The Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay Presidency from the Earliest Historical Times to the Musalman Conquest c11: Historical Sketch of the Southern Maratha Country or Bombay Karnatak
The Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay Presidency from the Earliest Historical Times to the Musalman Conquest c11
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Historical Sketch of the Southern Maratha Country or Bombay Karnatak
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The raid into the southern part of the Peninsula made by Káfúr and the various Musalmán leaders who followed him (A.D. 1310-1327), effectually broke up the existing Hindu dynasties. To effect the conquest of the country thus overrun, more was required than isolated expeditions, and as each wave of invasion retired the Hindus seem to have made head again. The Pálegár chiefs regained their fortresses, and new dynasties replaced those which had been subverted. In considerably less than half a century after the Bellál rájás had been overthrown, new Hindu kingdoms were formed in the south, which for many a day were destined to be thorns in the sides of the Musalmáns. One leading kingdom was founded by an officer formerly in the service of the Bellál kings, at Vijayanagar on the Tungbhadra river opposite to Anigundi, which had been the capital of a more ancient but less important principality. Within the limits of the new kingdom was included the whole of the Southern Marátha Country as far north as Belgaum; the district immediately to the north of the last-named place being evidently in the hands of the Musalmáns, as Farishtah mentions an Amir of Hukeri.
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From this and other territorial titles incidentally referred to, we gather that in A.D. 1347, when the Bahamani dynasty was founded the districts of Bijápur Athni and Chikodi, in the tract of country which is the subject of the present sketch, formed part of its dominions.¹ The Musalmáns were by no means complete masters of all the country nominally subject to them. The effect of the terrible famine known as the Durga Devi, which began in A.D. 1396 and lasted twelve years, was to throw into the hands of pálegárs and robbers many strongholds previously conquered by the Muhammadans,² and so late as the reign of Máhmúd Sháh Bahamani II. (A.D. 1493), we read of a Hindu zamindár at Miraj.³
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¹ See an Historical Account of the Belgaum District by H. Stokes Esq. Madras C.S. Selections from the Records of the Government of Bombay, New Series, CXV. 12.
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² Grant Duff's Maráthás, I. 43 (Indian Reprint).
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³ Briggs' Farishtah, III. 346.
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From an early period the Bahamani kings devoted their principal attention to attacks on Vijayanagar; but from Golkonda or Bidar as a base of operations, it was easier to overrun the districts of Raichur and Mudgal, which lay between the two capitals, than to attempt the conquest of a tract like the Bombay Karnátak or Southern Marátha Country, less conveniently situated, and which is described by the Musalmán historian as full of fastnesses and woods, almost impenetrable to troops.¹ When the Muhammadans, after repeatedly taking and losing the forts of Raichur and Mudgal, at last established themselves in the districts commanded by these forts, they, after being baffled by the strength of the fortress of Adoni or Adwáni, turned their attention to the Southern Marátha Country, which their new conquests gave them the means of attacking from the south-east. In 1406 Firoz Sháh, the grandson of Alla-ud-dín Bahamani, besieged and took Bankápur, described by Farishtah as the most important fortress in the Karnátak; and this success placed at his mercy the southern part of what is now the Dhárwár collectorate. From Bankápur the Musalmáns gradually extended their arms in a northerly direction, though they seem to have advanced but slowly. Fifty years later Navalgund is mentioned as the seat of a sarkár or province; and it was there that Jalál Khán, governor of the province and brother-in-law of Ala-ud-dín Bahamaní II., raised the standard of revolt (A.D. 1454) in the hope of seating his son Sikandar Khán on the throne, a step which led to the death of his son and his own imprisonment for life.
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¹ Briggs’ Farishtah, II. 337.
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One of the chief leaders in the campaign against Jalál Khán was Máhmúd Gawán, who held the office of prime minister as well as the government of Bijápur. This able man distinguished himself highly in the reigns of Alla-ud-dín II. and Humáyún Shah Bahamani, but the greatest of his exploits was reserved for the reign of Muhammad Sháh II. In the historical sketch of Kolhápur an account is given of Máhmúd Gawán’s campaign in Kolhápur and Vishálgad; after which he proceeded to attack the maritime possessions of the rája of Vijayánagar, and with such success that he took Goa in A.D. 1470. This led to the siege and capture of Belgaum; for, at the instigation of the Vijayanagar king Birkána Ray, that is Vikram Ray, rája of the fortress of Belgaum, marched or sent troops in 1472, together with the Hindu chief of Bankápur, to retake Goa. On this Muhammad Sháh collected his forces and moved against Belgaum, “a fortress of great strength, surrounded by a deep wet ditch, and near it a pass, the only approach to which was fortified by redoubts.”² According to the Musalmán historian, Birkana Ray, who commanded the fort in person, at first asked for terms, which were refused. The Hindu chief then defended himself with great vigour, and effectually prevented the enemy from filling the wet ditch, in which lay the principal strength of the fort. The besiegers on this changed their tactics and tried the effect of mining, a mode of operation not hitherto used in the Dakhan. The new plan proved successful, three mines being sprung which made practicable breaches: these were immediately stormed; and notwithstanding the gallant defence made by the garrison and the severe losses inflicted on the besiegers, the latter succeeded in gaining the ramparts. The inner citadel had yet to be carried, but Birkana Ray, despairing of being able to offer an effectual resistance, disguised himself and was admitted to the presence of the king as a messenger from the Hindu chief. He then drew the rim of his turban round his neck and discovered himself, saying that he had come with his family to kiss the foot of the throne. The king, pleased with this exhibition of confidence, admitted him into the order of nobility.
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² Briggs’ Farishtah, II. 491. The account in the text of the siege of Belgaum is taken from this historian.
