Pramāṇa · Search · About · API

Defence Architecture in Early North Karnataka c12: Chapter - IV

Defence Architecture in Early North Karnataka c12

Language
English

Contents

Chapter - IV

c12.1

The Fort in Bādāmi,- The Desdription and the critical analysis

Preliminary Remarks

c12.s1.1

In the last chapter, having known the structural details of the parts of the fort belonging to the early historical and the early Kadamba periods besides noting the later additions and renovations made to the fort it is appropriate to study the fort of the Chālukyas of Bādāmi. For as known from the history, the Chālukyas, during the early part of the 6th century A.D., gradually established their political authority overpowering the Kadambas and began to extend their Kingdom gradually.

c12.s1.2

Pulikēśhi I, the third from the known genealogical line from their own inscription, was the first to make Bādāmi as the capital of the kingdom.

c12.s1.3

Pulikeshi I is particularly important not merely for having made Badami as the capital of the kingdom but more so for his tremendous effort of constructing the fort on the high hill plateau, now called the North-Hill, from the point of our study. His only known stone inscription, it is interesting to note, essentially speaks of the construction of the fort, the only one of its kind known so far belonging to the period of ancient Karnataka. The inscription (Panchamukhi, R.S., *K.I.*, 1940, Vol.II) is worth quoting. It is located in the middle part of a vertically steep side of the high hill.

c12.s1.4

'Svasti śakavarṣēṣu chatussatēṣu
panchaṣaṣṭi yutēṣu
Asvamēdhādi yajnānam yajva s'rauta
vidhānataḥ,
Hiraṇyagarbha sambhūtschalikyo
vallabhēs'varaḥ,
Dharādharēndra vatāpīmajēyambhūtayē
Bhuvah,
Adhastātuperistāchha Durgamētada
-chīkarat

c12.s1.5

Translation: Hail! The sake year four hundred added by sixty five (having elapsed). The Chālukya (king) performer of Asvamēdha and other sacrifices, according to the 'Srauta' rites, born of Hiraṇyagarbha and Vallabhēśvaraḥ, made the best hill of Vātāpi (or Vātapi in the best hill) into an unconquerable fortress (difficult of access) from the top as well as from the bottom, for the prosperity of the earth".

c12.s1.6

The inscription is important in several ways but more important in two respects for our study. The first line contains the date in Saka era i.e. 465 (543 A.D.) and the last line describing the impregnable character of the fort during that time that is inaccessible both from the top and the bottom. Let us discuss the fort against the background of the geological, geographical and economical conditions of the place, that attracted Pulikēśhi I, to make the place as the capital of his kingdom.

c12.s1.7

Background

c12.s1.8

Bādāmi (Fig.21) is located in a deep, wide steep gorge of a vast mighty red sand stone hill-ranges of the Kalādagi series. The gorge is open on the west and has two steep side wings on the north and the south and vast hill plateau on the east. In the wide valley is the natural pond. It attained sanctity in the course of time by having traditional association with the celebrated sage Agasthya; hence the pond is known as "Agastya Tīrtha".

c12.s1.9

Traditionally Bādāmi and the nearby three well-known places namely Mahākūṭa (Hale and Hosa), Paṭṭadkal and Aihoḷe, all located on the banks of the river Malaprabhā within a distance of about 30 km, are believed to have been inhabited by the two demons Vātāpi and Ilvala. They were a great menace to the pious and innocent. The sage Agastya on his way to south subjugated them, thus the place has gained sanctity. Besides, the environmental condition especially in and around Mahākūṭa, such as deep valley covered with moderate green forest and perennial water resources not easily available to commonpeople, has been most suitable for people with spiritual bent of mind to carry out their religious practice, unhindered by worldly disturbances. Thus, it appears, the Pāśhupata Saivas given to yogic practices, had selected this locality and carried on their practices at least from the pre-Chalukyan period; thus the whole area had a spiritual atmosphere.

c12.s1.10

Thirdly, Ptolemy (C. 150 A.D.) refers to Bādāmi, Aihoḷe and Pattaḍkal as the places of commercial importance in this compilation of the places known for their trade activities in his book on Geography. Bādāmi - Aihoḷe group is located on the ancient trade routes connecting the upper Deccan with Sōpara, Paithan etc. as important trade centres and the south India with Nāgārjunakonda, Amarāvati, Kānchi etc.

c12.s1.11

Thus, religiously, economically and also from the strategic point of view, Bādāmi had qualified itself as to become the capital of a kingdom. Pulikeshi I had realised fully well all these aspects and therefore must have made it as the capital and built the fort.

