rule Jainism was firmly established in Mathurā where there grew up ‘a widespread and firmly established Jain community, strongly supported by pious lay devotees, and very zealous in the consecration and worship of images and shrines devoted to Mahāvīra and his predecessors.’¹²

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⁵ CHI, Vol. I, p. 161.

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⁶ Ibid., Vol. I, p. 156.

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⁷ Ibid., Vol. I, p. 164.

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⁸ Avaśyaka-sūtra, edited by Haribhadrasūri, Benares, 1905, pp. 691-693.

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⁹ Smith, JRAS, 1918, p. 546—“I may mention that I had come independently to the opinion that the Nandas were jains”

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¹⁰ Ind. Ant., Vol. XLIII, 1914, p. 173.

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¹¹ JBORS, Vol. IV, 1918, pp. 364-404.

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¹² CHI, Vol. I, p. 167.

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Mahāvīra had a great rival in Gosāla Maṅkhaliputta, who lived with him for six years and practised austerities. At last they were separated by a dispute, and Gosāla soon set up a new religious system of his own. His followers were called Ājīvakas, and his teachings resembled much those of Mahāvīra. He made Śrāvastī his head quarters, and came to have, in course of time, a grand following there.¹³ The Jains tell us that Gosāla was not very strict about moral matters.

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¹³ Ibid., Vol. I, p. 162.

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Want of sufficient evidence, literary or otherwise, leaves us in darkness as to the spread and popularity of the system. It is mainly from the Jain works that we gather scrappy accounts about the Ājīvakas. The way in which the Jain authors attack Gosāla in their works, shows that the Ājīvakas formed a powerful sect which arrested the spread of Jainism. That the Ājīvaka sect continued to exist during the reigns of Aśoka and his successors is shown by a few inscriptions. The three cave inscriptions of Aśoka at Barābar in the Gayā district¹⁴ record the dedication of cave dwellings for the use of the Ājīvakas who ‘went about naked, and were noted for ascetic practices of the most rigorous kind.’¹⁵ Another inscription of Aśoka names the Ājivakas along with the Buddhists, Brāhmans and others.¹⁶ Daśaratha, a grandson of Aśoka, is known from three inscriptions to have bestowed on the Ājivaka sect caves in the Nāgārjuna hills.¹⁷ These evidences show that the Ājīvaka sect did not lose hold on the society, but commanded respect even of kings.

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¹⁴ Corp. Inscr. Ind., Vol. I, pp. 181-182.

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¹⁵ Smith, EHI, p. 177.

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¹⁶ Corp. Inscr. Ind., Vol. I, p. 131.

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¹⁷ Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 103-104 and 134-136.

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The third great heretical system is Buddhism preached by Gautama Buddha, who also, like Mahāvīra and Gosāla Maṅkhali-putta, was a non-Brāhman and preached a system which was in every way detrimental to the interests of Brahmanism. The Buddhists, especially those who entered the Saṅgha, practised Ahiṃsā, did not regard the Vedas and the Brāhmaṇs, ignored the Vedic gods, did not recognise caste distinctions, and cared little for the Varṇāśramadharma. In their opinion Śrāddha was a mere policy of the Brāhmaṇs. These and similar other ideas and practices made the Buddhists the bitterest enemies of Brahmanism.

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Buddhism had found great patrons in kings of whom Aśoka and Kaniṣka are the most important. Aśoka was a non-Brāhmaṇ, and a ‘Śūdra’ according to the Purāṇas. He did his best to popularise Buddhism in India and abroad, and looked upon the Buddhist monks with special favour. In his time the Buddhists increased overwhelmingly in number mainly at the cost of the followers of Brahmanism. Aśoka himself says: “The gods who were worshipped as true divinities in India have been rendered false..........by my zeal.” After the downfall of the Mauryas, there was a Brahmanic revival under the Śuṅgas, but the impetus which Buddhism received from Aśoka was not to be stopped. The inscriptions of the reign of the early Āndhras show that Buddhism was in a flourishing condition at that period.¹⁸ The rule of the Kushan kings also was very favourable to Buddhism. According to the Rāja-taraṅgiṇī, “These kings who were given to acts of piety, though descended from the Turuṣka race, built at Śuṣkaletra and other places Maṭhas, Caityas, and similar (structures). During the powerful reign of these (kings) the land of Kāśmīra was, to a great extent, in the possession of the Bauddhas, who by (practising) the law of religious mendicancy (pravrajyā) had acquired great renown19”. ‘The general prevalence of Buddhism in Northern India, including Kasmir, Afghanistan, and Suwat, during the two centuries immediately preceding and the two next following the Christian era, is simply attested by the numerous remains of Buddhist monuments erected during that period, and a multitude of inscriptions, which are almost all either Buddhist or Jain.’²⁰

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¹⁸ Ind. Ant., Vol. XLVIII, 1919, pp. 77 ff.

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²⁰ Smith, EHI, p. 318.

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We have seen above the nature and spread of the three great heresies. We shall now direct our attention to two other religious movements, viz., Vaiṣṇavism and Śaivism. Materials for the reconstruction of the early history of these religions are so meagre that we cannot say definitely how these systems grew up and what contributions the Aryans and the non-Aryans made to their growth.

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¹⁹ Stein, Kalhan's Chronicle of the Kings of Kasmir, Vol. I, p. 31.

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The earliest records of Vaiṣṇavism and Śaivism are contained in the Mahābhārata; but even there these systems do not seem to appear in their true character, because 'the priests have preserved for us, not so much the opinions the people actually held, as the opinions the priests wished them to hold'²¹. It is, therefore, quite probable that in the present Mahābhārata, which is practically a work of those who believed in the Vedas and the caste and Āśrama rules, and in which the attempt at popularising the Vedas and the Varṇāśramadharma and elevating the position of the Brāhmans is clearly discernible, the forms of Vaiṣṇavism and Śaivism have been influenced by the ideas and motives of its authors.