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The capture of Belgaum and the conquest of its dependencies brought the whole of the Southern Maratha Country under the Musalmans, and for the time completely crushed the efforts of Hindu independence. The acquisitions were added to the estates of Khwaja Mahmud Gawan, who had taken a prominent part in the siege. Subsequently they were transferred by the minister to Fakhr-ul-Mulk.¹ In the year of the capture of Belgaum (A.D. 1472) and in the following year, a drought led to a terrible famine. No rain fell for two years; and, to use Farishtah's words: "The towns became almost depopulated; many of the inhabitants died of famine; and numbers emigrated for food to Malwa, Jajnagar in Katak, and Gujarat. In Telingana, Marhut that is Maharashtra, and throughout the Bahamani dominions, no grain was sown for two years; and in the third, when the Almighty showered his mercy upon the earth, scarcely any farmer remained in the country to cultivate the land."²
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¹ This leader was placed in charge of one of the eight provinces into which the prime minister at this time divided the Bahamani kingdom. His charge was "a tract from Junnar, including several dependent districts in the south, such as Indapur Wai and Man, as well as the forts of Goa and Belgaum." The province of Bijapur was reserved by the minister for himself. Farishtah, II. 502.
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² Briggs' Farishtah, II. 493.
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The unjust execution of the prime minister in A.D. 1481 on a false charge of treason precipitated the fall of the Bahamani dynasty. The great chiefs placed in charge of provinces had for some time been strengthening their own power at the expense of their sovereign, but as long as Mahmud Gawan lived they were kept in check: his death relieved them from all restraints, and before long the chief provinces of the Bahamani kings became separate kingdoms. Of these the present sketch deals with Bijapur alone, which Yusuf Adil Khan Savai carved into a kingdom.
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Yusuf Adil Khan, who, after he had achieved greatness was declared to have been born to greatness,³ had entered the service of the Bahamani king Mahmud Shah II., and had risen from rank to rank till he was made governor of the province of Daulatabad, a post which he held at the time of the minister's death. Immediately after that event the king sent for Yusuf Adil Khan, being compelled to do so by the attitude assumed by the other chiefs, and conferred on him the province of Bijápur. This and the other provinces seem to have been bestowed under pressure; and the leaders, who in this way gained power and place retained but a slender tie of allegiance to the sovereign to whose weakness and not to whose favour they were indebted. The Bahamani kingdom was distracted by the rivalry between the Dakhanis or born subjects, and the foreigners, who had introduced themselves in great numbers: and Yúsuf Ádil Khán was the leader of the latter party. It is needless to recapitulate the details of the struggles of the opposing parties. Ere long Yúsuf Ádil Khán followed the example of Malik Ahmad Beheri, who had declared himself king of Ahmadnagar, by having the public prayer read in his own name as king of Bijápur (A.D. 1489) and by assuming the canopy of royalty. He soon drove out the royal garrisons that were in the forts in his district and made himself complete master of the territory under Bijápur. Notwithstanding this he appears for some time to have kept up friendly relations with his former sovereign. He assisted Máhmúd Sháh to put down the rebellion of Bahádur Giláni, and afterwards entertained him royally at Bijápur.¹ He subsequently joined Máhmúd Sháh in his expedition against Kásim Barid, another chief who had assumed sovereignty; and it is especially noted that after the victory obtained on this occasion the king treated his former vassal as an equal, and made Yúsuf sit in his presence. The alliance was further cemented by the betrothal of Yúsuf's daughter to Ahmad, the king's son. Some years later Máhmúd Sháh got up a league against the Bijápur prince, the ostensible ground of action being that the latter had not only revolted against his sovereign but had also introduced Shia tenets into the country. The confederation failed to secure their object, and by their defeat Yúsuf Ádil Khán was able to establish his kingdom on a secure basis.²
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³ He was said to be a son of an emperor of Rum (Turkey). After his father's death his brother, on succeeding to the throne, thought it would save future trouble if possible claimants were put out of the way. He accordingly demanded the child Yusuf from his mother for execution. The mother managed to substitute a slave boy, who was strangled, and sent her son to Persia, whence he made his way to India. See Briggs' Farishtah, III. 4-8.
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¹ Farishtah mentions at this period that Bijápur (apparently the fort) had recently been surrounded with a stone wall. When narrating the rebellion against Humáyún Sháh Bahamani that had taken place some thirty years previously (II. 467), he particularly noted that the fort was then (A.D. 1459) only built of mud. The stone wall round the city does not appear to have been finished till A.D. 1566. See Farishtah, III. 14 and 132.
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² Yúsuf assumed and his successors retained the title of Sháh. The dynasty however was generally known by the title of Ádil Khán, which the old European travellers turned into Idalcam, Idalcan, and Dialkan. See Purchas's Pilgrimage and Van Linschoten's Travels.
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The new dynasty succeeded to the southern territory of the Bahamani monarchy, but at first the limits of their dominions were more circumscribed than those of their predecessors, as, during the feeble sway and troubled reigns of the later Bahamani kings, the Vijayanagar rájás had recovered much of the country of which they had been dispossessed. In the reign of Yúsuf's son, Ismail Ádil Sháh, we find that Kittúr was apparently the most southerly position occupied by the Musalmáns, Dhárwár having fallen into the hands of the Hindus, who had also possession of Torgal, so that the eastern and southern parts of the Southern Marátha Country had reverted to their old rulers. Afterwards the Bijápur kingdom extended from the Níra on the north to the Tungbhadra on the south, and from the sea on the west to the Bhíma and Krishna on the east.¹ Later on its victorious arms were carried beyond the Tungbhadra, and to the south-east as far as the Bay of Bengal; and it is interesting to note that the Bijápur kings were brought in contact with two European nations destined to play a prominent part in Southern India. Thus Goa was taken from them on the west coast by Albuquerque, the Portuguese general, in A.D. 1510; while on the other side of the peninsula the French, in A.D. 1674, obtained a grant of the site of Pondicherry from the Bijápur viceroy.² The most noteworthy point connected with the Adil Khán dynasty is the fact that Shiváji, the founder of the Marátha empire, was its subject, and that his first successful efforts towards the great aim of his life were made in its dominions. This is not the place for a detailed history of the Bijápur kings; but the most important events connected with them will be briefly noted, special prominence being given to such as relate to the Southern Marátha Country.
