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Later Mughals v1.c6: Chapter I. Bahadur Shah

Later Mughals v1.c6

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Contents

Chapter I. Bahadur Shah

Sec. 1.—Death of Alamgir : His Children.

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After an illness of a few days Alamgir died in his camp at Ahmadnagar on the 28th Zul Qada 1118 A.H., corresponding to the 3rd March, 1707, New Style, in the 91st (lunar) year of his age and the 51st of his reign. The actual place of his death is probably denoted by the "Barahdari Aurangzeb's tomb," marked on the map between pp. 688 and 689 in Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. xvii. The place lies 2 miles n. e. of Ahmadnagar town.

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Alamgir had five sons and five daughters.* The eldest son, Muhammad Sultan was born near Mathura on 4th Ramzan 1049 (30th Dec., 1639) and died on the 7th Shawwal 1087 (14th Dec., 1676), in the thirty-ninth year of his age and in the twentieth year of his father's reign. He left no issue. The fourth son it will only be necessary to mention. His name was Akbar, he was born on 11th Zul Hijja 1067 (21st Sept., 1657) and after rebelling and joining the Rajputs in 1681, he fled to the Mahratta Court of Sambhaji and thence to Persia. He died at Mashhad on the 31st March, 1706.† At the Emperor's death there thus remained only three claimants for the throne, his second, third and fifth sons.

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† This date is given by the Tarikh-i-Muhammadi. But, according to the Masir-i-Alamgiri, pp. 483 and 537, Akbar died in 1704. The date of his birth is given as 11th Zul Hijja by Kambu and as 12th by Masir,—a later compilation. [J. S.]

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The second son Muhammad Muazzam was born at Burhanpur in the Dakhin on 30th Rajab 1053 (14th Oct., 1643). His mother, and the mother of the eldest son, Muhammad Sultan, was Nawab Bai, daughter of Rajah Raju, Rajah of Rajauri in Kashmir. She died at Dihli in 1691.

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∗ The dates concerning them are taken mostly from the Masir-i-Alamgiri, Tarikh-i-Mdi and Abdul Hamid's Padishahnama, with corrections by J. Sarkar.

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Muhammad Azam the third son was born of Dilras Banu Begam, daughter of Shah Nawaz Khan Safawi on the 12th Shaban, 1063 (9 July, 1653). He is usually styled Ali-jah and often Azam Tara.

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The fifth and last son, Muhammad Kam Bakhsh, was born 10th Ramzan, 1077 (7th March, 1677). His mother was Bai Udipuri who died at Gwaliyar in June 1707, a few days after the defeat of Azam Shah by Bahadur Shah.

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Of Alamgir's daughters, the eldest was Zeb-un-nissa Begam, born on the 10th Shawwal 1047 (26th Feb., 1637).* She died at Dihli, a State prisoner, in 1702, unmarried. She used to write poetry under the name of Makhfi or the Hidden.

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The second daughter was Zinat-un-nissa Begam, born on the 1st Shaban 1053 (16 Oct. 1643), her mother being the daughter of Shah Nawaz Khan.

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She took an active interest in the cause of her full brother Azam Shah, and after his defeat refused to be reconciled to Bahadur Shah. He conferred on her the title of Padshah Begam and sent her to end her days in Dihli. She died there on the 18th May 1721 at the age of eighty years.

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Badr-un-nissa Begam, the third in order, was born of Nawab Bai on 29th Shawwal 1057 (28 November, 1647). She died on 28th Zul Qada 1080 (20th April, 1670) in the 13th year of the reign.

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The fourth daughter Zubdat-un-nissa Begam was born on the 26th Ramzan 1061 (13 Sept. 1651). She died on the 17th Feb. 1707, less than a month before her father. She had been married to her cousin Sipihr Shukoh, son of Prince Dara Shukoh, by whom she had a son Ali Tabar who died a six month old infant in the end of 1676. (T-i-Mhdi).

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∗ The Masir-i-Alamgiri (538) wrongly gives the year as 1048 A. H. Abdul Hamid's Padishahnama (ii. 22) gives the correct figure 1047 A. H. [J. S.]

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Mihr-un-nissa Begam the fifth daughter was born of Aurangabadi Mahal on the 3rd Safar 1072 (29 Sep. 1661). She was married to Ezad Bakhsh, son of Prince Murad Bakhsh, and died on the 18th Zul Hijja 1117 (1st April, 1706), a year before her father.

