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History of Orissa from the Earliest Times to the British Period v1.c12: Chapter V

History of Orissa from the Earliest Times to the British Period v1.c12

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English

Chapter V

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Orissa emerges into the light of history with the rise of the Nandas. Pauranic tradition records that, when 32 kings of Kalinga had reigned, Mahāpadma Nanda rose and exterminated the Kshatriyas. This evidently means that, after the end of the Mahābhārata War and before the conquest of Northern India by Mahāpadma Nanda of Magadha, 32 kings reigned in Kalinga for 1050 or 1115 years. This is evidently the first dynasty of Kalinga. The average reign of each king would be either 31.75 or 32.812 years. This average is certainly not overmuch. The Hathigumpha inscription of King Khāravela contains two distinct references to the conquest of Kalinga by the Nandas. In both cases the term employed is Nandarāja, which may be taken either to be the first king of that dynasty or to Mahāpadma Nanda. The first reference is to be found in the 6th line and in the account of the 5th year of Khāravela’s reign. The inscription says that a canal excavated in the year 103 or 300 of King Nanda was extended by Khāravela in that year as far as his capital city. According to Mr. K. P. Jayaswal, the year in this sentence is taken to be one of the Nanda era referred to by Al-Bīruni in his *Tahqīq-i-Hind*. Pargiter places the accession of the first Nanda King approximately in 402 B. C. (accession of Chandragupta in 322 B. C. plus 80 years of the reigns of nine Nanda kings). According to this estimate the canal in Kalinga was excavated by the Nanda kings in 299 B. C. In that case it would be too late to ascribe this public work to Mahāpadma Nanda. Even if we take the Pauranic account of 100 years as the total length of the reigns of nine Nanda Kings and add it to the year 322 B. C., then we get 319 B. C. as the date of the excavation of the canal near the capital of Kalinga by a Nanda king, which is absurd. The only valid conclusion from this passage can be that this particular canal was excavated in Kalinga by a Nanda king, probably the first king of that dynasty, 103 years before the 5th year of Khāravela’s reign, i. e., 108 years before his accession. Mr. Jayaswal’s view is that the era was counted from 458 B. C. and therefore, the canal was excavated in 355 B. C., at least 33 years before the accession of Chandragupta Maurya.

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The second reference to Nanda Kings is to be found in line 12 of the Hathigumpha inscription and in the account of the 12th year of the reign of Khāravela. In that year Khāravela caused great terror to the kings of the North-western frontier, terrorized the people of Magadha, caused his elephants to enter the Sugāṅga Palace of Pāṭaliputra and brought back the image of a Jina which had been carried away by Nandarāja.

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There is, therefore, definite evidence in the Hathigumpha inscription to prove that one of the Nanda kings had conquered Kalinga and brought that Dravidian Empire under its sway. It would be more natural to suppose that a great conqueror, Mahāpadma Nanda, to whom the Purāṇas ascribe the subversion of all Kshatriya kingdoms, put an end to the Kshatriya monarchy in Orissa also. The second mention of Nandarāja in the Hathigumpha inscription as having brought away the image of a Jina from Kalinga is extremely interesting from the point of view of the ancient culture of Orissa. Orissa had been a Jaina stronghold from the very beginning. The Jaina Harivaṃśa-Purāṇa says that Mahāvīra Vardhamāna had preached his religion in Kalinga. Another Jaina work, the Haribhadrīya-vṛtti, says that Mahāvīra Vardhamāna went to Kalinga as the king of that country was a friend of his father. The difficulty lies in the identification of this Kalinga-Jina, because Jaina tradition does not assign any of the 24 Tīrthaṅkaras of the present age or Kalpa to Kalinga. Mr. Jayaswal and I have suggested that this Kalinga-Jina should be taken to refer to the tenth Tīrthaṅkara, Śitalanātha, who was born at Bhadalpur,¹ which is probably the same as Bhadrāchalam or Bhadrapuram in the Kalinga country. This Bhadrāchalam is at present in the Godāvarī district of the Madras Presidency.

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¹ Indian Antiquary, Vol. II, 1870, p. 136.