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²¹ Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 210. Cf. also Richard Fick, Social Organisation in North-east India in Buddha's time, p. 14.

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The term Vaiṣṇavism is very comprehensive in its denotation: but the modern Vaiṣṇavas consist generally of the Pāñcarātras and the Bhāgavatas. These two sections, though originally different²², are designated by the generic term Vaiṣṇava on account of the identification of their respective sectarian deities with Viṣṇu.

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²² IHQ, VI, 1930, pp. 315 ff. and 437 ff.; VII, 1931, pp. 93 ff., 343 ff. and 735 ff.; and VIII, 1932, pp. 64 ff. Bhandarkar, Vaiṣṇavism etc., pp. 30 ff.

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The earliest document of the Pāñcarātras is the Nārāyaṇīya section of the Mahābhārata (XII, 335-351). Here we are told that there were seven Citra-śikhaṇḍin Ṛṣis who proclaimed, on the mount Meru, a Śāstra which was on a par (sammita) with the four Vedas²³. This Śāstra contained one lac of verses, and it was meant for the populace²⁴. As it was to direct them both in activity (pravṛtti) and inactivity (nivṛtti), it was made consistent with the four Vedas²⁵. We do not know for certain whether there was really any ancient Pāñcarātra work ascribed to the seven Citra-śikhaṇḍin Ṛṣis, but the very reference to making the scripture, which was meant for the commoners, conform to the four Vedas, is important in that it implies the originally non-Vedic, if not also anti-Vedic, character of the ideas and practices of the Pāñcarātra system. The Mahābhārata itself admits that the Pāñcarātra system is different from the Vedic, for it says: "Know, O saintly king, the Sāṃkhya, the Yoga, the Pāñcarātra, the Vedas and the Pāśupata as knowledges holding different views"²⁶. It has been held that the above mentioned scripture compiled by the seven Citra-śikhaṇḍin Ṛṣis was the forerunner of the Pāñcarātra Saṃhitās²⁷. But this view seems to be untenable because of the fact that, as we shall see afterwards, the prescriptions of the early Saṃhitās of this sect are not at all favourable to the Varṇāśramadharma and the authority of the Vedas. On the other hand, the influence of the Varṇāśramadharma on the Saṃhitās increases with their comparatively late dates. It seems, therefore, that the original non-Vedic as well as anti-Vedic ideas of the Pāñcarātras were permeated through the Saṃhitās while the idea of reconciling the scripture of the seven Ṛṣis with the Vedas found its later expression in the epics and the Purāṇas.

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²³ Mbh XII, 335, 27b-29a.

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²⁴ Cf. loka-tantrasya kṛtsnasya yasmād dharmaḥ pravartate|Mbh XII, 335, 39; also Mbh XII, 335, 29a—loka-dharmam anuttamam.

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²⁵ Mbh XII, 335, 40.

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²⁶ Ibid., XII, 349, 1 and 64.

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²⁷ Farquhar, Outline, p. 98.

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Of the early character of Bhāgavatism we can scarcely say anything definitely. That this system also was not, in its real character, very favourably inclined towards the Varṇāśramadharma and the Brāhmans, seems to be suggested by the facts that the Vṛṣṇis, among whom Kṛṣṇa was born, were noted for their irreverent attitude towards the Brāhmans²⁸, and that the casteless foreigners were freely admitted into the Bhāgavata fold. The Besnagar inscription²⁹ of the second century B.C. mentions Heliodoros, an ambassador of the Greek king Antialkidas, as a Bhāgavata. The inscription further tells us that this Heliodoros erected, in honour of Vāsudeva, a flagstaff on the top of which there was an image of Garuḍa. The Bhāgavata-purāṇa (II, 4, 18) also refers to the acceptance of Vaiṣṇavism by the foreigners :

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²⁸ Arthaśāstra of Kauṭilya, text, edited by R. Shama Sastry, p. 12; Cowell's Jātaka, Vol. IV, pp. 55-56 and Vol. V, p. 138.

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²⁹ Luders, Inscription No. 669, Ep. Ind., X, 1909-10, Appendix.

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kirāta-hūṇāndhra-pulinda-pukvasā
ābhīra-suhmā yavanāḥ khaśādayaḥ
ye 'nye ca pāpā yad-upāśrayāśrayāḥ
śudhyanti tasmai prabhaviṣṇave namaḥ||

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We should note that these casteless foreign races were held in great contempt by the Purāṇic Brāhmans who called them 'sinners' ³⁰, 'Mlecchas' ³¹ and 'inimical to Brahmanism' ³², and that the authors of the Purāṇas always warned the people against disclosing the contents of these 'holy books' to such people³³. The admittance of the casteless foreigners into the Vaiṣṇava fold, and the encouragement to Saṃnyāsa for the practice of Yoga³⁴, as contrasted with the conservative and orthodox views of the Purāṇas, tend to show that the character of Vaiṣṇavism, which was accepted by these foreigners, must have been against the Varṇāśramadharma and, therefore, a menace to it. From the position of women and Śūdras in the Vaiṣṇavism of the epics and the Purāṇas it seems that in popular Vaiṣṇavism also initiation was open to them, and they were allowed to worship Viṣṇu themselves.

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³⁰ Bhāg II, 4, 18 and II, 7, 46.

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³¹ Viṣ V, 38, 28.

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³² Viṣ IV, 24, 18—abrahmanyān.

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³³ Cf. Vā 103, 69b-70.

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³⁴ Cf. Arthaśāstra of Kauṭilya, text, p. 403 wherein there is mention of spies, disguised as ascetics with shaved head or braided hair, and pretending to be the worshippers of god Saṃkarṣaṇa. Megasthenes calls the worshippers of Śiva and Kṛṣṇa 'philosophers'. Cf. McCrindle, Ancient India, p. 97.