Muhammad Muazzam (Shah Alam)

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After the imprisonment and death of his elder brother, Sultan Muhammad, the second son, Muhammad Muazzam, became heir-apparent. The latter, in the early part of his father's reign, from 1664, was actively employed in the Dakhin against the Mahrattas and the Muhammadan kingdom of Bijapur. In 1683-4 he commanded an army in the Konkan without much success and then served under his father at the siege of Golkonda. Aurangzeb's suspicious nature is sufficiently notorious: and his intrigues against his father had prepared him to expect a similar conduct on the part of his own children. More than twenty years before this period, Muhammad Muazzam had been suspected of intriguing for power at the time of his father's temporary illness. During the siege of Golkonda, some communications passed between Abul Hasan the ruler of that place and the Prince. These messages referred to a proposed intercession for peace to be made through Mhd. Muazzam. Aurangzeb assumed that they were of a disloyal nature and at once placed his son under arrest, (4th March, 1687.)*

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Muhammad Muazzam was kept a prisoner for nearly seven years during the whole of which time he behaved with the utmost discretion, showing throughout the most complete outward humility and resignation. After applying various tests, Alamgir readmitted his son to partial favour. His two eldest sons Muizz-ud-din and Mhd. Azim were released and appointed to commands. In 1695 Muhammad Muazzam (styled in his father's lifetime Shah Alam) was himself released, and on the 9th Shawwal 1106 (24th May 1695) sent as governor to Akbarabad. He passed one year (up to 24th July 1696) in Agra, proceeding thence to Lahor, Multan and Uch. On the death of Amir Khan, the subahdar of Kabul, he assumed the government of that province, reaching the city of Kabul on 4th June 1699 after a march by way of Jhang, Peshawar, the Khaibar Pass, Jalalabad and Jagdalak. For eight years the hot season was spent in Kabul and the cold weather at Jalalabad or Peshawar or in marches through the country. On the 25th Nov. 1706 he pitched his camp at Jamrud twelve miles west of Peshawar and he was still there when he heard first of the illness and then of the death of his father at Ahmadnagar in the Dakhin. The Prince's two youngest sons Rafi-ul-qadr and Khujista-Akhtar were then with him, the eldest Muizz-ud-din was at Multan, and the second Muhammad Azim on his way from his Government in Bihar to his grandfather's camp in the Dakhin.*

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∗ The story of his Konkan expedition and arrest is told, with references to authorities, in Sarkar's History of Aurangzib, vol. iv. ch. 44 and 47. The story of the relaxation of his captivity, in Khafi Khan, ii. 397-398, 404, 407-418, 437, 443 and M.A. 335, 341-351, 370-373. [J.S.]

Azam Shah

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Alamgir's second surviving son, Azam Shah, had for many years looked on himself as his father's destined successor. It may be surmised that he was not altogether without his share in the intrigues which led Alamgir to distrust and at length imprison the elder son Muhammad Muazzam. In any case Azam Shah used the opportunity offered by his brother's long removal from power to increase his own authority and influence. In 1701 he was appointed to the Government of Ahmadabad Gujarat and sent to administer that province in person. There he acquired considerable wealth and increased the numbers of his armed force. In 1706 his father reluctantly permitted him to return to the imperial head-quarters, the Prince's eldest son Bidar Bakht being transferred from Malwa to Ahmadabad as his father's deputy. It was not long before quarrels arose between Azam Shah and his youngest brother Muhammad Kam Bakhsh. His jealousy was also aroused by the independent position and the rumoured wealth of Prince Muhammad Azim, second son of Muhammad Muazzam, who had been *subahdar* of Bengal and Bihar for some years. One of Alamgir's last acts was to recall this grandson from Azimabad Patna, at the instigation of Muhammad Azam. As we shall see presently, this very act turned out to have a most disastrous influence upon Azam Shah's own future.*

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∗ Jagjivandas, f. 37-51. The earlier dates have been corrected by a reference to the official history, Masir-i-Alamgiri, 373, 382, 374. [J.S.]

Muhammad Kam Bakhsh

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Alamgir had felt that his end was approaching, and he foresaw that if his two sons Azam Shah and Kam Bakhsh were left together his death would be the signal for instant hostilities. The Mahrattas were at the time giving great trouble in the vicinity of the imperial camp, and any dispute among the claimants to the crown would provide them with an opportunity of which they would not be slow to avail themselves. Further, as is usual with fathers, Alamgir was fonder of his youngest than of his other sons. Kam Bakhsh was therefore appointed to be *subahdar* of Bijapur and on the 16th February 1707 set out for the south with Hasam Khan (Mir Mallang) who had been recently named as his chief adviser, accompanied by a large body of Mughal troops under the command of one of their chief men, Muhammad Amin Khan. Kam Bakhsh was directed to march to his destination with all possible expedition.†

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† K. K. ii. 547, M.A. 520, Dil. 158a.

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A few days afterwards Azam Shah was told by his father that as his deputy in Malwa was not capable of suppressing the disturbances in that province, he must proceed to it in person. Mace-bearers with strict orders were deputed to urge on his departure. He left the imperial quarters on the 22nd February 1707 and marched northwards, but without making very rapid progress. In four marches he had only reached the bank of the river Godavari about 40 miles from his father's camp. [Kamwar Kh.]