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¹ Mountstuart Elphinstone in his History of India (4th Edition page 667) seems to have imagined these to be the permanent limits of the kingdom. The wonder he expressed (page 514 note) that so small a state could have maintained so large a capital would have been diminished had he known the size to which the kingdom attained when at its zenith.
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² Strictly speaking the land was not granted to the French but purchased by them from Shir Khán Lodi, the governor of the Bijápur king's possessions in those parts. See Malleson's French in India, 20 and 26. Shiváji, when subsequently in the neighbourhood, acknowledged the validity of the transaction and, for a consideration, refrained from harrying Pondicherry. Malleson, 25; Wilks' History of Mysor (Indian Reprint), 25.
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In A.D. 1510 Yúsuf Ádil Khán died, leaving a son, Ismáil, who at the time of his father's death was too young to assume the reins of government. Kámál Khán Dakhani was appointed protector, but soon aspired to supplant his master. His arrangements for deposing Ismáil Ádil Khán and proclaiming himself king were completed, when he was assassinated by an emissary from the queen-mother.³ Though Kámál Khán's mother and his son Safdar Jang concealed the fact of his death and attempted to carry out the plot as had been planned, their efforts resulted in the death of Safdar Jang and the complete dispersion of their party.
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³ This lady, Bubuji Khánam, was the sister of Mukund Ráo, a Marátha chief who had opposed Yúsuf Ádil Khán and was defeated.
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Among those most prominent in the defence of their master was Khúsráo Túrk, who was rewarded with the title of Asad Khán, by which he was always afterwards known, and who received Belgaum as a jáhgir, a town which he did much to strengthen and beautify.⁴
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⁴ Stokes' Account of Belgaum, 24-26; Briggs' Farishtha, III. 45.
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No sooner had the young king triumphed over his internal foes than he had to meet a formidable confederacy of the kings of Ahmadnagar and Berar, who brought with them the unfortunate Bahamani king, once their sovereign, and his son Ahmad. The confederates were signally defeated near Bijápur, and Máhmúd Sháh, together with his son, fell into the hands of the victor. They were treated with the greatest courtesy, and by the Bahamani king's desire the marriage of Ismáil Ádil Khán's sister to prince Ahmad, to whom, as noted above, she had been betrothed was celebrated with great magnificence.
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The Bijapur king's next campaign was less successful. He marched to recover Mudgal and Raichur from the Vijayanagar raja. When encamped on the banks of the Krishna, under the influence of intoxication, he made an attempt to cross the river without due precautions in the face of the hostile force. The result was a defeat with great loss, the king himself narrowly escaping, and the army having to return to Bijapur. The Musalman commander-in-chief having fallen in this expedition his place was conferred on Asad Khan, who received the title of Sipah Salar and had many districts added to his estates. The new commander soon proved himself worthy of the honours conferred on him, for in A.D. 1524 he defeated, near Sholapur, the confederate kings of Ahmadnagar and Berar and the regent of Bidar. The confederates were subsequently defeated in detail; and the campaign against Amir Barid, the regent of Bidar, resulted in the capture of the latter by Asad Khan, who, with consummate daring and address, penetrated the hostile camp at night and carried away Amir Barid on the bed on which he was lying intoxicated. The result was the capture of Bidar, and the regent became practically the vassal of the Bijapur king. Afterwards he, together with the king of Berar, joined the Bijapur army in an expedition against Vijayanagar, in which the forts of Mudgal and Raichur fell again into the hands of the Musalmans.
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Not long after this (A.D. 1534) Ismail Adil Shah died, leaving Asad Khan guardian to his son and successor, Mallu. The conduct of this young king soon disgusted his guardian, who retired to Belgaum, and alienated all his friends, his own grandmother Bubuji Khanam even taking part against him. After an inglorious reign of six months he was deposed and blinded, and his brother Ibrahim placed on the throne in his stead. The new king inaugurated his reign by adjuring the Shia tenets of his father and grandfather. Still more important was the radical alteration he effected in the government and in the army by getting rid of foreigners and employing only Dakhanis, this change being further marked by the substitution of Marathi the language of the country for Persian in the state accounts.
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The first expedition of importance undertaken by Ibrahim Adil Shah was to Vijayanagar, where various intrigues and revolutions had been going on which ended in Bhoj Tirmal Rai seizing the throne. The usurper finding his position precarious invited the aid of the Bijapur king, to whom he offered allegiance and large sums of money. The offer was accepted, and Ibrahim in person seated the Hindu prince on the throne of Vijayanagar as his feudatory. This aid proved of little use to Bhoj Tirmal Rai, who, after the departure of his new allies, was attacked by his rebellious subjects and committed suicide to avoid falling into their hands. Shortly after this Asad Khan was sent to attack the fort of Adoni, but concluded peace with Vijayanagar without taking it.¹ Asad Khan in addition to his other offices was now made prime minister. When in the very height of favour he nearly fell, owing to an intrigue, but afterwards the confidence of the king was restored. It was fortunate for Ibrahim that this was the case, as a formidable confederacy against him was formed by the kings of Ahmadnagar and Golkonda, and Rám Ráj, the new king of Vijayanagar, who simultaneously attacked him on the north, east, and south. In these critical circumstances the king sent for Asad Khán, who managed to buy off for a time the kings of Ahmadnagar and Vijayanagar, and then marched against and defeated the Golkonda prince, who was thus isolated from his allies. Shortly after war again broke out with Ahmadnagar, and the Bijápur troops under Asad Khán were once more victorious.¹
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¹ Briggs' Farishtah, III. 80-86.