The strategic location of the fort

c12.s2.1

The present village (Fig. 22) is located on the western bank of the tank i.e. Agastya Tirtha and in between the two wings of the hills described as the North Hill and the South Hill. In fact, the whole hill range covers a very vast area several square kilometres. The top is almost flat, forming a big hill plateau. In the eastern valley's of this hill about 5 kilometres East and North-east of Bādāmi are Nāgarāl, Hale and Hosa Mahākuṭa. The south wing extends southwards to a distance of about 4 or 5 kilometres, but the north wing is practically an isolated knob rising to a height of 150 metres with very steep sides around excepting the north-eastern side. Immediately to the east and north of the hill are narrow valleys barbed by the ranges of the same hill complex. Thus North-hill forms as if a natural watch tower commanding the views of the narrow valleys in the south-east and north and the open vast fields on the west. Thus, the summit of the hill which is intensively flat is not easily accessible.

c12.s2.2

Besides, in this hill are many narrow deep natural passages with steep sides of the rock. They are many and zig-zag so much that one who is unfamiliar with the topography of the hill would easily get lost or confused for some time. These passages are due to the natural deep cleavages in the solid rock. It is against this geographical back-ground, we have to appreciate the selection of this hill top for erecting the fort (Illn. C.1). It may be recalled here that the inscription of the Pulikeshi I, is engraved on the precipitous of southern side of the hill mentioning about the construction of the fort on the top.

c12.s2.3

The fort wall has been raised along the edge of the flat surface of the high hill. Inevitably, therefore, the plan of the fort (Fig. 23) has to be irregularly polygonal. The actual main entrance here into inner part of the fort indicates an advanced stage of the fort architecture anticipating similar types of entrances' of the mediaeval forts. The entrance is actually from the west into an open court yard surrounded by the fort walls on the south-east and north. Incidentally speaking, the inscription (Bombay Karnātaka Inscriptions, Vol. XI, Part I, No. 1 & Desai, P.B.⸌et al⸍ 1970, P. 100) of C. 642 A.D. of Pallava Narasiṁhavarman I is on the steep boulder almost abutting the southern wall on the interior side. From the court-yard, is a flight of steps from the entrance looking east into the inner part of the fort. The gateway is narrow having a guard room on either side. The flight of steps from the entrance leads to another gateway that opens to a small flat area (Fig.24). Even before the second entrance is approached on the left side is a narrow flight of steps that leads to small open flat land and on this land are located two pillared mandapas providing a panoramic commanding view of the village in the foot of the hill, of the south hill on the other side, the tank and the open vast fields on the west as far as the eyes could see (Fig.22). The mandapas are stylistically of the early Chalukyan period and are situated opposite to the lower Śivālaya but with a narrow valley in between. These probably served as watch-towers really, but apparantly as mandapas in front of the temple. In between the two entrances, the path is very narrow rather steep and in between huge high boulders, having many narrow passages here and there. By following one of these narrow passages one can go very close to the place, where the inscription is engraved (Fig. 23). But the passage terminates into a deep valley at which point one can look at the inscription on the other side of the valley in the middle of the steep side of the rock. At this point there is a brick revetment and on the surface of the passage are sparsely scattered potteries of early historical Chālukyan period. After passing through the second entrance near lower Śivālaya, a path actually follows the natural narrow valley, irregularly zig-zag and ultimately leading to the top of the hill. The hill top is flat, fairly extensive now with a few structures extant namely the upper Śivālaya, a dilapidated masonry structure with stairways, a masonry tank and three granaries of peculiar type (Fig. 26).

c12.s2.4

A little away from upper Śivālaya in the north western part of the hill are cultural debris of shallow thickness having potteries of the late medieval period and of the early historical period. At this point was probably another entrance that leads to a narrow constructed stone cause-way that runs across the valley and terminates at the side of the sloping hill on the eastern side (Fig. 22).

c12.s2.5

From the above description of the topography of the hill and the plan resorted to for the construction of the fort amply indicate the realisation on the part of the architect of the naturally most suitable strategic spot for the erection of the hill fort.

Later additions

c12.s3.1

Before we go into the study of the details of the fort of the Bādāmi Chālukyan period, let me give an idea about the later additions made to the fort, and also of the constructions in the other parts of the locality in different periods. After the study of the earliest fort, the salient architectural features of the other forts too will be dealt with; for a study of these different forts clearly exhibits the developmental stages in the architecture of the fort in the different periods. It is from this point of view Badami is one of the few excellent localities for such a study.

c12.s3.2

Now coming to the later additions, during the Rāṣṭrakūṭa period, Bādāmi of course did not continue to be the capital but probably was an important administrative centre. Of course, there are no inscriptional and literary evidences, but fortunately at the foot of the North-Hill, on the south-western side is a fortwall (Fig.22 and Fig.28) that partly encloses the present village connecting the hill and the tank on the western side at the middle point. The fort appears to have been built immediately in the wake of the fall of the Rāṣṭrakūṭas and of the rise of the Chālukyas again from Kalyāṇa, for the pattern of the construction of the fort here resembles that of the fort in Lakkundi, which is certainly of the early phase of the Kalyāṇa Chālukyan period. Moreover, there are many structural temples such as the Bhūtanāth group of temples on the northern side of the tank, the Yallamma temple on the western bund of the tank and the Dattātraya temple etc. of the Kalyāṇa Chālukya period from the point of style. Besides there are a few inscriptions of the period also.