Alamgir's Will

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The story goes that Alamgir left a will with directions for his own burial and for the partition of the Empire between his three sons. It is said that it was found by Hamid-ud-din Khan, head of the household, under the Emperor's pillow.* As the terms of the will accord with the measures taken by the Emperor giving his three sons the provinces that he had assigned to them in his lifetime, it may be assumed to be authentic. Its terms were also appealed to afterwards by Muhammad Muazzam (Bahadur Shah) when he wrote to his brother, Azam Shah, offering him a compromise. This will is a little vague but its substance may be thus stated. It entreats his successors to leave Kam Bakhsh unmolested, should he content himself with the two new provinces, that is, Bijapur and Haidarabad. Amir-ul-umara, that is Asad Khan, his Wazir, is recommended as Wazir. Of the two capitals, Agra and Dihli, one should be taken by each son. With the city of Agra should go the province belonging to it, the Dakhin subahs, Malwa and Ahmadabad Gujarat; and with the city of Dihli, the country of Kabul and all the remaining provinces. There is an injunction to be true and faithful to Azam Shah, and this seems to conflict somewhat with the supposed impartiality of the testament; but as Azam Shah, in spite of this declaration in his favour, declined to be bound by the other provisions of the will, the suspicion that he might have drawn up the document for his own benefit must fall to the ground.

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∗ Mas.-Alamgiri, 442, 496, 512, 520; K. K. ii. 516, 518, 541, 546-'7.

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Taking the provinces and the revenue in dam, (forty to the Rupee) as stated by James Fraser† the proposed distribution would have given the following results:—

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† Nadir Shah, p. 34. A translation of the will is given on pp. 36-37

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| Bahadur Shah, | 12 Subahs | ... | 5,175,956,440 dam |
| Azam Shah, | 6 Subahs | ... | 4,704,255,400 dam |
| Kam Bakhsh, | 2 Subahs | ... | 2,191,665,000 dam |
| | 20 Subahs | ... | 12,071,876,840 dam |

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∗ Khafi Khan, ii. 549, Kamwar Kh. A copy of the will had reached Surat as early as 18 Oct. 1707, (Valentyn, iv. 274.) [The will making a partition of the Empire and alleged to have been found under his pillow after his death, is given in Br. Mus. Addl. 18,881, f. 76 b, and I.O.L. MS. 1344, f. 49 b. A different one, containing directions about his burial and instructions for his successor, is given in Hamid-ud-din's Ahkam-i-Alamgiri, text edited by me, pp. 12-14, with an Eng. trans. J. S.]

Sec. 2.—Measures Taken on Alamgir's Death.

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As soon as the Emperor had breathed his last, the Wazir, Asad Khan, known as Amir-ul-umara, sent for all the nobles. He bound them by oaths to act in union while Sarbarah Khan the kotwal or officer in charge of the camp police was sent out to preserve order. Meanwhile the Qazi-ul-qazzat with other learned and holy men prepared the body for the tomb. Letters were sent in all haste to Prince Azam Shah by Asad Khan and by the Prince's sister, Zinat-un-nissa, requesting him to return without a moment's delay. [Kamwar, Jangnama].

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On the second night after the Emperor's death Azam Shah arrived, accompanied by a few of his chief men. He was met and escorted in by all the nobles, except Asad Khan and Hamid-ud-din Khan, who were engaged within the imperial enclosure (gulal-bar) in guarding the corpse and performing ceremonies of mourning. The nobles proffered the usual condolences and congratulations. Azam Shah wept when he first saw his father's corpse, and in the presence of such old and faithful servants as Hamid-ud-din Khan and Amir Khan, called aloud his father's name like the poor do when they mourn. On the 6th March 1707 the body was sent off in charge of Hamid-ud-din Khan to Daulatabad, about 10 miles north-west of Aurangabad, and there buried, as Alamgir had requested, in the courtyard surrounding the tomb of the saint Shaikh Zain-ul-haq, Azam Shah assisting to carry the bier as far as the principal entrance of the camp. The tomb is about 4 miles west of Daulatabad. It has a platform of red stone 3 gaz long and 2½ gaz wide. The place was named Khuldabad, and Bahadur Shah allotted several villages yielding a revenue of Rs. 50,000 a year from parganas in sarkar Daulatabad, for the feeding of the poor and other expenses. In 1121 these villages were formed into a new pargana called Khuldabad. [Iradat ; K. K. ii. 566, 649 ; Kamwar ; M.M. 7.]

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The funeral ceremonies being completed and the first days of this book. The Persian text is also contained in Fraser MS. 118= Bodleian No. 1923, f. 13a.