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¹ Briggs' Farishtah, III. 93 - 94.
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Elated by victory Ibráhim behaved in such a way as to alienate his friends and leave openings for his enemies to attack him. The Ahmadnagar king took advantage of the prevalent disaffection to renew hostilities; and as Ibráhim only went on to further acts of frantic folly a conspiracy was set on foot to depose him and place his brother Abdulla on the throne. The plot was discovered and Abdulla had to fly to Goa. The king's suspicions were then directed against Asad Khán, who had to betake himself to Belgaum. Notwithstanding the treatment he had received at the hands of his king Asad Khán rejected the offers made to him by Abdulla, who was advancing, supported by the Portuguese from Goa and by Burhán Nizám of Ahmadnagar, who had halted at Miraj on his way to Bijápur. Feeling death approaching the faithful minister invited Ibráhim to visit Belgaum. The invitation was accepted, but before the king's arrival Asad Khán expired (A.D. 1540), having the satisfaction of knowing on his death-bed, that his loyalty and advice had saved his sovereign, for Abdulla's rebellion collapsed and the Ahmadnagar king had to retreat.² The rebel prince again took refuge with the Portuguese and thereby brought on hostilities between them and Bijápur, but was killed in A.D. 1554. Ibráhim Adil Khán did not long enjoy peace. An alliance was made between Burhán Nizám Sháh of Ahmadnagar and the rája of Vijayanagar and hostilities broke out against the Bijápur king and his ally, Ali Baríd of Bidar. Kalyán, belonging to the latter, was besieged by the Ahmadnagar troops, and Ibráhim marched to relieve it. At first he met with some success, but he was taken by surprise by a sudden attack on his camp and had to fly for his life, narrowly escaping capture. In the following year he lost Sholápur, Mudgal, and Raichur, the two last places falling into the hands of their old possessors, the rájás of Vijayanagar.
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² Briggs' Farishtah, 100-101. Mr. Stokes in his Account of Belgaum gives all the details narrated by Farishtah and also (page 34) some traditions about Asad Khán.
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Shortly after this the belligerent sovereigns changed parts. On the death of Burhán Nizám Sháh, his successor Hussain made peace with Ibráhim, but the latter, in the hope of recovering Sholápur, espoused the cause of Hussain Sháh's brother and rival, Ali, and further concluded a treaty with Vijayanagar. The Bijápur king trusted much to the aid to be derived from Seif-ain-ul-Mulk, the commander-in-chief of the late king of Ahmadnagar, who had entered his service. A battle ensued near Sholápur, which would have been won by Bijápur had Seif-ain-ul-Mulk been properly supported by Ibráhim Ádil Sháh. The latter, fancying himself betrayed, fled from the field; and when the gallant commander-in-chief, after cutting his way through the enemy, arrived at Bijápur, he met with such a reception from the king that he retired to his estates, where he made himself master of the tract watered by the river Mán, and of Válva, Miraj, and other districts. So powerful did Seif-ain-ul-Mulk become, that after he had defeated a royal force sent against him, the king marched against him in person to meet with the same fate, and to be pursued to his capital. Nothing would now have saved Bijápur from capture had not the brother of the rája of Vijayanagar, to whom Ibráhim had applied for aid, opportunely arrived and put the besiegers to flight.¹ Not long after this (A.D. 1557) Ibráhim Ádil Sháh died.
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¹ Farishtah, III. 105-111.
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At the time of Ibráhim’s death, as they had incurred their father’s displeasure by their devotion to the Shia tenets, his two sons were in confinement; the elder, Ali, in the fort of Miraj, and the second, Támásp, in Belgaum. When Ibráhim’s life was despaired of Muhammad Kishwar Khán, son of Asad Khán and governor of the districts of Hukkeri, Ráybág, and Belgaum, a man of great influence, moved towards Miraj to secure the succession to prince Ali. This step enabled the latter, on his father’s death, to mount the throne without opposition; and he rewarded the services of Kishwar Khán by making him commander-in-chief. His first object was to get Sholápur out of the hands of the Ahmadnagar king, and he sent an embassy to endeavour to effect this purpose, Kishwar Khán being sent at the same time to Vijayanagar to negotiate a treaty of alliance with Rám Ráj. The latter embassy was more successful than the other; and so close became the alliance between Bijápur and Vijayanagar, that Ali Ádil Khán paid a visit to Rám Ráj, whose wife adopted him as her son. In the following year the two kings invaded Ahmadnagar, where they met with complete success. Hussain Nizám Sháh managed after a time to buy off the Bijápur king, but immediately afterwards, relying on the aid of the Golkonda king, renewed hostilities. The result was that he was again attacked by the Bijápur and Vijayanagar forces, which were joined by the Golkonda king who threw over his ally, and the town of Ahmadnagar was besieged by the three kings. Owing to various causes, one of the principal being the disgust of the Musalmáns at the conduct of the Hindu prince and his forces, the siege was raised and Rám Ráj returned to his own dominions, which he had considerably augmented at the cost of his allies.²
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² Farishtah, III. 123.