c12.s3.3

The fort wall has two narrow entrances one on the southern side (Fig.32, Fig. 28 and Fig.29) the other on the western both nearer the south-western corner (Fig.32). The entrances are directly open on the exterior side. The plan of this fort indicates that the North Hill was the acropolis of the Bādāmi Chālukyas and it was enlarged by including some part at the foot of the hill in the valley enclosed by the ground fort.

c12.s3.4

These two forts of the two periods on the one hand and the construction and/or the excavations of the temples even outside the forts on the other seem to suggest that only the area of the acropolis was fortified and the whole city was not enclosed by fort. This is what we have observed in the study of the fort of the early historical period in Banavāsi.

c12.s3.5

Enclosing only the acropolis and apparently not the city with fort wall is indeed on enigmatic for as early as the Harappan period, we find that at Harappā, Kalibangan and Surkoṭeda "not only the acropolis but also the lower city" were fortified separately, and the chapters pertaining to the forts in Kautilyas' Arthasástra, Mānasāra-silpasāstra do speak of the construction of the forts even round the city capitals not merely of the acropolis. But in Bādāmi the ancient township during either Bādāmi Chālukyan or Kalyan Chālukyan period was much more extensive than the area surrounded by the forts. But at present no evidences are available even in the smallest degree that the whole city was enclosed by the fortwall, and the parts that enclosed the city area had totally disappeared in course of time.

c12.s3.6

Bādāmi continued to be a flourishing city even during the Vijayanagar and post Vijayanagar periods (Fig.22). There are two temples of Vijayanagar period. Another temple of Bādāmi Chālukyan period dedicated to Brahma, Vishnu and Mahēshwara now called Jambulinga was renovated by erecting super-structures of brick and mortar in typical Vijayanagar style, over the Garbhagrihas.

c12.s3.7

During this period, it is interesting to note that an extensive fort wall was constructed covering the whole of the present locality and connecting, and in fact including the south-hill almost completely on the western side.

c12.s3.8

During the post Vijayanagar period, the plan of the fort of the Bādāmi Chālukyan period on the North-Hill was altered by the addition of two circular bastions with an imposing entrance (Fig. 33). And also on the flat surface of the south-hill was erected a citadel. These two were built during reign period of Hyder Ali and his son Tippu Sultān. At the foot of Ṣ[h]aiva Layana are a Gumbaz and Masjid, definitely of this period.

Architecture in detail of the fort of the Bādāmi Chālukyan period

c12.s4.1

The fort (Fig.23) on the North-hill in relation to the inscription of Pulikeshi I, obviously is one that was got built by the king referred to in the inscription. The wide top surface of the hill and its periphery are sufficiently flat but undulating. The fort wall had been erected all along the edge of the hill, Therefore, there cannot be any moat outside the fort. The fort is a very good instance of Giridurga. Secondly, the plan (Fig. 23) of the fort is inevitably irregularly polygonal and the height of the fort also varies because of the undulating surface of the rock, the minimum and maximum 2 m and 6 m. The fort wall is 6 m wide at the bottom and 2 m at the top the interior along the principle axis being 340 m north south and 330 m east west. The fort wall has regular buttresses at an interval of 50 m. The buttress generally is 12 m by 4 m in area approximately. The sides of the walls are tapering towards the top.

c12.s4.2

The blocks (Fig.27) used are of irregular shapes and of varied sizes, they are filled conveniently in accordance with the slope so well that hardly any space is left in between the boulders. The construction is cyclopean (Fig.30) the hearting is of earth debris. However, thin clay that had probably percolated from the hearting into the narrow spaces left in between the blocks, is visible. The method of construction is so that the heavy load of the upper part is very well borne by the wider bottom. The top, which is about 2 m wide is flat throughout. If there was originally any parapet wall at the exterior edge cannot be known from the present state of its existence. However, the existance of the parapet for the protection of the guards cannot be ruled out. For in the sculptural representations of the main gates of the fortified cities; in the reliefs of 1st century B.C., from Mathura, Sānchi (Coomraswamy, A.K., 1972, Pl.XIV & XVI), there are clear indications of the parapet wall at the top edge of the fort.

c12.s4.3

It may be recalled here that the fort was attacked by Narashimhavarma Māmalla the Pallava king, who captured the fort from the Pulikeshi II, bore the title of Vātāpikaṇḍa. The inscription of Narashimhavarman is located on a boulder in front of entrance No.3, which actually leads to the interior of the fort. Sufficient damage therefore must have been caused to the fort during the severe war between these two kings.

c12.s4.4

The first entrance (Fig.24) and (Illn. 62) to the fort is located to the North-west of the Agastya tank in between two boulders looking west. From the entrance a passage, 15 m, runs towards east and immediately to the left is another entrance looking east and heading to the main 3rd entrance. In front of the 2nd entrance is a huge rock having the inscription of Narashimhavarman Pallava. At the other end of the rock is raised a high fort wall from the ground level connecting the tank and the hill-north-south, thus completely blocking the entrance from the east at this site (Fig.23).