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Figure of elephant over Asoka's rock edict—Dhauli

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What happened to Kalinga after the fall of the Nandas we do not know. It appears certain that Kalinga did not pass with the rest of the Nanda Empire to Chandragupta. Of course, it is quite possible that the Kshatriyas of Kalinga regained their independence during the decline of the Nanda power and even before the accession of Chandragupta Maurya. It seems clear that Kalinga did not acknowledge the sway of Chandragupta Maurya and Bindusāra, because Aśoka had to conquer it. Aśoka’s conquest of Kalinga is extremely significant in view of the fact that Chandragupta is credited with the conquest of even the extreme south of the Indian Peninsula as far as Podiyil hill in the Tinnevelly district. It is, therefore, evident that Kalinga was too powerful to be tackled immediately after the foundation of the Maurya Empire, while other States of Western and Southern India were clearly too small and unimportant to stand any chance with the great empire of Northern India. At the present date we can only guess the causes of Kalinga’s greatness from indirect evidence which has been compiled in chapter VII. Kalinga had built up a great overseas empire and spread its colonies as far as the Philippine Islands in the East and far south into the islands of the Indian Archipelago. Very probably Chandragupta found out that it would not be possible for him to upset the power of Kalinga. So it was left for his grandson, the great Asoka, to conquer Kalinga. From the date of the downfall of the Nandas to Asoka’s conquest of Kalinga we must count the period of the rule of the second dynasty of kings of Kalinga.

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Asoka himself had left enough materials for us in his 13th edict about his conquest of Kalinga and in the special edicts at Dhauli and Jaugada about the administration of the newly conquered territory. In the 13th edict Asoka says that Kalinga was conquered by him in the 8th year from his coronation. During the conquest one hundred and fifty thousand men were captured and carried away into slavery, one hundred thousand men were killed and many times that number died as the result of the war. The horror of having killed many hundred thousands of men in action, as well as by the indirect effects of this campaign, is very well expressed by that Emperor himself, and there are no reasons to doubt the sincerity of the great Emperor’s contrition. In a little country like Kaliṅga, even if we take it at its greatest extension, from the mouth of the Ganges to that of the Godāvarī, the slaughter of three or four hundred thousand men and the capture of one hundred and fifty thousand must have meant terrible carnage. The numbers of Kaliṅgans, who were captured, killed or died of privations, indicate the stubborn resistance of the nation to the aggression of the Northern Empire. In that little strip of country, extending along the Eastern coast of the Bay of Bengal, many a great battle must have been fought from the banks of the Suvarṇarekhā to that of the Kṛṣṇā. A small but determined army could have opposed an invader at every river and there are so many of them all through. Aśoka is silent about the number of engagements, because it was not his object to record the events of his reign. There are hundreds of impregnable forts along the foot of the Eastern Ghats, at least some of which must have been stormed before the entire country submitted to Aśoka Maurya. Then comes the privations and horrors of a foreign invasion; the destruction of standing crops; the burning and plunder of markets and bazars and the consequent famine and pestilence, which follow in the wake of such castastrophes due to the wickedness of man. The number of persons killed in action and those captured during the war must have been infinitesimal compared with the vast numbers that died of starvation, and plague and other diseases which each great war in this world carries in its train. Aśoka himself says: "Verily the slaughter, death and captivity of the people, that occur when an unconquered (country) is being conquered, is looked upon as extremely painful and regrettable by the Beloved of the God. But this is to be looked upon as more regrettable than that, namely, that there dwell Brahmanic, Sramanic, and other sects and house-holders, among whom are established this hearkening to the elders, hearkening to the parents, hearkening to the preceptors, seemly behaviour and steadfast devotion to friends, acquaintances, companions and relatives, and to slaves and servants. There (in the war) to such (pious) people befall personal violence, death, or banishment from the loved ones. And in case they are settled in life and possess undiminished affection, their friends, acquaintances, companions and relatives (thereby) meet with a calamity, (and) their that (calamity) becomes their personal violence....Even one-hundredth or one-thousandth part of those who were slain, died, or were captured in Kalinga, is to-day considered regrettable by the Beloved of the gods." This expression of remorse has been believed to be genuine by all modern writers on the subject. The great Emperor ordered the incision of this edict at all places except within the boundaries of Kalinga proper. So, later in life, Asoka was ashamed to express even his remorse in the country of Kalinga, so great was his remorse and so long was its continuity.¹

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¹ D. R. Bhandarkar—Asoka, Carmichael Lectures, 1925; Calcutta, 1925, pp. 22-25.