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The insolent conduct of the Vijayanagar king on this occasion and the outrages which his followers had offered to all that the Musalmáns held most sacred, led to his fall, just when his kingdom seemed to have attained the highest pitch of aggrandisement. His late allies, whom he had insulted and despoiled, formed an alliance with their recent enemy the Ahmadnagar king, which was joined by Ali Barid Sháh of Bidar. The bonds between Bijápur and Ahmadnagar were drawn close by the marriage of Ali Adil Sháh to Chánd Bibi, daughter of Hussain. Nizám Sháh, who brought the fort of Sholápur as her dowry; and the four Musalmán sovereigns agreed to combine their forces and attack Rám Ráj, the common enemy of themselves and their religion. The result of the expedition was the complete defeat, at the battle of Tálikot (A.D. 1565) of Rám Ráj, who lost his life, and the eventual subversion of the Vijayanagar kingdom. The territory did not at once fall completely into the hands of the Musalmáns, as Rám Ráj's brother was allowed to retain much territory, and for a considerable time many feudatory chiefs were able to maintain their independence in their provinces. Some districts, such as Terdál, Yádvád, and Torgal, now forming part of the Southern Marátha Country, seem to have been added about this time to the territories of Bijápur.
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On the death not long afterwards of Hussain Nizám Sháh, who left a successor still in his minority, Ali Adil Sháh, in the hope of gaining a further slice of Vijayanagar, interfered in the intestine disputes of that state and espoused the cause of Tim Ráj, the son of Rám Ráj, against Venkatadri, the latter's brother.¹ Venkatadri, however, by an adroit appeal to the jealousy of Ahmadnagar, procured an invasion of Bijápur territory from that quarter, which made Ali Adil Sháh return with precipitation. Hostilities then ensued between Bijápur and Ahmadnagar in the course of which Kishwar Khán was killed and the Bijápur troops met with great reverses. The same bad fortune attended an expedition to recover Goa from the Portuguese; but Ali Adil Sháh retrieved his military reputation by taking the famous fort of Adoni, which had been considered impregnable.
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¹ Penkonda was now the capital of what remained of the kingdom, Vijayanagar having been destroyed after the battle of Tálikot. Briggs' Farishtah, III. 131; Wilks' Mysor, 12-31.
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The Bijápur king proceeded at once to make good use of the strong position thus obtained in the south. Having secured himself by an agreement with Mortaza Nizám Sháh against intervention on the side of Ahmadnagar, he set to work (A.D. 1573) to recover the conquests that had been made by Firoz Sháh Bahamani some sixty-seven years before. The first place taken was Torgal,² which was in the hands of Venkati Yesav Rai, an officer of the Bijápur government who had revolted. Thence the king moved to Dhárwár, which was held by an officer of the late Rám Ráj who had assumed practical independence. Dhárwár fell after a siege of six months; and then the Bijápur troops moved against Bankápur, then the capital of Velápa Rai, who had formerly been a servant of the Vijayanagar king but was now independent. After vain applications for aid to Venkatadri, the brother of his former master, Velápa Rai defended himself with such vigour that he nearly forced his enemy to raise the siege. The Musalmáns were especially annoyed by night attacks, which are thus described by Farishtah: "The infantry of the Karnátak, who value their lives but little, were quite naked, and had their bodies anointed with oil to prevent their being easily seized: thus prepared they entered the tents at night and stabbed the soldiers while sleeping without mercy." These attacks occasioned a panic, which would have led to disastrous results, especially as the supplies of the besieging force were also cut off by the activity of the enemy. Mustápha Khán, the Bijápur general, however, by a judicious use of his Bárgirs or Marátha cavalry, re-opened his lines of communication, and by a strong cordon of sentries round the camp effectually checked the night attacks. The result was that after a siege of one year and three months Bankápur was surrendered; and thus nine or ten years after the battle of Tálikot, the whole of the Southern Marátha Country was absorbed into Bijápur.
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² Farishtah (Briggs, III. 135) writes the name Toorkul, but it is more than probable that the place named in the text is indicated. Torgal is to the south of Kaládgi, a little off the road from Bijápur to Dhárwár.
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Ali A'dil Sháh remained for some time at Bankápur, and from there made successive attacks on the Hindus of the south, in which Mustápha Khán, who was made the head of all departments of the state, greatly distinguished himself. The Hindu chiefs of Malabár and Kánara seem to have submitted generally and to have become tributaries.¹ The Musalmáns were much assisted in these campaigns by their Marátha allies or feudatories, but events proved that the latter were not always to be relied on. After overrunning much country south of the Tungbhadra the Bijápur king turned his arms against Venkatadri, whose capital was blockaded. The city was on the point of falling when Venkatadri managed to gain over Hundiatum Náik, the chief of the Bárgirs, whom he induced by large bribes to desert the king and harass his camp. This was done so effectually that Ali A'dil Sháh had to raise the siege and retire to his own dominions. The conduct of the Maráthás on this occasion was not forgotten or forgiven. Shortly after the Bárgirs committed excesses in their jáhgirs about Vijáyanagar, and a force had to be sent against them, which they resisted successfully for a year. Artifice at last effected what force had failed to accomplish. The insurgents were invited to court, and notwithstanding the warnings of the more prudent among them the greater number accepted the invitation. The result is concisely told, by Farishtah: For some time the king treated the Bárgirs with kindness, but at length put most of them to death.²
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¹ Briggs' Farishtah, III. 138-140. See also Wilks' Mysor, 39.
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² Briggs' Farishtah, III. 141.
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According to the Portuguese historian, epitomised in Briggs' Farishtah,³ the kings of Ahmadnagar and Bijápur were not very successful in an attack which they made on Goa in conjunction with the ruler of Kálikat in A.D. 1570. Ali Adil Sháh, it is stated, descended the Phonda pass with a large army and invested Goa, but after ten months was obliged to raise the siege, having lost twelve thousand men besides numbers of elephants and horses. Not long after this a Bijápur vessel having been taken by the Portuguese, the ambassador from that nation to Bijápur was confined in Belgaum till reparation was made.
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³ Farishtah, III. 520.
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In A.D. 1580 Ali met with his death under circumstances most disgraceful to himself, and was succeeded by his nephew Ibráhim. During Ali's reign he did much for the adornment of the capital, the Juma Masjid, the Hauz-i-Shápur, the city wall, and various aqueducts having been constructed by his orders.¹
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¹ Briggs' Farishtah, III, 143.