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Inscriptions and authors of the pre-Christian era testify to the early spread and popularity of Vaiṣṇavism. Pāṇini (IV, 3, 95 and 98) speaks of the formation of the word ‘vāsudevaka’ to mean ‘a person the object of whose Bhakti is Vāsudeva’. Megasthenes, who lived in the court of Candragupta Maurya, informs us that the worship of Viṣṇu (under the form of Kṛṣṇa) was very popular especially among the Śūrasenas³⁵. In Kauṭilya’s Arthaśāstra (text, p. 403) there is mention of the worshippers of god Saṃkarṣaṇa. Patañjali, in his Mahābhāṣya (on Pāṇini IV, 3, 98), mentions ‘vāsudeva-vargyaḥ’ and ‘vāsudeva-vargiṇaḥ’ (i.e., the followers of Vāsudeva), and regards Kṛṣṇa Vāsudeva as a divine being rather than a mere Kṣatriya³⁶. In the Ghoṣuṇḍi Stone Inscription³⁷ of the pre-Christian era there is a clear reference to the worship of Saṃkarṣaṇa and Vāsudeva. The Nānāghāṭ Cave Inscription³⁸ begins with an invocation of several gods including Saṃkarṣaṇa and Vāsudeva. The name ‘Vāsudeva’ was very popular with the Indians as well as the foreigners. The Peshāwar Museum Inscription (No. 21) names a Brāhman Vāsudeva, son of Indradeva and resident of Obhara, who caused a well to be dug³⁹. The ninth king of the Śuṅga dynasty was named Bhāgavata, and the founder of the Kāṇva dynasty was named Vāsudeva. Vāsudeva was also the name of the successor of the Kushan king Huviṣka. These evidences sufficiently prove the spread and popularity of Vaiṣṇavism. If the suggestion that the Ghoṣuṇḍi Stone Inscription belongs to the Kāṇva dynasty⁴⁰ is accepted, then it becomes evident that Vaiṣṇavism ‘found favour not only with the foreigners such as the Śakas, Yavanas etc., but also with the Vedic Aryans of the royal family like the Kāṇvas, from an early date’.

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³⁵ McCrindle, Ancient India, p. 201. CHI, Vol. I, pp. 408 and 485.

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³⁶ Ind. Ant., Vol. III, 1874, pp. 14-16.

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³⁷ Ind. Ant., Vol. LXI, 1932, p. 203. Also see JASB, Vol. 56, i, 1887, pp 74 ff; Memoirs No. 4 of the ASI, 1920, p. 119; Ep. Ind., XVI, 1921-2, pp. 25 ff; IHQ, Vol. IX, 1933, pp. 795 ff.

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³⁸ Luders, Inscription No. 1112, Ep. Ind., X, 1909-10, Appendix, p. 121.

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³⁹ Corp. Inscr. Ind., Vol. II, part 1, p. 157.

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⁴⁰ IHQ, IX, 1933, pp. 795-799.

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The early character of Śaivism also does not seem to have been very favourable to the Varṇāśramadharma and the authority of the Vedas. This irreverent character of Śaivism seems to be hinted at in a dialogue between Dakṣa and Śiva in the Mahābhārata, in which the latter says that in ancient times he formulated the Pāśupata system which was ‘contradictory to, though in a very few cases agreeing with, the rules of the Varṇāśramadharma’ and which was ‘denounced by the unwise’⁴¹. It is perhaps on account of their characteristic non-Brahmanical ideas and practices that the worshippers of Śiva (originally called Pāśupatas) have been looked down upon by the Smṛti-writers. The Smṛti-candrikā (II, 310) quotes from the Ṣaṭtriṃśan-mata three lines which run as follows:

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*bauddhān pāśupatān jainān lokāyatika-kāpilān|*
*vikarmasthān dvijān spṛṣṭvā sacelo jalam āviśet||*
*kāpālikāṃs tu saṃspṛśya prāṇāyāmo 'dhiko mataḥ|*

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‘A man should bathe with all his clothes on if he chances to touch the Bauddhas, the Pāśupatas, the Jainas, the Lokāyatikas, the Kāpilas, and those Brāhmans who have taken up the duties not meant for them. But if he touches the Kāpālikas, he should perform Prāṇāyāma in addition’. There is another verse quoted in the same work (II, 311), which says: “One should bathe with the garments on after touching the Śaivas, the Pāśupatas, the Lokāyatikas, the Nāstikas, the Brāhmans who have taken up the duties not meant for them, and the Śūdras”. The Kāpālikas, Sāttvatas, Bauddhas, Jainas and others are called ‘durācārāḥ śaucācāra-bahiṣkṛtāḥ’ in a passage quoted by Aparārka (com., p. 143) from the Brahmāṇḍa-p., and are classed by him with the

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*vedāt ṣaḍaṅgād uddhṛtya sāṃkhya-yogāc ca yuktitah|*
*apūrvam sarvatobhadram viśvatomukham avyayam|*
*abdair daśārdha-samyuktam gūdham aprājña-ninditam||*
*varṇāśrama-kṛtair dharmair viparītam kvacit samam|*
*gatām tair adhyavasitam atyāśramam idam vratam||*
*mayā pāśupatam dakṣa śubham utpāditam purā|*

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Mbh XII, 284, 121-124a.

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These verses are found quoted in Aparārka’s com. on Yāj. (pp. 17-18). The readings given by Aparārka are sometimes different and also perhaps better; viz., he reads ‘śaktitaḥ’ for ‘yuktitah’, ‘arthair daśārdhaiḥ samyuktam’ for ‘abdair daśārdha-samyuktam’, ‘śatāntaiḥ’ for ‘gatām taiḥ’, ‘anyāśramam’ for ‘atyāśramam’, ‘smṛtam’ for ‘vratam’, ‘pūrvam’ for ‘dakṣa’, and ‘yogam’ for ‘śubham’.

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These verses are also found, with variations in readings, in Lg II, 20, 9-11; Vā 30, 293-295; Br 40, 108-110; etc.