c12.s4.5

Entrances I and II are quite simple in their plan. Entrance No.1 (Fig.24) is just an opening formed by two vertical huge jambs carrying lintels standing against the natural huge boulder on one side and the fort wall on the other. On the inner side of the entrance on both sides of the royal path - that must have been used by the family members of the ruling dynasty, is a platform. On the frontal side of the platform are the sculptured panels representing some of the episodes of Kṛishṇalīlā and Kubjagaṇas in various attitudes in folie moods.

c12.s4.6

One would naturally enquire into the propriety of having entrance here. In view of its simple plan, of its location of the insignificant corner of the fort wall and of simple nature of the entrance, it does not seem to be the main entrance. We must understand therefore the propriety of its existence there, although it is not of strategic importance. Now from entrance No.2 there is no access direct to the Layanas got excavated in the opposite scarp of the rock; one of them i.e. Layana No.3 was got excavated in saka 500 by Mangaḷēśa himself. The access to these Layanas from entrance No.2, for the royal members is only through the entrance No.1, by the path on the western side of the tank to the Layanas. Hence the uniform narrow way between the entrance No.2 and entrance No.1 should be taken as royal path almost exclusively to the Layanas. The narrow way between the boulder and the fort wall at that point is converted into an entrance exclusively for the people of the rulers, and hence we find much attention is being given to the decoration of the platforms on the inner side of the entrance No.1. The location of the entrance No.1 clearly indicates that the rulers and the important administrators were within the fort separated from the city in the ground level. Thus, the Giri Durga on the North-hill can be described as a citadel separated from the city. Entrance No. 2 in the present state of its condition looks as though it is an enigmatic for the space in between the entrance and the huge boulder rock containing the inscription of Narashimhavarman, the Pallava ruler, is open, secondly the space in between the northern side of the entrance and the hill is also open. Thus therefore the entrance No.2 functionally is meaningless, but the entrance could not have been erected without proper use. A careful study of the area indicates that the entrance has been thoughtfully constructed. In front of this entrance is a naturally deep depression forming a pond upto the rock; therefore the stump of the wall that still is extant of the northern side of the entrance, must have been a part of the wall that connected the entrance and the rock along the edge on the pond. The pond therefore formed a natural short moat to the wall; and this wall was broken during the war between Pulikeshin-II and Narashimhavarma Mamalla, in view of the proximity of the latter's inscription. The remnants of the wall in course of time had disappeared, thus by conjecturing reasonably the existence of the wall between entrance No. 2 and the rock, one could understand the propriety of the location of the entrance. And it is from this entrance there is a flight of steps to the entrance No.3, which is more imposing and strategically well built for it forms the main entrance into the citadel.

c12.s4.7

Entrance No. 2 in reality forms the first entrance into the citadel. In selecting the spot for the entrance the architect had displayed his ingenuity in military strategy. The North-Hill is in all sides almost very steep. In those days it would have been very difficult to scale the hill upto the top without special devices. It is only at the north-eastern side the hill is somewhat slopy; at this spot is a narrow opening which is in ruins. In the present state of its condition it is not possible to surmise whether there was any well-built door-way at this point. Even if there would be any entrance it could not have served as main entrance for it is at this point the fort is comparatively more accessible; and the inscription of Pulikēshin-I clearly states that he had built a fort inaccessible both from the top and the bottom. Therefore, the North-eastern entrance on the top of the hill probably served as, if at all there, emergency exit.

c12.s4.8

Now, the only area where the main entrance could be provided to the hill fort is on the southern side. Here is a deep valley which leeds to the top westwards and the valley is so naturally well protected. On the eastern side and on the southern side are huge boulders. Immediately on the other side of the boulders is the large Agastya ^Tirtha. Therefore, by just erecting screen walls connecting the boulders and the tank, the whole valley could be protected. Thus after having studied the entire configuration of the hill and its immediate surroundings, the architect has selected this spot for having the main entrance, which can be approached only through the narrow entrance No.1. If the entrance No.1 is closed, the enemy finds it almost impossible to get entry into the fort in the normal way. The only one way that is open to him is to scale the hill and the fort wall which was certainly well guarded. An intelligent look with this explanation into the map clearly brings home the thoughtful clever planning of the entrances by the architect.

c12.s4.9

Entrance No. 2

c12.s4.10

The entrance 2 has got well designed gateway (Fig. 24); upto a distance of 3 m the fort walls on the both sides are thick and from this point there is an oblique flight of steps leading to the main entrance of the fort, No. 3. The main entrance is worthy of note, has a narrow way leading to a wider passage, having guard room on both sides. It is particularly noteworthy that the facade of the guard room is not in alignment with the walls of the closed passage in the front.

c12.s4.11

On either side of the main entrance (Fig.24) the hill is steeply slopy and high; here only through this entrance one can pass into the citadel proper. The guard room is rectangular on plan with three pillars abutting the back wall in the rear. The pillars are heavy squarish, plain with plain pitha and plain brackets. From the passage is a natural path in the valley leading north-westwards and then northwards, and takes right angular turn westwards to another gate. The passage is provided with flight of steps here and there and then wherever absolutely necessary. At the point 'c' (Fig. 23) about 35 m from the point where the passage takes northward turn is a steep deep narrow valley on either side eastwards and westwards. If the westward narrow valley is followed it bifurcates into two passages both leading to the spot where the inscription of Pulikeshi I is located. The passage that branches off like an arm terminates with brick revetment from which point one can get the clear view of the inscription. The passage running westwards is also narrow valley with the steep hills on the both sides that provide the other end a fine view of the temple called Lower Śivālaya.