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Ibráhim Adil Sháh II. being but nine years of age when his uncle died, the management of the state devolved on Kámil Khán Dakhani and the famous Chánd Bibi, the widow of the late king. As usual under such circumstances a series of palace intrigues and revolutions ensued. Kámil Khán made himself obnoxious and was deposed and killed by Háji Kishwar Khán, who succeeded to his place. The change however was found to be one from King Log to King Stork. The new regent aimed at sole and uncontrolled authority and shrank from no steps to attain his object. Learning that there was some talk of getting Mustápha Khán from Bankápur to oppose him he had the latter assassinated. He next proceeded to rid himself of Chánd Bibi, which he did by getting her confined in the fort of Sátára on the pretence that she had instigated her brother the king of Ahmadnagar to invade Bijápur. His power was but short-lived. A confederacy of the Abyssinian officers of the army was formed and Kishwar Khán had to fly. Chánd Bibi was released, and Yeklás Khán, the head of the Abyssinian party, was associated with her in the regency.
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The successful party was too unpopular to maintain their position. A formidable confederacy was formed against Bijápur by Ahmadnagar Golkonda and Berar, and the capital was besieged by their forces. Two influential nobles of the Bijápur court joined the besiegers, and the Abyssinians finding their tenure of power insecure consented to an addition to the ministry. Chánd Bibi accordingly called to her council Sháh Abul Hassan, who set to work with marvellous energy and success to free the state from its difficulties. The Marátha chiefs of the Karnátak who had revolted were recalled to their allegiance and summoned to Bijápur, where they did good service by hanging on the rear of the besiegers and cutting off their supplies. The Musalmán leaders who had deserted returned; and so successful were the efforts of the new minister that ere long the invaders found their position untenable. After having sat for twelve months before Bijápur and made a large breach the confederate armies had to raise the siege.
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The Nizám Sháh army returned to Ahmadnagar, plundering on the way the districts of Kolhár, Hukkeri, Ráybág, Miraj, and Panhála,² while some of the Golkonda troops remained in Bijápur territory. The latter were defeated by a Bijápur force under Diláwar Khán, who pursued them to the very gates of their capital.
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² Briggs' Farishtah, III, 154 and 443.
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The successful general returned to Bijápur to grasp at supreme power. He seized and blinded Yeklás Khán and Sháh Abul Hassan, the latter of whom was afterwards put to death; and all obstacles having been removed and the Abyssinians banished, Diláwar Khán became regent, a position which he held for eight years.
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Bad as were the means by which Diláwar Khán attained this position he unquestionably made good use of his power, and his strong hand was soon felt in all parts. The dissensions at the capital had encouraged the recently subdued tributaries in the Karnátak to resume their independence, and operations against them were now begun without delay. A treaty was concluded with Ahmadnagar, which was cemented by the marriage of Ibráhim Adil Sháh's sister to Hussain, the son of Murtaza Nizám Sháh,¹ and the young Bijápur king was afterwards married to the sister of the Golkonda sovereign.
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¹ Chánd Bibi accompanied her niece to Ahmadnagar, where she afterwards immortalised herself by her heroic defence of the place against the Mughals.
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The thraldom in which Ibráhim Adil Sháh was kept by the imperious minister soon became intolerable, and Diláwar Khán's conduct to the king during a subsequent campaign against Ahmadnagar made the latter resolve to gain his independence. Accordingly he suddenly left the minister's camp one morning and repaired to that of certain malcontent nobles; and Diláwar Khán, after a vain attempt to get the king again into his power, had to fly to Ahmadnagar. Peace was made with the latter state for a time, but war soon broke out again owing to the instigation of Diláwar Khán; and Burhán Nizám Sháh invaded Bijápur territory and repaired a ruined fort on the Bhíma where he established himself. Ibráhim Adil Sháh at first temporised and treated with Diláwar Khán till he got him into his power, when he blinded him and sent him for life to the fort of Sátára. The king then marched against the invader, whose supplies he cut off by a judicious use of his Marátha cavalry. Finally, harassed by attacks from without and conspiracies within, Burhán Nizám Sháh was obliged to sue for peace and had to undergo the humiliation of himself dismantling the fort he had re-built in Bijápur territory (A.D. 1592.)
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Ibráhim Adil Sháh next turned his arms to the south and made a most successful campaign into the Karnátak and Malabár,² when he was recalled by a revolt raised by his brother Ismail, who had been confined as a state-prisoner in the fort of Belgaum. The king at first offered a pardon to the rebel, but as his offers were rejected he sent a force to attack him. Disaffection had spread widely. Some of the leading nobles turned traitors, and the garrison of Miraj revolted and declared for Ismail. To add to the difficulty of the situation, at the instigation of the rebels Burhán Nizám Sháh of Ahmadnagar invaded Bijápur from the north, while the Hindus of Malabár attacked the districts about Bankápur on the south. The army sent against Belgaum returned to Bijápur without orders, and Ain-ul-Mulk, the chief partizan of prince Ismail, joined the latter with an army of thirty thousand men and advanced towards the capital. Hámid Khán, who was sent against the insurgents, pretended at first to be ready to join their cause, and having thus put them off their guard attacked and defeated them. Ain-ul-Mulk was killed in the action, and Ismail was taken and shortly after was put to death. Ibráhim A'dil Sháh, freed from internal foes, was able to turn his attention towards his foreign enemies. In a campaign against Ahmadnagar Ibráhim Nizám Sháh, the son and successor of Burhán Nizám Sháh, was defeated and killed, and the expedition against the Hindu invaders of the south having been equally successful, Ibráhim A'dil Sháh entered Bijápur in triumph (A.D. 1596).