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outcasts (patita—com., p. 143). Examples of such hatred borne towards the Śiva-worshippers, and especially the Kāpālikas, are not rare in Sanskrit literature. The main causes of this hatred seem to be the peculiar manners and customs of these sectaries. The Pāśupatas used to remain completely naked or with a piece of rag (kaupīna) on¹², bear awkward signs, hold a torch in the hand, laugh, sing, dance, shout, make amorous gestures and do similar other acts. They besmeared their bodies with ashes, and used to live in the cemeteries. They cared little for the caste and Āśrama rules, and admitted the casteless foreigners into their fold. The Śūdras and women were allowed to have Dikṣā and to worship the deity. The dress and manners of the Kāpālikas were much more repulsive. Their sacred thread was made of hair, their rosaries consisted of human bones, they held in their hands skulls which were besmeared with blood, and they wore matted hair which they ornamented with pieces of bones¹³. By these and similar other repulsive acts they could not but excite the hatred of at least the members of the Brahmanical fold. There was another reason why the Śiva-worshippers were not in good grace of those who believed in the Varṇāśramadharma. It was that they, like the Pāñcarātras, laid special stress on Saṃnyāsa for the practice of Yoga, and thus encouraged the breach of order and discipline in society.

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¹² Kūr I, 33, 8; II, 37, 100; etc.

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¹³ Var 97, 13-14 and 20. Bṛhat-saṃhitā, p. 61.

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From early times the worship of Śiva became very popular. The inscriptions and early authors give ample evidence in this direction. "A round copper seal, measuring 1·35 × 1·35 inches, with two rings on the back, was found at Sirkap in the year 1914-5. It shows the figure of Śiva with trident in left hand and club in right . . . . . ."¹⁴. Patañjali, in his Mahābhāṣya, mentions the Śiva-bhāgavatas, devotees of Śiva, and speaks of the stress they lay on the worship of images¹⁵. Megasthenes speaks of the popularity of the worship of Śiva especially in the hill regions, and compares Candragupta's hunting expedition to the processions of Dionysus (i.e., Śiva). Aśoka is said to have been a devotee of Śiva in his early life¹⁶. The Śaka and Kushan kings who reigned from the first century B.C. to the third century A.D. were usually Sivaites or Buddhists and were, with a few exceptions, not well disposed towards the religion of Vāsudeva¹⁷. The Kushan king Kadphises II (78-110 A.D.) was so ardent a worshipper of Śiva that he had a picture of the god stamped on his coins.⁴⁸ Among the forms of deities stamped on the coins of Huviṣka, there is the figure of the ‘Phallic Śiva’⁴⁹. Vāsudeva (182-220 A.D.), another Kushan king, was a worshipper of Śiva⁵⁰. The above instances amply testify to the spread and popularity of Śiva-worship in ancient India. The popularity of the worship of this god is further proved by the fact that in numerous cases the names of kings and commoners are found connected with that of Śiva. The Shahdaur Inscription names one renowned, rich, and wealthy Śiva-rakṣita (protected by Śiva; cf. ‘Buddha-rakṣita’) who made a donation of ten thousand Kārṣāpaṇas⁵¹. The Bīmarān Vase Inscription mentions one Śiva-rakṣita, ‘the Mūjavat scion’⁵². A seal inscription discovered in the Punjab belongs to ‘Śivasena, the Kṣatrapa in the town of Abhisāraprastha’⁵³. A cave inscription at Nasik refers itself to the reign of the Ābhīra king Īśvarasena, son of Śivadatta⁵⁴. It is needless to multiply examples.

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¹⁴ Corp. Inscr. Ind., Vol. II, part 1, p. 102.

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¹⁵ Mahābhāṣya on Pāṇini V, 2, 76.

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¹⁶ Smith, EHI, p. 185.

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¹⁷ H. C. Roy Choudhury, Early History of the Vaiṣṇava sect, p. 100.

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⁴⁸ Smith, EHI, p. 318; Cunningham, Coins of the Indo-Scythians, part III, p. 8.

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⁴⁹ Cunningham, Coins of the Indo-Scythians, part III, p. 101.

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⁵⁰ Ibid., p. 11.

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⁵¹ Corp. Inscr. Ind., Vol. II, part 1, pp. 16-17.

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⁵² Ibid., p. 52.

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⁵³ Ibid., p. 103.

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⁵⁴ Ep. Ind., VIII, 1905-6, p. 88. Ind. Ant., Vol. XLVII, 1918, p. 156.

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Before we proceed further let us have a short pause here to enquire into the ideas, rites and customs of the followers of early Vaiṣṇavism and Śaivism. We have said above that the original character of these two religions was most probably non-Brahmanical. By this it is not meant that those who worshipped Viṣṇu and Śiva were all influenced by non-Brahmanical ideas and practices and violated the Brahmanical rules of castes and stages. What we mean to say is that these two religions in their popular character were imbued with non-Brahmanical ideas and practices. On the other hand, it seems that among the early worshippers of these two deities there was one section of people who, though won over to the worship of these deities, looked upon the Vedas as authorities, attached great importance to the Varṇāśramadharma and the Smṛti rules, and did not like to give them up. We shall call them Smārta-Vaiṣṇavas and Smārta-Śaivas. The Jayākhya-saṃhitā mentions such Smārta adherents to the Pāñcarātra system. It divides the Pāñcarātra Vaiṣṇavas into three groups, with further subdivisions, according to the extent of their renunciation (saṃnyāsa), the nature of their attachment to the sect, and their method of worshipping Viṣṇu. The first group consists of the Yatis, Ekāntins, Vaikhānasas, Karmasāttvatas and Śikhins; the second group, of the Āptas (i.e., those who join the order wholeheartedly), Anāptas, Ārambhins and Sampravartins; and the third group, of the Yogins, Japa-niṣṭhas, Tāpasas, Śāstrajñas and Śāstra-dhārakas. The Anāptas, Ārambhins and Sampravartins are defined as follows :