c12.s4.12

Before we examine the entrance No.4, some observations regarding the entrance No. 3 are worthy of note. As mentioned above, it is particularlynoteworthy that the facade of the guard room is not in alignment with the walls of the closed passage in the front, and the entrance is smaller in width than the passage on the interior, with the guard rooms. While ascending the flight of steps to reach the entrance and even at the entrance proper, one normally does not get the view of the guard rooms on the other side. This is really significant from the point of defence. Enemy who does not know the strategic intricacies of the fort cannot get the idea about the existence of guard rooms even at the entrance. If his contingents advance they are attacked on the way, by the soldiers in the guard rooms.

c12.s4.13

Incidentally, it may be recalled here that on the left side of the narrow passage from the entrance No. 3, is a narrow way up marked by flight of steps of irregular blocks that leads to an open flat land of small area on the hill; and it is here are the two pillared mantapas which practically served as watch-towers.

c12.s4.14

Entrance No. 4 (Fig.25) and (Illn.C.3) has two Saiva Dwarapalas on the sides with sculptured panel above the door way in the top right corner. These Saiva Dwārapālas are, indeed of the early phase of early Chālukyas. But the entrance seems to have undergone renovation. From this entrance after a few metres, there are two passages towards the south and the other towards the North. The southward passage actually opens into a small open land where lower Śivālaya is located. The Northward passage is actually opens into a small open land where lower Śivālaya is located. The northward passage is actually a narrow passage in the valley ascending upwards. At the point C (Fig.23), 100 m away from the entrance No. 4, there is another narrow natural passage running westwards that actually leads to the precipitous edge of the hill. At this edge one can have commanding view of Mālegitti Śivālaya at the lower part of the hill. Here the fort had been renovated during the time of Tippu Sultān by providing a circular wall of ashlar masonry with flight of steps on the east. There are two heavy guns placed on pivot points that must have been placed in this circular bastion soon after the renovation of the bastion (Fig.33).

c12.s4.15

If the passage is followed northwards from this turning point at C, after traversing a distance of 50 m, it takes eastward turn. Here at this point a wall is constructed in between two huge rocks across, with a small entrance (Fig.26) which is plain. The passage from this point runs rather zig-zag in between rocks and finally leads to the top moat land of the hill. On this land is a temple called Upper Sivalaya, definitely of the early phase of the early Chalukyan, which is in dilapidated condition. Near the Sivalaya is a structure of ashlar masonry with lime mortar plaster, definitely of the period of Tippu Sultan. Prior to this later structure on the sides of the passage some metres after the entrance No. 5 are two circular barrel like hollow structures; these are believed to be the granaries, but really speaking their functions are not clearly known. One of them has a narrow opening that provides a clear view of the interior. The interior is deeper from the ground level outside.

c12.s4.16

To the east of the Sivalaya is a modern Durghah. The whole undulated rocky area to the North-East of the Sivalaya seems to be the place of occupation of the rulers of the Early Chalukya dynasty. Near the north-east edge of the hill is a thin layer of ashy earth containing lots of potteries of post Vijayanagara period and of medieval times, and, it is particularly noteworthy, of the period between 2nd and 10th century A.D.

c12.s4.17

It is at this point the hill gradually slopes, where the fort has an opening leading to the cause-way. Entrance No. 6 (Fig.23) is approached by descending steps. As already mentioned above, it is doubtful, if there was any opening there originally. However, the construction of the cause-way across the valley over a long distance leading to another hill range on the other side of which is Mahākuṭa; thus it suggests that there might be a secret narrow opening meant to be used only by the trusted ones.

c12.s4.18

Such in considerable detail is the description of the fort and its related parts of the period of the Bādāmi Chālukyas. A study of the net work of the narrow deep passages in the hill plateau, it is now quite clear, had been fully taken into account by the builders of the fort. A stranger certainly would get lost in some of these narrow passages, who could easily be preyed upon by the guards-men, from the top of the boulders. One is reminded of what is described as Chakravyūha in Mahābhārata created by strategic alignment of the army; but here the hill is endowed with so many narrow deep passages that confuse any stranger. Comparatively speaking it is this hill that had been therefore selected after studying the whole area including the surroundings and the ranges of the hills on the other sides of the valleys; thus this fort is an excellent and perhaps unique illustration of Giridurga type of fort of the Early period.