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The 13th rock edict, to be found at Shahbazgarhi in the North-Western Frontier Provinces and Mansehra, Girnar near Junagadh in Kathiawad and Kalsi near Dehra Dun, is not to be found at Dhauli in the Puri district of Orissa and Jaugada in the Ganjam district of Madras. The 12th edict, which does not contain much historical information, is also omitted from these two series, and in The image provided is blank. There is no text to transcribe.

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Portion of the Dhauli edict

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their stead we find the two special Kalinga edicts which are addressed to the Mahāmātras at Tosali in the case of the Dhauli series and to the Mahāmātras at Samāpā in the case of the Jaugada series. The principal object expressed by the great Emperor in these two special edicts addressed to the officers in the heart of Kalinga was to express his intense solicitude for the citizens of the city and inhabitants of the villages. The law-officers of the crown are expressly instructed not to cause sudden obstruction or sudden infliction of pain. The Emperor continues to say that for this purpose he will start on tours every five years so that his officers may administer the empire without causing pain by harshness or by sloth. His sons will also go on tours every three years as well as the governor of Takshaśilā. The first separate edict has been translated by the late Dr. E. Hultzsch in the following manner :

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"At the word of Devānāmpriya, the Mahāmātras at Tosali, (who are) the judicial officers of the city, have to be told (thus). Whatever is recognized (to be right), that I strive to carry out by deeds, and to accomplish by (various) means. And this is considered by me the principal means for this object, viz., (to give) instruction to you. For you are occupied with many thousands of men, with the object of gaining the affection of men. All men are my children. As on behalf of (my own) children I desire that they may be provided with complete welfare and happiness in this world and in the other world, the same I desire also on behalf of (all) men. And you do not learn how far this (my) object reaches. Some single person only learns this, (and) even he (only) a portion, (but) not the whole. Now you must pay attention to this, although you are well provided for. It happens in the administration (of justice) that a single person suffers either imprisonment or harsh treatment. In this case (an order) cancelling the imprisonment is (obtained) by him accidentally, while (many) other people continue to suffer. In this case you must strive to deal (with all of them) impartially. But one fails to act (thus) on account of the following dispositions : envy, anger, cruelty, hurry, want of practice, laziness (and) fatigue. (You) must strive for this, that these dispositions may not arise to you. And the root of all this is the absence of anger and the avoidance of hurry. He who is fatigued in the administration (of justice), will not rise ; but one ought to move, to walk, and to advance. He who will pay attention to this, must tell you : See that (you) discharge the debt (which you owe to the king) such and such is the instruction of Devānāmpriya. The observance of this produces great fruit, (but its) non-observance (becomes) a great evil. For if one fails to observe this, there will be neither attainment of heaven nor satisfaction of the king. For how (could) my mind be pleased if one badly fulfills this duty ? But if (you) observe this, you will attain heaven, and you will discharge the debt (which you owe) to me and this edict must be listened to (by all) on (every day of) the constellation Tishya. And it may be listened to even by a single (person) also on frequent (other) occasions between (the days of) Tishya. And if (you) act thus, you will be able to fulfill (this duty). For the following purpose has this rescript been written here, (viz) in order that the judicial officers of the city may strive at all times (for this), (that) neither undeserved fettering nor undeserved harsh treatment are happening to (men). And for the following purpose I shall send out every five years (a Mahāmātra) who will be neither harsh nor fierce, (but) of gentle action (viz., in order to ascertain) whether (the judicial officers) paying attention to this object...are acting thus, as my instruction (implies). But for Ujjayinī also the prince (governor) will send out for the same purpose......a person of the same description and he will not allow (more than) three years to pass (without such a deputation). In the same way (an officer will be deputed) from Takshaśilā also. When......these Mahāmātras will set out on tour, then, without neglecting their own duties, they will ascertain well, (viz.) whether (the judicial officers) are carrying out this also thus, as the instruction of the king (implies).”¹

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¹ Hultzsch—*Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, New Edition*, Oxford, 1925, pp. 95-7.