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varṇa-dharmam anujjhitya hy āptādiṣṭena karmaṇā|
yajanti śraddhayā devam anāptās te prakīrtitāḥ||
vinā tenārtha-siddhyartham viśvātmānaṃ yajanti ye|
ārambhiṇas te boddhavyā vaiṣṇavā brāhmaṇādayaḥ||
śraddhayā ye pravartante svayaṃ sampūjane hareḥ|
amārgeṇa tu viprendra viddhi tān sampravartinaḥ||

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‘Those, who do not give up the duties imposed on them by their castes but worship the god with devotion (śraddhā) with acts prescribed by the Āptas, are called Anāptas. The Vaiṣṇava Brāhmans and others who, without caring for it (i.e., the instruction of the Āptas), worship the universal soul for the attainment of the desired objects, are called Ārambhins. O best of Brāhmans, know those people as Sampravartins who, out of Śraddhā, of themselves set to worship Hari in a wrong way’⁵⁵. Probably among the Śiva-worshippers also there were adherents of the types of these Anāptas, Ārambhins and Sampravartins mentioned above. It is undoubtedly these types of Brāhman adherents to Vaiṣṇavism and Śaivism to whom the composite character of Purāṇic Hinduism was originally due, and who were also the authors of the present Purāṇas; because these works exhibit, on the one hand, the sectarian zeal in glorifying the respective deities, and, on the other, try to establish the Varṇāśramadharma and the authority of the Vedas.

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⁵⁵ Jayākhya-saṃhitā, XXII, 34b-37a.

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Besides the Vaiṣṇavas and the Śaivas there grew up in ancient India another sect which inculcated the worship of Brahmā. Of the early history and character of this Brahmā-sect we know almost nothing. The accounts which we find in the Mārkaṇḍeya-purāṇa and the Padma-purāṇa (Sṛṣṭi-kh.) are of comparatively late dates. Though from these accounts we cannot form any clear idea of the early character of the sect, one thing seems to be clear to us. It is that the Brahmā-sect attached great importance to asceticism for the realisation of Brahmā, the supreme Brahma.

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The different sects and systems of religion that we have just reviewed created an atmosphere which did not in an orthodox way conform to Vedic or Brahmanical ideas. This atmosphere was further disturbed by the advent of the casteless foreigners such as the Greeks, Śakas, Pahlavas, Kushans, Ābhīras and others, who founded extensive kingdoms and settled in this country. Though these foreigners accepted Buddhism, Śaivism or Vaiṣṇavism and were soon Indianised, their anti-Brahmanic manners and customs could not but influence the people, especially their co-religionists. Most of these alien tribes being originally nomadic, they can be expected to have had a variable standard of morality which also certainly affected the people.

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Further trouble was created to the Brāhmans by the political supremacy of the non-Kṣatriyas, or rather Śūdras as the Purāṇas hold, under the Nandas, the Mauryas and probably also the Āndhras⁵⁰. The Brāhmans always emphasised the low social status of the Śūdras and reduced them to servitude. In religious life also the latter enjoyed little privilege and freedom. It is natural, therefore, that these down-trodden Śūdras should have revolted against the Brāhmans when they had political power in their hand. How these powerful Śūdras behaved with the Brāhmans, we shall see later on.

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⁵⁰ The way in which the land of the Āndhras was looked down upon by the Aryans shows that the inhabitants of this place could never claim a position better than that of the Śūdras. About the origin of the people of Southern India Baudhāyana says: "Those people are of mixed origin, who are inhabitants of Avanti, Aṅga, Magadha, Surāṣṭra, Dakṣiṇāpatha, Upāvṛt, Sindhu and Sauvīra" (Baudhāyana-dharmasūtra I, 1, 29). The land of the Āndhras and others lay outside the pale of Āryāvarta, beyond which, as Manu says, lived the Mlecchas. It was for this reason that the orthodox Brahmanists deemed it sinful to go to these parts of India. Vyāsa says: "One should shun the lands of the Aṅgas, Vaṅgas, Āndhras and other Mleccha tribes, and also those tracts of land where there are no antelopes". (See Smṛti-candrikā I, p. 22). Devala, quoted in the Mitākṣarā (on Yāj. III, 292), says: "By going to Sindhu, Sauvīra, Surāṣṭra, the frontier provinces, Aṅga, Vaṅga, Kaliṅga and Andhra, one deserves to be purified again". Similar other passages, quoted in the Smṛti-candrikā (I, pp. 22-23 and 24) from the Ādi- and the Skanda-purāṇa, show that the twice-born, who went to these countries except in times of distress, were looked upon as fallen from their castes (patita). As to the origin of the Āndhras, the twice-born had a low opinion. According to Manu their origin is as follows: — The issue of a Brāhman on his wedded Śūdra wife is known as a Niṣāda (Manu X, 8), and that of a Vaiśya on a Brāhman woman is a Vaideha (Manu X, 11). Again, the issue of a Niṣāda father and a Vaideha mother is a Kārāvara, and that of a Vaideha father on a Kārāvara mother is an Āndhra (Manu X, 36). This idea about the origin of the Āndhras shows that they could not claim a status better than that of the Śūdras. The Bhāgavata-purāṇa (XII, 1, 20) calls the founder of the Āndhra dynasty a Vṛṣala i.e., Śūdra:

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hatvā kāṇvam suśarmāṇam tad-bhṛtyo vṛṣalo balī|
gām bhokṣaty andhra-jātīyaḥ kañcit kālam asattamaḥ||

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'After murdering Suśarman of the Kāṇva dynasty, his servant, a powerful and most wicked Vṛṣala of the Āndhra race, will enjoy the earth for some time'.