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of mourning having elapsed, Azam Shah on the 10th Zul Hijja 1118 (14th March 1707), the *Id-uz-zuha*, ascended the throne with the usual ceremonial. In the tent used as public audience hall a pulpit was erected, whence Shaikh Abdul Khaliq read the *khutba*, or public prayer for the sovereign's welfare, in the name of Azam Shah, by the style and title of Abul-fayaz, Qutb-ud-din, Muhammad Azam Shah, Ghazi. The chief officials and commanders, nearly all of whom were present with the late Emperor in camp, submitted to Azam Shah in a body. Some were really attached to him, such as Mutallib Khan, Tarbiyat Khan, Amanatullah Khan and some others. The rest were indifferent. The leaders of the Mughals, however, a very important and influential body, held aloof, Ghazi-ud-din Khan Firuz Jang, then subahdar of Berar and his son Chin Qilich Khan (afterwards Nizam-ul-mulk) evaded taking part in the approaching campaign; while Muhammad Amin Khan, cousin of Firuz Jang, although he deserted Kam Bakhsh and started for Hindustan with Azam Shah, did not proceed further than a stage or two beyond Burhanpur and thence returned to the Dakhin. Azam Shah was in reality angry at Khan Firuz Jang's refusal to march with him, but thought it wisest to dissemble, and at that chief's request appointed him to the charge of the Aurangabad province and his son, Chin Qilich Khan, to that of Burhanpur. [Iradat 11, K. K. ii. 566, M.M. 8, Dil. 162b, Kamwar, Jangnama.]

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One story [*Masir-ul-umara*, ii. 877] is, that when Zulfiqar Khan joined near Aurangabad, Azam Shah asked him for advice. "Leave your wives and family at Daulatabad, as Alamgir did," replied Zulfiqar Khan, "and give them money for the expenditure of two months. Do not march by the pass of Fardapur but by that of Dewal Ghat, thus giving Khan Firuz Jang a chance of joining." The Prince, in his usual haughty way, said that if there were a real enemy in front, it would be right to leave his family behind. But Muazzam's character was well known; he was not another Dara Shukoh. His (Azam Shah's) own special troops were sufficient; those of the late Emperor were of no use, except to shout *Mubarak* and *Salamat*. Why should he leave his direct road for the sake of obtaining the aid of a blind man? [Khan Firuz Jang had been totally blind for twenty years.]

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From the beginning great dissatisfaction was caused by the Prince's refusal to give promotion or grants of money. A great number of personal favourites, new and untried men, were brought into the service much to the disgust of the older officers. The late Emperor's Wazir, even, Asad Khan, was so pressed by his soldiers for their pay,* that it was only by a loan of a lakh of Rupees from Chin Qilich Khan that he was able to appease them.

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As Asad Khan and his son Zulfiqar Khan (at Alamgir's death away on duty in the south beyond the Krishna†) play a principal part in Azam Shah's contest for sovereignty and continue to be important personages until the accession of Muhammad Farrukh-siyar, it will be well to give here some account of them. Asad Khan (Md. Ibrahim) was the son of Zulfiqar Khan Qaramanlu who took refuge in India from the enmity of the sovereign of Iran. Asad Khan was born about 1631 and entered the imperial service in the 27th year of Shah Jahan (1654). In Alamgir's reign he was long second Bakhshi, then deputy of the Wazir from the 13th year (1670), and in the 19th year (1676) was himself made Wazir. From the 27th year (1684) he served continuously in the Dakhin. His son Zulfiqar Khan (Md. Ismail) was born in 1657, his mother being Mihr-un-nissa Begam, daughter of Asaf Khan, Yamin-ud-daulah. He was thus highly connected on the mother's side. He received his first appointment in the 11th year of Alamgir (1668) and in 1677 married the daughter of Shaista Khan the Amir-ul-umara. At the same time he received the title of Itiqad Khan. In 1689 A.D., as a reward for taking the fort of Raheri and along with it the sons of Sambha Mahratta and his whole family, he was made Zulfiqar Khan. In 1698 he took the Mahratta stronghold of Jinji and was made Nusrat Jang; and in 1702 he succeeded Bahramand Khan as Mir Bakhshi. His last service had been the bringing of reinforcements in 1705, when Alamgir was sore pressed during the siege of Wakinkhera fort which was held by Parya Naik. But envious tongues raised doubts in Alamgir’s suspicious mind by repeating the gossip of the camp and by quoting, in allusion to Zulfiqar Khan’s title, the saying “There is no young man like Ali and no sword like Zulfiqar” (Ali’s sword). To counteract this supposed pre-eminence, Alamgir forthwith began to promote nobles of the Turani party. But at the Emperor’s death these two men Asad Khan and Zulfiqar Khan were incontestably the first in the Empire both in rank and influence. They threw in their lot with Azam Shah. [M.U. i. 310, ii. 93 et seq.]