c12.s4.19

Bādāmi : Fort

Additions during the Rāṣtrakūṭa and Kalyāṇa Chālukya periods

c12.s5.1

As explained above, although Bādāmi lost its status as state capital of the imperial kingdom with the fall of Western Chālukyas, as an important administrative Head quarters, it did continue to flourish. Owing to the sacking of the hill fort at the hands of Narasimhavarman, the Pallava king, the fort probably could not continue to be a strong old in the later days. Hence there arose presumably a necessity to strengthen it and this was effected not by improving the renovated hill fort but by protecting the very first entrance by way of having another guarding fort at the ground level. This fortwall connects the steep side of the North-hill at the south-western point and Agastya tank. The fort wall (Fig.22) has many re-entrant angles but at right angles. This device is different from that of the Hill fort. In the case of the latter, all the angles are usually obtuse as the wall follows the configuration of the hill plateau.

c12.s5.2

The method of making the wall with projections and recesses is obviously for the purpose of more effective defence, for, the whole wall in its entire length is not visible from exterior, from any point. The wall is provided with rectangular bastions at regular intervals on the exterior.

c12.s5.3

It is constructed with fairly well-dressed rectangular stone blocks (Fig.29) with clay binding. The sides of the wall are tapering towards the top, rather more steeply (Fig.28). At the ground level and at the top its width is 4 m and 2 m respectively. The total height is 6 m. Thus there is some definite proportion in thinning width and height i.e. 1:2:3. The core of the wall consists of earth and rubble stones.

c12.s5.4

The wall is provided with two gateways (Fig.22) one looking south and another looking west. The former appears to be the main entrance comparatively and faces the celebrated Layaṇas on the opposite steep side of the south-hill.

c12.s5.5

There are at present no indications to ascertain, if there was any moat on the outside. However, it is quite likely, there was probably no moat for the fort, raised through the city.

c12.s5.6

The Gateways (Fig.32)

c12.s5.7

The gateway (Fig.32) looking south is imposing wide and high. The door frame is enclosed partly by the projecting walls on the sides acting as buttresses. These buttresses are 2 m wide and 4 m long. The gateway actually is a pillared maṇṭapa with four pillars at the corners. The ceiling is set in the pattern of a star. The side walls have about 50 cms deep recess, and 3.75 (m) wide. In the interior abutting the eastern side of eastern projection is a flight of steps leading to the top of the wall. Provision of flight of steps on this side has been wisely calculated. The flight of steps is not readily visible even after entering into the fort.

c12.s5.8

The other gateway (Fig.23) looking west is simply a narrow passage, almost diagonally opposite to the entrance No.1 of the hill fort. The simplicity and narrow width of this passage in contrast to the majestic gateway looking south facing the Layanas already indicate that the former is meant for people and latter for the people of the royal family and high officials.

c12.s5.9

The plan of the erection of the wall at the strategic point protecting effectively entrance No.1 of the hill-fort, indicates careful selection of this spot for the maximum benefit with the minimum effort.

c12.s5.10

The above description is based on the extant remains of the fort and the ground plan of it that was published by the superintendent, Archaeological Survey, Western Circle, Poona, (22.8.1923) and the Survey Plan of Bādāmi, showing caves and temples around the tank (Sheet No.1496). Now, the northern wing and a part of western wing of the fort are not practically existing; and in that area are found many houses.

c12.s5.11

Even when the fort was raised there must have been residential buildings outside it; this is suggested by the existence of some temples, Dattātraya, Yellamma temples of the period of 11th century A.D. Thus essentially the fort was meant for the protection of the administrative unit. Therefore, the fort wall still continued to be a citadel in function.

The Fort of the Vijayanagar Period

c12.s6.1

Further, beyond the small fort enclosure of the Rastrakuta period westwards were the remains of the fort. A ground plan of this fort has been recorded in the survey plan of Bādāmi (22.8.1923), showing caves and temples around the tank,(Drawing published by Superintendent, Archaeological Survey, Poona No.1456). Now, there are hardly any remains of this fort and the present village extends much outside the fort that existed there.

c12.s6.2

From the plan (Fig.22) it appears that the fort was raised during the Vijayanagar period and we have already mentioned about the monuments of the Vijayanagar period such as the temple that is subsequently converted into masjid in the northern part and the brick mortar superstructure of Vijayanagara style to the raised over one of the Garbhagrihas of the Jambulinga temple.

c12.s6.3

The fort is roughly crescentic in plan with an exception of one sharp angle looking the southwest. It is exactly opposite to the deep valley forming the vast Agastya T̂irtha. The fort wall which is in single line, abuts the central part of the north-hill at one end and the southern side of the south-hill at the other. Immediately on the exterior side was a wide moat. The fort wall had a gateway in the middle but rather nearer the northern end and almost in alignment with the narrow passage of the second fort, which in turn is diagonally opposite of entrance No.1 of the Hill citadel. Obviously, therefore, the architect had taken into consideration, while building the fort, the plans of the earlier buildings in the fort, the plans of the earlier forts and the topography of the land.

c12.s6.4

The entrance (Fig.22) unlike those of the first and the second, is zig-zag, the angles being 90o on the exterior side at regular intervals are circular bastions. Unfortunately, the elevational aspect the architectural features of the top and constructional method cannot be known for the reason already mentioned above. However, a small part of it remains at one spot near the modern Chāvḍi (Village Council hall). A close examination of this well reveals that the blocks of stones were well cut rectangular and comparatively smaller in size. The method of placing the blocks is definitely after a regular pattern. The vertical joints of each course is arranged to be in alignment alternately (Fig.27).