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We have enumerated above all the forces that, acting simultaneously, produced a state of society which was favourable neither to the propagation of Brahmanical ideas nor to the orthodox Brāhmaṇs. An account of this social disorder can be gathered from the early Buddhist literature and the Purāṇas. In the latter treatises there are chapters on the description of the Kali age which can reasonably be taken to give an account of the Hindu society during the period ranging from the time of the prevalence of Buddhism and Jainism (i.e., from the reign of the Nandas) to the end of the Āndhra rule in western India. As these chapters speak of ‘many Śūdra kings’ who ruled in the Kali age and encouraged the spread of Buddhism and Jainism⁵⁷, and as in the Purāṇas Mahāpadma Nanda is called the first Śūdra monarch⁵⁸, it must be admitted that they point to a period covering roughly the reigns of the Nandas and the Mauryas who, with a very few exceptions, were supporters of the heresies. The references in these chapters to the performance of horse-sacrifices by the Śūdra kings⁵⁹ seem to point to the rule of the Āndhra dynasty, the founder of which is called a Vṛṣala by the Bhāgavata-purāṇa. From the evidence of inscriptions we know that the Āndhra kings performed many sacrifices, including the Aśvamedha and the Gavāmayana⁶⁰. During his excavations at Besnagar D. R. Bhandarkar discovered a sacrificial hall (yajña-śālā) and near it a seal inscription which reads as follows :

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⁵⁷ Mat 144, 40 and 43; Vā 58, 40; Bḍ II, 31, 41; Kūr I, 29, 7; and so on.

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⁵⁸ Mat 272, 17b-18a; Vā 99, 326b-327a; Bḍ III, 74, 139b-140a; and Viṣ IV, 24, 4-5. Also Bhāg XII, 1, 7-8.

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⁵⁹ yajanti hy aśvamedhaiś ca rājānaḥ śūdra-yonayaḥ|—Mat 144, 43a. yajante cāśvamedhena rājānaḥ śūdra-yonayaḥ|—Bḍ II, 31, 67b. Vā 58, 67a wrongly reads ‘nāśvamedhena’ for ‘cāśvamedhena’ of the Brahmāṇḍa.

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⁶⁰ Ind. Ant., Vol. XLVIII, 1919, p. 77.

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L. 1. ṭimitra-dātṛsya [su]—ho(tā) = L. 2. p(o)tā-mamtra-sajana [? i].

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On this inscription he made the following remarks : “The meaning of this legend, as just remarked, is not clear, but the words hotā, potā and mamtra, which are technical to sacrificial literature, indicate that the sealing is really connected with the Yajña-śālā. And the import of the legend appears to be : ‘Of the donor Ṭimitra accompanied by the Hotā, Potā, Hymn-kinsmen and . . . . . . . . . .’ Ṭimitra doubtless is the name of an individual, and seems to be the Sanskritised form of the Greek Demetrius. And it appears that this Greek personage called Demetrius was the dātā or yajamāna who instituted the sacrifice. The performance of a Brahmanic sacrifice by a Greek is not a thing that needs surprise us, because we know that many Greeks like other foreign people, such as Śakas and Pahlavas, became Buddhists or Hindus. Nay, at Vidiśā itself, as evidenced from an inscription incised on the Kham Bābā pillar, we have an instance of a Greek ambassador Heliodora (Heliodoros) calling himself a Bhāgavata or a devotee of Vāsudeva⁶¹. From this remark it seems that the Greek Demetrius performed a sacrifice, but this sacrifice could not be meant by the lines of the Purāṇas referred to above, because the Greeks are always called Yavanas and not Śūdras. That the Purāṇic chapters on the description of the Kali age point to the period mentioned above is further shown by the Viṣṇu-purāṇa which describes the full swing of Kali (kali-vṛddhi) as follows :

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⁶¹ ASI, Annual Report, 1914-15, pp. 77-78.

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"Whenever there is noticed an increase (in the number) of the heretics, then, Oh Maitreya, should the full swing of Kali be estimated by the wise. Whenever there is a decrease in the number of the good who follow the path of the Vedas, and the efforts of those who cultivate Dharma relax, then, Maitreya, the predominance of Kali should be guessed by the learned. Whenever Puruṣottama, the god of sacrifices, becomes no longer the object of these (i.e., sacrifices), then the force of Kali should be understood. When the people do not show respect to the sayings of the Vedas but are inclined towards the heretics, then, Oh best of the twice-born, the augmented influence of the Kali age should be inferred"⁶².

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⁶² Viṣ VI, 1, 41-47.

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This description points undoubtedly to the prevalence of Jainism, and especially of Buddhism, which became very powerful from the time of Aśoka Maurya. The other Purāṇas also ascribe the social disorder more to the heretics, viz., the Buddhists, Jains and Kāpālikas⁶³, than to anything else. From all that has been said above it becomes evident that the Purāṇic chapters on the Kali age are the records of the state of society during the period with which we are concerned here. The numerous verses found common to these chapters show that these are derived from a common source which must be very old. This source is probably to be traced in a tradition, for the origin of which the turmoil in society caused by the forces enumerated above should be held responsible. Now, the question may arise as to the real historical value of these chapters. Though the accounts contained in these chapters may appear to us rather hyperbolical, we should not set them aside as historically worthless. The authors of the present Purāṇas being Brāhmans, it is not expected that the picture, they themselves present before us, of their own degradation and humiliation on the one hand and the rise of the servile Śūdras on the other, should be totally false. Moreover, many of the statements of the Purāṇas can be supported by those contained in the inscriptions and the early Buddhist literature. Even if their statements could not have been thus supported, their value would have still remained, for, with all their exaggerations, they record the apprehension created in the minds of the Brāhmans by the rise of the heresies.

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⁶³ Kūr I, 29, 13; Mat 144, 40; Vā 58, 64; and Bḍ II, 31, 65.