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∗ During the last decade of Aurangzib's reign, his soldiers' pay used to be usually in arrears for three years. [J. S.]

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† Dil. 158a. and b. [J. S.]

Muhammad Kam Bakhsh and His Movements

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As already stated, Kam Bakhsh had marched for Bijapur a short time before his father’s death. His escort consisted of Mughal troops under the command of Muhammad Amin Khan and others. The Prince had not got beyond Parenda, about 75 miles south-east of Ahmadnagar, when he heard of his father’s death. The Mughal leaders and their men left him without asking his permission, and returned to Ahmadnagar to join Azam Shah. This led to the plunder of much of the Prince’s baggage. In great disorder he hastened on till he was within sight of Bijapur. [K. K. 569 ; Kamwar.]

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For several days Sayyid Niyaz Khan, nephew and deputy of the late subahdar, Chin Qilich Khan, kept the fort gates closed, and made difficulties about delivering possession. After two weeks a settlement was come to and Niyaz Khan gave up the fort. The Prince took up his quarters within it. Some say that while the Prince was still encamped outside Bijapur, Zulfiqar Khan Nusrat Jang, who had been in pursuit of the Mahrattas, and was only a few miles away, on hearing of Alamgir’s death, conceived the project of capturing Kam Bakhsh and delivering him to Azam Shah. [Kamwar ; Iradat 12.] There was an old quarrel between Prince Kam Bakhsh and Zulfiqar Khan dating from the time of the siege of Jinji in the year 1693. This idea was only abandoned in deference to the advice of Rao Dalpat Bundela, an old and experienced man highly esteemed by Zulfiqar Khan. The Khan resumed his march and joined Azam Shah and that Prince, though so much stronger, did not interfere with his younger brother's independence. By some accounts Kam Bakhsh wished to join his brother but his offer was refused. Meanwhile Kam Bakhsh assumed all the attributes of independent sovereignty, granted rank (*mansab*) and titles (*khitab*) appointed a minister and other chief officers of state, assumed the regal style of Dinpanah, ‘Defender of the Faith’, and coined money in his own name. [K. K. 569-570.]

Sec. 3.—Azam Shah's March to Hindustan.

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After his enthronement Azam Shah issued coin with the inscription

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Sikkah zad dar jahan ba daulat o jah
Padshah-i-mamalik Azam Shah.

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“Coin was struck in the world with fortune and dignity by the Emperor of the kingdoms, Azam Shah.”

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Some advised that Kam Bakhsh's pretensions should be first dealt with. Azam Shah held the enterprise of Muazzam Shah to be threatening, though even this rival would hardly require more than a stick to beat him. A number of appointments and promotions were made before leaving Ahmadnagar. On the 17th March, 1707, the advance tents were sent on, and on the 2nd April, after eleven days' march and five days of halt, Aurangabad was reached. Much of the many stores and many of the artificers were left behind at Aurangabad. One day's rest was taken, the tombs of Alamgir, the Prince's father, of his mother and of the saint Burhan-ud-din were visited, and a short prayer (*fatiha*) recited at each. On the 3rd April 1707 the march was resumed, and on the 24th April the army arrived at Burhanpur, having covered fifty-six and a half *kos* in eighteen marches with four halts. [Kamraj, *f.* 78 *a* ; K. K. 571.]

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At Aurangabad the Prince was joined by Zulfiqar Khan and Tarbiyat Khan, former Mir Atash or Commander of the Artillery, who before the late Emperor's death had been sent to drive away the Mahrattas. Rao Dalpat Bundela, Rao Ram Singh Hada and other of the officers serving under these generals were presented. But from the manner in which things were conducted, Zulfiqar Khan refrained in great measure from any interference in public business; in fact, he and his father Asad Khan had done their best to persuade Azam Shah to leave them behind in the Dakhin; while Chin Qilich Khan on the pretext that his presence was required in his new Governments of Aurangabad and Khandesh quitted the army. [Kamwar, Dil. 161b.]