c12.s6.5

The village now extends even beyond the fort. All the metal roads and almost all the buildings outside the fort are definitely of the modern period. Thus, the fort of the Vijayanagar period had probably enclosed not only the area of the administrative unit but also the whole city. Thus, this defensive wall can really be described as fort.

c12.s6.6

It was in the course of the expansion of the village, during the modern period in all the directions almost the whole fort wall had been demolished. Even the moat also had been filled up and there are houses in the depression.

c12.s6.7

Thus, in this fort we find three new developments in relation to the earlier forts:

c12.s6.8

1. Introduction of a zig-zag entrance,
2. Provision of circular bastions, and
3. Provision of a moat on the exterior side.

Fort of the period of Hyder Ali and Tippu Sultān

c12.s7.1

When Hyder Ali conquered Bādāmi fort, during his and his son and successor's periods two citadels were raised on the top of the hill plateaux on both the hills the north (Illn. 0.5) and south. On the north hill at the western scarp, the hill becomes rather pointed, providing commanding view of the plains not only on the front but also on the sides of the hill, thus it is a strategic point (Illn.0.4). It is at this point,a semi-circular fort wall is raised serving as bastion connecting the earliest walls of the citadel on both the sides. The interior diameter of the bastion is 20 m; this is approached by a flight of steps on the eastern side (Fig.33). The flight of steps consists of seven steps the first four are only 4 m. wide and the remaining three are 14 m wide. Although this method of providing shorter and wider steps is normal, it has some defensive implications too, Suppose the enemy soldiers in many numbers march towards the bastion in attacking the guards, they cannot together ascend because of the narrow length of the frontal four steps; and they had to ascend by that flight of steps only. On the other hand the defenders can spread all along the upper steps and attack the enemies now concentrated at one point. The parapet wall has at regular interval five slits of about 50 cms. wide each. Its height is 2 m., so that the army guards could not be seen at all from outside. Immediately on the northern side of the flight of steps a little behind is a cell with small opening. The cell perhaps a magazine is actually underground; it was probably meant for storing gun-powder. There are two metal guns still preserved within the bastion.

c12.s7.2

The other fort on the south-hill is approached by a flight of steps through a narrow valley. On the top is an irregularly pentagonal citadels with the extension of walls at the north-east and south-west corners outside. The walls have circular bastions on the outside, at the corners and at the ends. Within the fortification is a metal gun. Both at the beginnings of the flight of steps at the north-east corners of the pentagonal fort are gateways. At the centre of this pentagonal enclosure is a structure of ashlar masonry. In the eastern wall of it, there is an entrance of arch type with pointed apex. This was probably a guard room or a magazine. The wall is of ashlar masonry consisting of well dressed rectangular blocks of stones with mortar as binding material.

c12.s7.3

With the use of metal guns and powder at two strategic points as described above with minimum fortification, the whole area could be protected. Thus, we find the display of wisdom in the minimum construction along with advanced technology of warfare.

c12.s7.4

Bādāmi provides excellent materials for the study of development of defence architecture at four definite changing periods in history from about middle of 6th century to the middle of 18th century, in response to the changing and advancing techniques of warfare.

c12.s7.5

[Figure: NOTE: BASED ON SURVEY OF INDIA MAPS, PUB- BANGALORE (1978)

c12.s7.6

0 60 120 KMS MAHĀRĀṢTRA BHĪMĀ KĀGINĀ FORT OF BĀDĀMI KRISHNĀ VARADĀ TUNGA BHADRĀ ĀNDHRĀ PRADĒSH KĀVĒRĪ TAMIL NĀDU KĒRAḶA ARABIAN SEA GOA karnāṭaka — LOCATION OF THE FORT OF BĀDĀMI]

c12.s7.7

[Figure: BĀDĀMI— showing Different Fortifications 1 CM = 80 M. NORTH HILL TANK SOUTH HILL ① — FORT, BY PULIKĒSI (I) ② — FORT, BY RĀṢṬRAKŪṬAS ③ — FORT, BY VIJAYANAGARA RULERS. ④ — FORT, BY HYDER & TIPPU SULTĀN]

c12.s7.8

[Figure: SCHEDULE
1) ENT ENTRANCE
2) FORT WALL WITH BASTIONS
3) MONUMENTS
4) INSCR. INSRIPTION
5) ROCKS
6) TANK

c12.s7.9

SCARP 105 m EASTERN ENTRANCE BATTERAIPM (HANUMA) TEMPLE DARGAH UPPER SHIVALAYA PUL-I INSCR PALLAVA INSCR MUSEUM LOWER SHIVALAYA SCARP 55 m OFFICER ROCKS GRANARY WELL ENT·IV ENT. V ENT. I ENT. II ENT. III TANK]

c12.s7.10

BĀDĀMI – FORT ON THE NORTH-HILL [EARLY CHĀLUKYAN PERIOD),

c12.s7.11

It measures on its axis 330 m EW and 340 m. NS.