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Let us now see what information the Purāṇic chapters supply of the state of society during the said period. For this purpose we shall look, as our sources, generally to the verses common to the chapters on the description of the Kali-yuga in the following Purāṇas, viz., the Vāyu (chap. 58), Brahmāṇḍa (II, 31), Matsya (chap. 144), Bhāgavata (XII, 2), Viṣṇu (VI, 1) and Kūrma (I, 29), because these Purāṇas come from comparatively early dates. These chapters give us the picture of a society in which the people often neglected the caste and Āśrama rules, and were influenced by the non-Brahmanical and anti-Brahmanical ideas and beliefs. The spread of the heresies told upon the people to such an extent that the members of all the four castes and Āśramas were affected more or less. The people did not often like to observe the rules of castes and to carry into execution the duties enjoined by the Ṛg-, the Sāma- and the Yajur-veda⁶⁴. Their mind was always occupied with the thoughts of money, and they did not hesitate to adopt unfair means to acquire it⁶⁵. The twice-born gave up the study of the Vedas and the performance of sacrifices⁶⁶ which were reserved for the ‘foolish’⁶⁷. They forsook their own Dharma, became wandering mendicants ‘in hundreds and thousands’, and worshipped gods with popular songs, but could not attain the supreme Brahma⁶⁸. They neglected the rules of Snāna, Homa, Japa, Dāna etc., and spoke ill of the Brāhmans, the Vedas, the Dharmaśāstras and the Purāṇas⁶⁹.

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They performed various acts on the authority of the non-Vedic works, lost all attraction for their own duties, cared little for the rules of conduct, mixed with the heretics, and became professional beggars⁷⁰. They alarmed the people with their bad ambitions, bad education, bad customs and bad earnings⁷¹. On account of the spread of Buddhism and Jainism, the supremacy of the Brāhmans was often questioned. Men of all degrees pretended to be equal with the Brāhmans⁷² and defied their authority⁷³ They did not care for the directions of the Brāhmans in fasting, observing vows and making gifts, but were guided by their own *a priori* speculations⁷⁴. The Vaiśyas gave up trade and agriculture, and earned their livelihood by servitude or the exercise of mechanical arts⁷⁵. In this way the pure Kṣatriyas and Vaiśyas were almost extinct⁷⁶, and the prevailing caste was the Śūdra⁷⁷. The Purāṇas further say that in the Kali age the majority of kings were Śūdras⁷⁸. This political supremacy of the Śūdras made their position felt by the members of the higher castes. The Purāṇas give interesting accounts of this elevated position of the Śūdras. The Kūrma-p. says: "The foolish (Śūdra) commoners drive away the Brāhmans when the latter are found occupying seats, and the Śūdra officers of state beat them. The Śūdras occupy better seats in the midst of Brāhmans, and the kings insult the latter.

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The Brāhmans, who are less educated in the Vedas and are less fortunate and powerful, honour the Śūdras with flowers, decorative and other auspicious things. Though thus honoured, the Śūdras do not care to favour the Brāhmans even with a kind glance. The Brāhmans do not venture to enter the houses of the Śūdras, but stand at the gates for an opportunity to pay respect to them. The Brāhmans, who depend upon the Śūdras for their livelihood, surround them, when they are seated in vehicles, with a view to honouring them with praises, and teach them the Vedas. Thus even the best of Brāhmans fare against the directions of the Vedas, turn non-believers, and sell the fruit of their penance and sacrifices"⁷⁹. The Śūdras, who had knowledge of Dharma and Artha, read the Vedas, and the Śūdra monarchs performed horse-sacrifices⁸⁰. The Brāhmans became spiritually connected with the Śūdras who claimed equality of status as regards bed, seat and dining⁸¹. In religion also the Śūdras exhibited abnormal zeal. Naturally the Śūdras had a special attraction for Buddhism, because it denounced caste system and challenged the supremacy of the Brāhmans. They were further encouraged by the acceptance of Buddhism and Jainism by the kings who belonged to their own caste, the result being that many of them became Buddhist monks and began to preach Buddhism. The Vāyu-(58, 59) and the Brahmāṇḍa-p.

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(II, 31, 59b-60a) say : "With white teeth, eyes brought under control, heads shaved and red clothes on, the Śūdras will perform religious deeds"⁸².

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⁶⁴ Viṣ VI, 1, 10 and 49.

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⁶⁵ Ibid, VI, 1, 20a and 21b.

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⁶⁶ Vā 58, 33; Bḍ II, 31, 39a; Mat 144, 38a; and Kūr I, 29, 5a.

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⁶⁷ Kūr I, 29, 5b.

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⁶⁸ Kūr I, 29, 23b-24; Vā 58, 50a; Bḍ II, 31, 51b.

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⁶⁹ Kūr I, 29, 8-9 and Viṣ VI, 1, 32b.

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⁷⁰ Kūr I, 29, 10-11; Vā 58, 52a; Bḍ II, 31, 53b and 54b.

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⁷¹ Kūr I, 29, 4; Mat 144, 35b-36a; Vā 58, 36; Bḍ II, 31, 36.

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⁷² Viṣ VI, 1, 28a.

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⁷³ Viṣ VI, 1, 49.

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⁷⁴ Viṣ VI, 1, 15.

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⁷⁵ Viṣ VI, 1, 36.

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⁷⁶ Mat 144, 38b; Vā 58, 38c; Bḍ II, 31, 39b.

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⁷⁷ Viṣ VI, 1, 51b—*śūdra-prāyās tathā varṇā bhaviṣyanti kalau yuge*. Also Mat 144, 78b; Bhāg XII, 2, 14a.

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⁷⁸ Mat 144, 40a; Vā 58, 40a; and so on.

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⁷⁹ Kūr I, 29, 17-23.

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⁸⁰ Mat 144, 42-43; Bḍ II, 31, 67; Vā 58, 66b-67a. The Vāyu has wrong readings.

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⁸¹ Mat 144, 39; Vā 58, 39; Bḍ II, 31, 40; Kūr I, 29, 6.

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⁸² Also cf. Kūr I, 29, 13 which reads ‘añjitākṣāḥ’.