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² The fort of Mysor was taken on this occasion. Briggs' Farishtah, III, 17.
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About this time the king sent a force to Ahmadnagar to aid his aunt Chand Bibi in her defence of that city against the Mughals under Murád, son of the emperor Akbar, who had been invited by one of the factions that convulsed that unhappy kingdom; but the Bijápur troops did not come into collision with the Mughals, who had raised the siege three days before their arrival. Ibráhim A'dil Sháh then arbitrated on the claims of various pretenders to the throne of Ahmadnagar, and for a time peace was restored to that distracted kingdom. The intervention of the Bijápur king was soon again called for and on this occasion his troops came into collision with the Mughals and were defeated. The victors did not follow up their advantage; but afterwards Ibráhim A'dil Sháh sent an embassy to Akbar, and his daughter was married to prince Dániál, the emperor's son, who had succeeded Murád in command of the army of the Dakhan. A secret partition treaty¹ is said to have been executed between Akbar and the Bijápur king, by which the latter was to gain a considerable slice of Ahmadnagar territory. It was probably in consequence of this that Ibráhim A'dil Sháh resisted with short-sighted policy the consolidation of Ahmadnagar under Malik Amber.² The rivalry between the two ended only with their deaths, which took place within a year of each other. Ibráhim A'dil Sháh died in A.D. 1626, leaving to his son and successor Muhammad a full treasury and a powerful army. Every one who has seen Bijápur will remember his exquisite mausoleum, the Ibráhim Roza, which stands on a raised stone platform outside the town faced by a mosque of corresponding style and dimensions.
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¹ Grant Duff, I. 77.
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² At this point we lose the invaluable guidance of the historian Farishtah. The loss, however, is of the less importance that the historical interest at this period is concentrated not so much on the internal history of Bijápur as on the gradual approach of the Mughals and on the rise of the Maráthás, which jointly brought about the destruction of the A'dil Khán dynasty and kingdom.
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When Muhammad A'dil Sháh succeeded his father, Sháh Jahán was on the throne of the Mughals, and the Bijápur king at first avoided anything that might bring him into collision with the great northern power. He soon changed his policy. Notwithstanding the terrible famine which was devastating the country, owing to a failure of the periodical rains in A.D. 1629 and the following year, Azam Khán, Sháh Jahán's general, carried on operations against Ahmadnagar, which was brought to the brink of ruin. The position of the rival state was at first not unpleasing to Muhammad Ádil Sháh, but afterwards he began to perceive what would be the probable consequence to himself of the subversion of the Nizám Sháh kingdom by the Mughals. He accordingly made an alliance with Murtaza Nizám Sháh, and sent an army under his general, Randullah Khán, which engaged the Mughals and was defeated. At the same time the Ahmadnagar king was assassinated and his state placed at the mercy of the Mughals by the traitor Fatih Khán, so that Sháh Jahán was enabled to direct his whole attention to Bijápur.
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The territory was invaded by an army under Asaf Khán, but the general found it no easy task to take his capital, as the Bijápur king displayed considerable talents both as a soldier and as a diplomatist. While amusing Asaf Khán with pretended negotiations and feigned offers, he arranged so that his supplies were cut off, and finally the Mughal leader had to raise the siege. He accordingly retired, but in revenge plundered and destroyed the country as far west as Miraj. The Bijápur troops then took the aggressive and attacked the Mughal forces which were besieging Daulatábád, but met with a defeat.
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Muhammad Ádil Sháh then made some attempts at negotiation which were not favourably received. Some time after an ambassador was sent from Sháh Jahán calling on the Bijápur king to give up forts belonging to Ahmadnagar which had fallen into his hands, to surrender his guns and military stores, and to cease affording countenance to the famous partizan leader, Sháhji Bhonsle,² who had done so much to avert the ruin of the Ahmadnagar kingdom. The rejection of these demands brought on war. Sháhji, driven out of the Ahmadnagar territory, fled into that of Bijápur, in consequence of which the country about Kolhápur, Miraj, and Ráybág was utterly wasted by the Mughals. Another force attacked the capital of Bijápur, but found that in anticipation of its arrival all the forage and grain within a circuit of twenty miles round the fort had been destroyed and the wells filled up. As a regular siege was impracticable, the invading forces marched through the country in two bodies, plundering and devastating. In these operations they met with some loss from attacks by the Bijápur troops; but Muhammad Ádil Sháh was at last compelled to sue for peace. He received more favourable terms than might have been expected, the harshest condition being the imposition of a tribute of twenty lákhs a year. Peace was concluded in A.D. 1636. In the following year, on the complete subversion of the Ahmadnagar kingdom, Sháhji Bhonsle entered the service of Bijápur.
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² The father of the great Shiváji.
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The services of the new adherent were soon utilised. Sháhji having been confirmed in the jáhgir of Poona, which he had received from his late masters, was sent, under Randullah Khán, on an expedition into what is now the Madras Presidency, where he was promised a large jáhgir, which he afterwards received. He was completely successful and extended the limits of the Bijápur kingdom to the Bay of Bengal.¹
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¹ The great gun at Bijápur called the Malak-i-Maidán or Monarch of the Plain was specifically demanded on this occasion. It weighs 40 tons, but is only 15 feet long; the muzzle is 4 feet 8 inches in diameter and the calibre 2 feet 4 inches. It was cast at Ahmadnagar in A.D. 1549, and is supposed to have been taken by Ali Adil Sháh in A.D. 1562. See Briggs' Farishtah, III. 239 Note and 243 Note: also Grant Duff's Maráthás, I. 83 Note.
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¹ In 1638 Randullah Khán besieged Saringapatan, but was repulsed. He subsequently took Bangalor, which Sháhji afterwards made his head-quarters. For the Bijápur conquests in the south of this period see Wilks' Mysor, I. 41, 42, and 49. About this time Tánjor was taken either by Sháhji or his son Venkaji.