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Azam Shah left Burhanpur on the 25th April, 1707 and, instead of the usual and open route by the Akbarpur ferry, [on the Narmada] he bore to the right and adopted as being shorter the more difficult road across Pandhar to the Tomri Pass,* long, narrow and entirely waterless. In the two marches through that pass numbers of the poorer men and women died from want of water. Grain was also very dear; and it was with difficulty that a bullock's skin of muddy water could be procured even at the price of fifteen Rupees. [Kamraj, f. 92b; Iradat 12; Dil. 162b-163b.] Further confusion arose from the withdrawal of Muhammad Amin Khan and all his troops, while the army was passing through the defile under the supervision of Rao Dalpat Bundela. It was reported to Azam Shah, as soon as he had reached Pandhar, a place six kos from Burhanpur, that the men of Muhammad Amin Khan, who was in command of the rear-guard, had commenced to plunder the stragglers. A great outcry was raised in the Prince's presence by the tradespeople and poorer camp-followers. Azam Shah became very angry, sent for Muhammad Amin Khan, and addressed him in strong language. Muhammad Amin Khan made excuses at the time, and he was left in charge of the rear-guard. It had been obvious from the first that he was not hearty in the cause, he had acted without vigour and had betrayed ill-will whenever he dared. The next day, when the army had reached the village of Daudnagar, Muhammad Amin Khan loitered six or seven miles in the rear of the column and thence without leave or notice turned and made off for Burhanpur. He was followed by many of the soldiers raised in the Dakhin. On his way he plundered the convoys of supplies coming from Burhanpur. Many offers to pursue the fugitive were made, but all were rejected owing to Azam Shah's eagerness to press on.* Some said that the true reason for this desertion was that Azam Shah having given up the prayers of the Jamaat, he had fallen under the suspicion of being a Shiah†; but it is hardly necessary to search for any special explanation of Muhammad Amin Khan's conduct. It was, no doubt, governed entirely then as always by a regard for his own interest. [Kamraj ; Dil., 162b ; Kamwar.]

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∗ Tumri, in Bhopal State, about 16 m. north of Nimawar, which is opposite Handia on the Narmada.

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† The accusation of heterodoxy seems to have had some truth in it. Khush-hal Chand (366b) attributes the change to the influence of one Mhd. Amin Khan, the Prince's librarian. [Probably identical with the Mir Mhd. Amin (Sharf Khan) a learned man and confidant of Azam, killed at Jajau. 'i-i-Mhdi.] Half his army was made up of Shiahs. Mirza Muhammad (39a) says, "Azam Shah was suspected of being a Shiah. For this cause men of Mawar-al-nahr, nay all the Sunnis, objected to his succession, although he had Jurat and Khalk-i-adalat on which sovereignty is founded."

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During the whole of this time no word had reached Azam Shah as to the plans or movements of his elder brother Muhammad Muazzam. Azam Shah made up his mind, however, before he had left Burhanpur that he would make for Agra. At the time the reasons for so doing must have seemed very weighty. The subahdar of Agra, Mukhtar Khan, was father-in-law to Bidar Bakht, the Prince's eldest son, while Baqi Khan commander of the fortress and Ali Sher, the kotwal or Police officer of the city, were both known to be favourable to the Prince. In the fortress of Agra were stored the accumulations of several reigns, and whoever could first possess himself of these was likely to overcome his opponent. For neither side had means of their own for carrying on a long campaign.

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∗ All that he said was "He who is coming, let him come, and he who is not coming let him stay away, our trust is in the Master and not in his slaves." [Khush-hal Chand, 366b.]

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Bidar Bakht, the eldest son of Azam Shah, was at Ahmadabad when he heard of his grandfather's death. He wrote at once to his father proposing, with his approval, to raise troops and march by way of Ajmer straight to Agra and bar the road of the opposite side. At first Azam Shah assented and sent a *farman* to his son under the style of Bidar Shah. Abdullah Khan, deputy governor of Malwa, who had a large force, was ordered to join the Prince. On receipt of the *farman* Bidar Bakht raised 2,000 men, conferred robes of honour on his chief men, as his father had directed, while Wazarat Khan, his *diwan*, distributed money to the troops. The Prince then started from Ahmadabad. [Kamraj, 69*a*.]

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Unfortunately Azam Shah was jealous of his eldest son and had long suspected him of plots for his (Azam Shah's) supersession. This feeling had been intensified by one of the last acts of Alamgir. Annoyed by the overbearing conduct of Azam Shah, Alamgir as soon as Azam Shah had departed for Malwa, wrote a letter in his own hand to his grandson, Bidar Bakht, then at Ahmadabad, complaining that Azam Shah had given as much trouble as he ought to have given assistance. Bidar Bakht must, he wrote, make the greatest possible haste to head-quarters. This letter was received when Bidar Bakht was in the Jama Masjid of Ahmadabad. In obedience thereto he marched 4 or 5 miles out of Ahmadabad and then wrote a reply to that effect to his grandfather. This reply fell into Azam Shah's hands when he took possession of his father's property. The estrangement between the father and son was now greater than ever. As the proverb says, "An enemy inside the house is worse than one outside." [*M. U.* iii. 659; Kamwar.]