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Besides the above causes of disturbance, there were also others which seemed to destroy social peace and order. Kings turned robbers, and the officers lost all sympathy for their masters⁸³. There was a great spread of Śaivism with the result that in the country buildings and squares were marked with tridents, and women used these to tie their hair⁸⁴. Some people put on red clothes, some became Nirgranthas, some turned Kāpālikas, some sold the Vedas, and some sold the Tīrthas⁸⁵. Women used to abandon their poor husbands and go to the rich⁸⁶. They became prone to enjoyment, were lax about moral character⁸⁷, and disobeyed their husbands⁸⁸. They were selfish, remained unclean and told lies⁸⁹. They were wicked, and always hankered after union with wicked people⁹⁰. The life and property of the people were made insecure by a remarkable increase of petty thieves, burglars and robbers⁹¹. Murder of children, women and heroes, slaughter of cows, abortion, cheating, misery, diseases, devastation etc. prevailed⁹² and vitiated the atmosphere.

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⁸³ Vā 58, 42; Bḍ II, 31, 43; Viṣ VI, 1, 34.

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⁸⁴ Kūr I, 29, 12; Bḍ (II, 31, 50) reads ‘śiva-śūlā dvijās tathā’.

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⁸⁵ Vā 58, 64b-65a; Bḍ II, 31, 65; Kūr I, 29, 16; and Mat 144, 40b.

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⁸⁶ Viṣ VI, 1, 18.

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⁸⁷ Viṣ VI, 1, 21.

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⁸⁸ Viṣ VI, 1, 29b.

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⁸⁹ Viṣ VI, 1, 30.

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⁹⁰ Viṣ VI, 1, 31.

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⁹¹ Vā 58, 60; Bḍ II, 31, 60b-61a; Kūr I, 29, 14.

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⁹² Mat 144, 43-46; Vā 58, 67-69; Bḍ II, 31, 68-70; Kūr I, 29, 15.

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Thus the Purāṇas give a dismal picture of the troubles of the Kali age. In spite of obvious exaggeration, this description refers to the disintegration of the social fabric, on account of the vigour of Buddhism from the time of Aśoka Maurya, the position of the Śūdras as kings and perhaps also as high state officers, and the settlement of the immoral and casteless nomads, viz., Śakas, Pahlavas and Ābhīras.

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The picture of the Hindu society, which the Jātakas present, is in many respects similar to that found in the Purāṇas. A study of the Jātakas creates in us the impression that 'the world of India was one in which the ancient priestly caste had lost its authority, that nobles and merchants were more regarded than Brāhmans⁹³, and that the people, not excepting even the Brāhmans, often did not care to set much store by the Brahmanical rules of castes and Āśramas⁹⁴. The Brāhmans were often found to follow professions which were against the prescriptions of the ‘lawbooks’. Thus, for earning their livelihood, they became caravan-guards, agriculturists, goatherds and cowherds, hawkers, carpenters, snake-charmers, hunters, carriage-drivers, wheelwrights, archers or weavers, without incurring any social stigma. Sometimes they mastered, or pretended to be masters of, astrology, palmistry, magic etc., for earning money. The Brāhmans, who were employed as state officials, were sometimes found guilty of misconduct for the sake of money⁹⁵. There are indications in the Jātakas that among the Kṣatriyas and the middle classes also the pursuance of the hereditary profession was not compulsory, and the change of vocations was of common occurrence⁹⁶.

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⁹³ CHI, Vol. I, p. 221. Fick, Social Organisation, pp. 89 ff. Cf. also Viṣ VI, 1, 19.

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⁹⁴ CHI, Vol. I, p. 210.

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⁹⁵ Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 203-204 and 209. Isan Chandra Ghosh, Jātaka, Vol. II, Upakramaṇikā, pp. 11-12. Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, pp. 56-57.

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⁹⁶ Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, pp. 56 ff. CHI, Vol. I, p. 210.

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In the India of the Jātakas the gulf between the different castes was narrowed to a great extent. There are many instances in which the members of different castes—princes, Brāhmans, Śreṣṭhins—are found to form friendship, to interdine, to intermarry and to send their sons to the same teacher, there being no reflection passed on them for doing so⁹⁷. That such contamination of castes was in progress in the early centuries of the Christian era is also evidenced by the Nasik inscription of Rājā Vasiṣṭhīputra Śrī Pulumāyī in which he is said to have ‘stopped the contamination of the four Varṇas’ (viṇivatita-cātuvaṇa-sakarasa)⁹⁸.

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⁹⁷ CHI, Vol. I, p. 209.

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⁹⁸ Ep. Ind., VIII, 1905-1906, pp. 60-61.

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Buddhism encouraged Pravrajyā (wandering mendicancy) for the attainment of Nirvāṇa, and, as a result, the order of the four stages of life was often violated. The Jātakas contain numerous examples of Kṣatriyas and Brāhmans who turned wandering mendicants immediately after studentship⁹⁹. The people believed that the whole family was sanctified if any of its members accepted Pravrajyā, and consequently parents and relatives sometimes instigated their wards to become wandering mendicants¹⁰⁰. The wandering life was not restricted among the Brāhmans and the Kṣatriyas. People of other castes also were equally free to accept it. The Bodhisattva in the Kalyāṇadharma-jātaka (Fausböll, No. 171) was a Śreṣṭhin of Benares; Kuddāla-paṇḍita in the Kuddāla-jātaka (Fausböll, No. 70) was a Parṇika; Mātaṅga in the Mātaṅga-jātaka (Fausböll, No. 497), and Citta and Saṃbhūta in the Citta-saṃbhūta-jātaka (Fausböll, No. 498) were Caṇḍālas; and Dukūlaka in the Śyāma-jātaka (Fausböll, No. 540) was a Niṣāda.

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⁹⁹ See Saṃrddhi-jātaka—Fausböll, No. 167; Lomaśa-kāśyapa-jātaka—Fausböll, No. 499; Kṛṣṇa-jātaka—Fausböll, No. 440; and Soṇananda-jātaka—Fausböll, No. 532.

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