c12.s7.12

[Figure: SCALE

c12.s7.13

1 CM TO 1 M.

c12.s7.14

BOULDERS GUARD ROOMS BOULDERS ENT: I SCARP

c12.s7.15

BĀDĀMI- EARLY CHĀLUKYAN FORT, ENTRANCES: I, II, & III.

c12.s7.16

ENT: II]

c12.s7.17

[Figure: OFFICIALS' Qrts TO LOWER SHIVĀLAYA TO UPPER SHIVĀLAYA GUARD ROOM. (3.00) ENT: IV PASSAGE 3.80 ROCKS ROCKS SCALE 0 1 2 3 4 5 m. BĀDĀMI - NORTH FORT, PLAN OF ENTRANCE: IV.]

c12.s7.18

[Figure: FIG. 26 BĀDĀMI —— EARLY CHĀLUKYAN FORT, ON THE NORTH HILL, ENTRANCE: V & GRANARIES ROCKS PATH WAY WALLING ENT: V GRANARY OPEN-SPACE TANK UP ROCKS TO UPPER SHIVĀLAYA

c12.s7.19

BĀDĀMI— ARRANGEMENT OF BLOCKS OF STONES IN FORT WALLS OF DIFFERENT PERIODS

c12.s7.21

i) EARLY CHĀLUKYAN PERIOD ( 6ᵗʰ- 7ᵗʰ CENT. AD)

c12.s7.22

un-even rough blocks of stones, with clay binding.

c12.s7.23

ii) : LATE RĀSTRAKŪṬA PERIOD Or BEGINNING OF LATER CHĀLUKYAN PERIOD ( 10ᵗʰ - 11ᵗʰ CENT. A.D ).

c12.s7.24

faily dressed blocks blocks of stones, with clay binding.

c12.s7.25

iii) VIJAYANAGARA PERIOD ( 15ᵗʰ - 16ᵗʰ CENT. AD)

c12.s7.26

Dressed stones with lime mortar.

c12.s7.27

iv) : HYDER ALI & TIPPU SULTĀN PERIOD , ( LATE 18ᵗʰ CENT AD)

c12.s7.28

Ashlar masonry with Neatly dressed stones & Lime mortar.

c12.s7.29

[Figure: SCALE

c12.s7.30

2 CM TO 1 M . WALL WALK 1·50 m 0·50 m PARAPET ROUGHLY DRESSED BLOCKS OF RED SAND STONE 6 M. HIGH TAPERING WALL HEARTING IN CLAY & ROBBLES CLAY POINTING GL 4·00 m SECTION]

c12.s7.31

BĀDĀMI— FORTWALL OF RĀṢṬRAKŪṬA PERIOD : SECTION LOOKING WEST , WESTERN WING OF THE SOUTH GATE.

c12.s7.32

[Figure: SCALE

c12.s7.33

² cm. TO 1 m. STONE SIZE : 1.25 X 1.50 m, ON AN AVERAGE 5.50 m BĀDĀMI — ELEVATION OF FORT-WALL, OF RĀŚTRAKŪṬA PERIOD, LOOKING SOUTH, ON THE RIGHT OF THE SOUTH-GATE, SHOWING ARRANGEMENT OF STONE BLOCKS.

c12.s7.34

[Figure: SCALE FIG. 30

c12.s7.35

LOWER SHIVĀLAYA FORT WALL 3 TO 6 m. 55.00 m G.L. BĀDĀMI — CHĀLUKYAN FORT ON THE STEEP SCARP, 55.00 m HIGH, ABOVE G.L.; THE WALL CONNECTS THE BOULDERS.

c12.s7.36

[Figure: FIG.31 0 1 2 3 2CM TO 1m. BĀDĀMI — PLAN OF DIḌḌI GATE IN THE FORT WALL OF RĀŚTRAKŪṬA PERIOD, IN N.W. CORNER OF THE TANK. ANCIENT DAM 5.00(m) 1.50m BOULDERS DIḌḌI GATE 1.00 DOWN TANK

c12.s7.37

[Figure: FIG. 32 N SCALE 0 1 2 3 2 CM TO 1M DOUBLE DOOR SYSTEM UP WIDTH OF FORT WALL 4.00 m 3.75 m 4.00 m 4.00 m PIVOT POINT OF THE DOOR 2.00 m 2.00 m BĀDĀMI— SOUTH GATE IN FORT OF RĀṢṬRAKŪṬA PERIOD

c12.s7.38

[Figure: 0.50 m. WIDE LOOP-HOLES 0.25 m. PARAPET WITH ROUNDED COPING. SCARP DIAM; OF BASTION 20 m. SCARP 14.00 m UNDER GROUND MAGAZINE FORT-WALL 4.00 m. SCALE 0 2 4 6 8 10 m 4.00 BĀDĀMI-NORTH FORT SEMI-CIRCULAR BASTION, AT HT. OF 102 M. FROM G.L., IN ASHLAR MASONRY, CONTRIBUTED BY HYDERALI & TIPPU, LATE 18th CENTURY.]

Linked texts (12)