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Wala-jah, Azam Shah's second son, proposed to his father the capture of Agra, where all the treasures of the Empire were buried. It was hinted that Bidar Bakht, if he obtained the start, might on reaching Agra take possession of all the treasure and turn his arms against his father. Fresh orders were therefore issued to him. He was now ordered not to enlist men but to join his father at Gwaliyar. Bidar Bakht, although he lamented the evil advice his father had received, disbanded his troops and started to join his father. He reached Shahjahanpur in Malwa on the 5th April, 1707. In this neighbourhood as that of Ujjain he waited one month and twenty days for the arrival of Azam Shah. On the way he had been joined by Rajah Jai Singh of Amber.[*]

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On the 14th May, 1707 Azam Shah, after seventeen days of marching and one day's halt, reached Sironj, a distance of more than 114 *kos* from Burhanpur. The suffering from heat and want of water had been very great and the Grasiyahs or jungle tribes plundered every man that they could lay hold upon. From Sironj a force of some 4,500 men under Zulfiqar Khan, Rao Dalpat Bundela, Rao Ram Singh, Ahmad Said Khan Barha and others was sent on to reinforce Bidar Bakht, who now advanced by his father's orders towards Gwaliyar, in order to seize the fords on the Chambal river. At Sironj Azam Shah heard that Muazzam Shah had reached Lahor.[†]

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† Kamraj, Kamwar, Dil. 162*b*.

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From Sironj Azam Shah hastened on to Gwaliyar, the sufferings from heat and bad water continuing to be most terrible. When he had reached Sarai Imak, fifteen *kos* from Gwaliyar, two messengers arrived from Bidar Bakht's direction with the information that Prince Muhammad Azim, second son of Muhammad Muazzam, had already reached Agra and had sent on Muhtashim Khan with 7,000 horse and a strong force of artillery to occupy the fords over the Chambal, while Muhammad Muazzam in person with his three sons had entered Agra and taken possession of the fort. Much disturbed by this intelligence, the first that had been received of Muazzam Shah's progress beyond Lahor, Azam Shah deposited the greater part of his baggage in Sarai Imak and made a forced march into Gwaliyar, which he reached on the 11th June, 1707. [Kamwar; Siyar; Dil. 163a.]

Sec. 4.—Prince Muhammad Azim (Second Son of Muhammad Muazzam) Reaches Agra.

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As we have already stated Alamgir, a short time before his death, influenced by suspicion instilled into him by Azam Shah, recalled his grandson, Muhammad Azim, from the Government of the province of Bihar. In compliance with this order that Prince took with him treasure remitted from Bengal and started from Azimabad Patna, intending apparently to make his way to the Dakhin through Agra. The more direct road was possibly unsafe, at any rate it was seldom used by the Muhammadan generals, who usually went from Hindustan to the Dakhin either from Agra through Gwaliyar or from Dihli through Ajmer. The Prince was at Shahzadpur [sarkar Korah] in the Ganges-Jamuna Duab when he heard of his grandfather's death. By the advice of Agha Muhammad Said Baz Khan (brother of Daler Khan) and others, he enlisted more troops and advanced as quickly as possible in the direction of Agra at the head of more than 20,000 horse. At Itawah Khair-Andesh Khan presented himself with treasure and artillery. [K. K. 576, Kamwar 9, Jangnama, Kamraj 17.]

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∗ Kamraj, *f.* 84; Iradat 16; Khush-hal Chand, 367*a*.

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Muhammad Azim called upon Mukhtar Khan, the subahdar of Agra, to come out of the city and present himself. Mukhtar Khan, being father-in-law to Bidar Bakht, Azam Shah's eldest son, was naturally a strong partisan of the opposite party. The only hostile step, however, that he took was to prevent a bridge being thrown across the Jamuna ; but the river being fordable in many places, this did not avail him anything, and Muhammad Azim with his army and baggage crossed in safety. After this feeble defence Mukhtar Khan lost his presence of mind and became afraid to do anything. The Prince sent Baz Khan and other officers into the city to arrest him, at the same time confiscating all his treasures, elephants, horses and goods. In the end Mukhtar Khan came over to Bahadur Shah's side and was presented through Baz Khan [Kamraj 17, Jangnama.]

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Baqi Khan Qul, commandant of the Agra fort, was also summoned to surrender, to open the gates of the fort and to make over its contents to the men deputed for that purpose. Baqi Khan, who like Mukhtar Khan was favourable to Azam Shah, invented the excuse that the rival claimant had not yet arrived in person, and until this happened he could not make over the fort to any one. Moreover, up to this time the prospects of Azam Shah were commonly held to be far better than those of his brother, Muhammad Muazzam. Baqi Khan's refusal incensed Prince Muhammad Azim who erected batteries in the grove lying below the mansion known as Dara Shukoh's, on the top of the Jama Masjid and over the triple gate (*tripoliya*) of the city, intending to frighten the garrison by a cannonade and the discharge of rockets. On his side Baqi Khan pointed his guns and posted his musketmen ready for resistance. His first shot struck the three-domed building in the marketplace (*chauk*) and destroyed its domes, the second killed many men and fell on the gate of the mosque, the third reached the mansion of Dara Shukoh and knocked down a wall in one of its rooms. Several of Muhammad Azim's men were killed, and he then desisted from any further attack on the fort. A truce of twenty days was agreed on and Muhammad Azim awaited his father's arrival, his force having swollen now to 40,000 men. [Kamwar 9 ; Kamraj 18 ; K. K. 576 ; Qasim 6-7 ; Jangnama ; Khush-hal Chand 368 *b*.]