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While Sháhji was thus engaged, his son Shiváji, who had been left at Poona, laid the foundations of his future power by getting into his possession several forts belonging to Bijápur. His proceedings at first were little noticed; but when fort after fort fell into his hands the rebellion was too serious to be overlooked. Persuaded that Shiváji was carrying out instructions received from Sháhji, the king sent orders to Báji Ghorpadé, jáhgirdár of Mudhol, who was serving with the latter in the Karnátak, to seize the rebel's father. This was effected by treachery, and Sháhji was sent a prisoner to Bijápur. Here he was desired to suppress his son's rebellion; and his assurances that Shiváji had been acting in contravention of his wishes and that he was unable to restrain him were disbelieved. He was accordingly shut in a stone dungeon the door of which was built up, leaving only a small opening, and he was assured that this also would be closed if his son did not submit.
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On hearing of his father's precarious situation Shiváji applied for aid to the emperor Sháh Jahán, who agreed to admit him into the imperial service and brought such influence to bear on Bijápur that Sháhji was released from his dungeon. He was however kept a prisoner at large for four years until the growing disturbances in the Karnátak rendered it necessary to send him there. Before dismissing him Muhammad Ádil Sháh bound him over to refrain from molesting the Mudholkar, and a nominal reconciliation was brought about. Sháhji however, so far from being reconciled, charged his son by his final duty to punish Báji Ghorpadé, an injunction not neglected by Shiváji, who some years afterwards made a sudden descent on Mudhol, which he burnt, killing at the same time his father's enemy.
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Ever since the peace of A.D. 1636, Muhammad Ádil Sháh had kept on good terms with the Mughal emperor. Unfortunately for his successor he cultivated the favour of Sháh Jahán's eldest son Dára Shékoh, a fact which spurred on to fiercer zeal Aurangzíb, who had, on other grounds, resolved to reduce Bijápur to the condition of a province of the empire. The storm however did not burst during the life-time of Muhammad Ádil Sháh, who died quietly at his capital in A.D. 1656. His tomb, surmounted by one of the largest domes in the world, is the most prominent object seen when approaching or leaving Bijápur.
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Ali Ádil Sháh II., son of the late king, succeeded to a troubled heritage at the age of nineteen. His claim to the throne was disputed by the Mughals without any valid grounds; and an army under Aurangzíb marched against his capital. Khán Muhammad the prime minister, who was sent against the invaders, allowed himself to be bought over, and aided instead of resisting the approach of the Mughals. The siege was at once formed and carried on with vigour, and nothing could have saved the city, when Aurangzíb heard of the supposed mortal illness of his father Sháh Jahán. Feeling it necessary for the prosecution of his designs to be present at the death-bed, he hastily made peace with the young king, and evacuated the Bijápur territory.
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Left to itself the city became a prey to factions, and the position of the youthful prince, surrounded by intriguing adherents, many of whom were also traitors, was most difficult.¹ Khán Muhammad was assassinated, and an army was sent under Afzúl Khán against Shiváji, who, after treacherously killing the leader, destroyed the force in the jungles under Mahábaleshvar. A more detailed account of the proceedings of Shiváji at this period will be found in the historical account of the state of Kolhápur. Suffice it to say here, that aided probably by the treachery of Rustum Zamán, an officer of the Bijápur government in charge of the Miraj and Panhála districts, the Marátha leader was enabled to plunder to the gates of Bijápur; and when the approach of the Bijápur troops forced him to take refuge in the fort of Panhála, he escaped. The king then took the field in person, and after capturing Panhála and Pávangad proceeded south to restore order in the Karnátak. On the way he had to take the forts of Raichur and Torgal, and when encamped on the Tungbhadra he was attacked by the rebel Sidi Johár, formerly an officer in his service. He remained two years in the Karnátak with his army, leaving the northern part of his kingdom at the mercy of Shiváji, who did not fail to take advantage of the opportunity thus afforded. Such was the condition of the once proud Bijápur monarchy that Ali Adil Sháh was obliged to consent to a peace which left Shiváji in possession of the Konkan from Kalyán to Goa, and of a strip of country above the Sahyádris extending from the north of Poona to the south of Miraj (A.D. 1662).
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¹ A graphic account of the condition of Bijápur at this time will be found in the late Colonel Meadows Taylor's Tara. Though avowedly a work of fiction the historical details in the book are correct and the local colouring perfect.
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The peace thus purchased was of short duration. Two years later the Bijápur generals at Panhála made an attempt to recover the Konkan and were defeated by Shiváji, who further revenged himself by sending his horse to plunder the Bijápur territory. He afterwards entered into an offensive alliance with the Mughals against Ali Adil Sháh, and joined the army of Jaisingh, Aurangzíb's general, in an invasion of the Bijápur dominions. Shiváji after a time left Jaisingh to pay a visit to Delhi, while the Mughals, who advanced to Bijápur, were so harassed by the Dakhan horse and suffered so much from sickness and from want of water and supplies that they had to raise the siege. Not long after Ali Adil Sháh concluded a treaty with Aurangzíb to the advantage of the latter; and the pretensions and attacks of Shiváji were bought off by agreeing to pay him three lákhs of rupees annually. At the end of A.D. 1672 the Bijápur king died, leaving a son, Sultán Sikandar, then only in his fifth year. On his death-bed Ali Ádil Sháh appointed as regent Kháwas Khán, son of the traitorous prime minister whose assassination has been noted above, and suggested that the leading nobles should be put in charge of the several districts, the Southern Marátha Country being assigned to Abdul Karim the ancestor of the Sávanur nawábs. The regent, however, though he assented to these arrangements, refrained from giving them effect for fear of his subordinates making their own terms with the Mughals when at a distance from the capital.
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