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The first separate edict at Jaugada is practically the same, with the exception of the fact that the word Samāpā is substituted for Tosaliyam. The second separate edict at Dhauli is addressed to the royal prince (probably the governor of Kaliṅga) as well as to the Mahāmātras at Toshali, but the same edict at Jaugada is addressed only to the Mahāmātras. In the first part there is a pointed reference to the unconquered tribes of the borders. The language employed is benevolent and extremely conciliatory. The second separate edict at Jaugada had been translated by the late Dr. Hultzsch in the following manner:

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“Devānāmpriya speaks thus. The Mahāmātras at Samāpā have to be told (this) at the word of the king. Whatever I recognize (to be right) that I strive to carry out by deeds and to accomplish by (various) means. And this is considered by me the principal means for this object, viz., (to give) instruction to you. All men are my children. As on behalf of (my own) children I desire that they may be provided by me with complete welfare and happiness in this world and in the other world, even so is my desire on behalf of all men. It might occur to (my) unconquered borderers (to ask)—'What does the king desire with reference to us.' This alone is my wish with reference to the borderers (that) they may learn (that) the king desires this (that) they may not be afraid of me but may have confidence in me; (that) they may obtain only happiness from me, not misery; (that) they may learn this, (that) the king will forgive them what can be forgiven; that they may (be induced) by me, (to) practise morality; (and that) they may attain (happiness) both (in) this world and (in) the other world. And for the following purpose I am instructing you (viz., that) I may discharge the debt (which I owe to them) by this that I instruct you and inform (you) of (my) will, i. e., (of) my unshakable resolution and vow. Therefore acting thus (you) must fulfill (your) duty and must inspire them with confidence in order that they may learn that the king is to them like a father (that) he loves them as he loves himself (and that) they are to the king like (his own) children. Having instructed you and having informed (you) of (my) will, i. e., (of) my unshakable resolution and vow, I shall have (i. e. maintain) officers in all provinces for this object. For you are able to inspire those (borderers) with confidence and (to secure their) welfare and happiness in this world, and in the other world. And if (you) act thus you will attain heaven, and you will discharge the debt (which you owe) to me. And for the following purpose has this rescript been written here (viz.) in order that the Mahāmātras may strive at all times to inspire (my) borderers with confidence and (to induce them), to practise morality. And this rescript must be listened to (by all) every four months on (the day of) Tishya. And it may be listened to also between (the days of Tishya). It may be listened to even by a single (person) when an occasion offers. And if (you) act thus, you will be able to carry out (my orders.)”¹

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¹ Hultzsch—Corpus inscriptionum Indicarum, New Edition, Oxford, 1925, pp. 117-8.

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On the metalled road from Cuttack to Puri, a little distant from the river Prāchī, Aśoka’s edicts were engraved on a low hill above which is carved in relief the forefront of an elephant. The rock surface was smoothed and carved as a sunken panel in which the edicts were inscribed. The surface of the panel was highly polished like the shafts of Aśoka’s pillars. On the road from the river to the low rock one sees the ruins of a vast city containing hundreds of small and large mounds with small and large tanks in all stages of decay. Twenty-two years back, when I was editing the Patiakella plate of Śivarāja of the Gupta year 283, it was suggested to me by my venerable teacher Mahāmahopādhyāya Dr. Hara Prasada Śāstri, M. A., PH. D., C. I. E., at that time the Principal of the Government Sanskrit College of Calcutta, that these ruins represent the ancient city of Tosali. These ruins have so far been neglected by the Archæological Survey of India, and we do not know to what period they belong. The earliest mention of Tosali in historical records is to be found in the Patiakella plate of Śivarāja of the Gupta year 283, where the village granted is stated to have been situated in Southern Tosali.¹ The second mention of Tosali in a contemporary record is, therefore, approximately 866 years after the death of Aśoka. The next mention is to be found in the Neulpur plate of Śubhākara from which we know that the two villages granted were situated in the district of Northern Tosali.² As Śubhākara was the contemporary of the Chinese Emperor Te-tsong, the second mention of Tosali has to be placed towards the close of the 8th century A. D., *i. e.*, approximately 1,050 years after the death of Aśoka.³

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¹ *Epi. Ind., Vol. IX., p. 287.*

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² *Ibid., Vol. XV, p. 5.*

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³ *Ibid., p. 365*

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What happened after the death of Aśoka we do not know. The next half-a-century is still covered with intense darkness. The history of Kalinga is not recorded either in inscriptions or in any section of Indian literature. We do not find the name of Kalinga in the list of missionaries sent by Aśoka for the propagation of the Buddhist faith to different parts of India. Evidently the faith of the people of Kalinga remained solid in Jainism. The darkness which now descends on the history of Kalinga and Orissa is lifted up only for about a quarter-of-a-century during the reign of Khāravela, when it descends again, to rise up in the 6th century A. D., or after a lapse of nearly eight centuries.

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