Bidar Bakht Advances to the Chambal

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Prince Muhammad Azim, as already stated, immediately on entering Agra sent forward a body of troops under Muhtashim Khan to protect the fords on the Chambal river forty miles south of that place. After reaching Dholpur Muhtashim Khan established batteries on the river bank on the north side of the stream and prepared to fight. He also called upon Jan Nisar Khan (Khwaja Mukarram) Bahadur-Shahi, the *faujdar* of Gwaliyar, to march and join him. At this time, Bidar Bakht had advanced beyond Gwaliyar and was one march from the Chambal. His camp was fixed at Nurabad. [Dil. 163.]

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Bidar Bakht* now resolved to cross the Chambal and attack Muhtashim Khan. Zulfiqar Khan, a more experienced soldier, was opposed to this course. The resulting quarrel between the Prince and his chief general is told in the most lively fashion in the pages of Iradat Khan. The trivial causes from which such disputes arise, the way in which mere suspicion is fanned into certainty by crafty advisers, the great man's petulance and childishness, the sudden changes of temper—all is painted to the very life. In the end Bidar Bakht obtained his own way and crossed the river by the ford through unguarded passages. Upon this Muhtashim Khan and his troops abandoned their artillery and fled during the night to Agra, glad to save their lives. The movement having succeeded Zulfiqar Khan made his peace and was received again into favour. Bidar Bakht would have liked to push on to Agra, but formal orders were now received to halt at Dholpur, until Azam should arrive there in person, when he would distribute the commands and arrange the various stations to be taken by the different bodies of troops. We must now leave Azam Shah and turn to the movements of his elder brother, Muhammad Muazzam. [Kamraj 17-19, Iradat 20-26, Dil. 163.]

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∗ When Bidar Bakht was encamped at Palaichah, six *kos* from Narwar, Zulfiqar Khan and his reinforcements had come up with him. [Dil. 163a] Nurabad, 16 m. north of Gwaliyar and 20 m. south of the Chambal. [Indian Atlas, sheet 51 N.E.]

Sec. 5.—The Advance of Muhammad Muazzam to Lahor, Dihli and Agra.

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It was at Jamrud, twelve miles west of Peshawar, that Muhammad Muazzam heard of his father's death. The date was the 22nd March, 1707, only twenty days after the event, an instance of the speed with which intelligence could be carried, the distance from Ahmadnagar to Jamrud being about 1,400 miles, and the average distance travelled by the messengers being thus seventy miles a day. It was now a race between the competitors for the throne. Whoever could first reach Agra or Dihli and obtain the wealth stored at one or both cities, would be almost certain to overpower his rival. In such an emergency the usual dilatory movements of an Indian army would be useless. We have seen with what haste Azam advanced from the Dakhin. Muhammad Muazzam was now to display equal if not greater activity. The distances to be traversed were from Ahmadnagar to Agra about 700 miles, from Jamrud to Agra about 715 miles. The general opinion was that all the chances were in favour of Azam Shah's arriving first and winning the prize. [K. K. 577, Kamwar 7.]

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During the last years of his father's lifetime Muhammad Muazzam, in whom there must have been great power of dissimulation, had given out that if Azam Shah claimed the throne he would make no attempt to contend with him but would at once seek a refuge in Persian territory or elsewhere. But the truth was that he had made secret preparations in concert with Munim Khan, diwan of Kabul, to assert his claims without a moment's delay. Munim Khan had secured the Prince's confidence and had on his recommendation been made naib subahdar of Lahor. Here he worked busily to collect the means of war, and for a year had been in the field with an army beyond the Bias and even the Satlaj, on the pretext of a rebellion by Inayat Khan and other [robber zamindars] of the [Jalandhar] Duaba and Qasba of Talwan.* Camels, oxen to drag the cannon, and other means of transport with boats for making bridges across the rivers had been silently collected in readiness in the country between Lahor and Peshawar. Rao Budh Singh Hada of Bundi and Bijai Singh Kachhwaha, who had taken refuge with Bahadur Shah at Kabul were conciliated, and through them there were enlisted a large number of Rajputs, who joined the standard just about the time of Alamgir's death [Khush-hal Chand, 367a]. Everything was ready, the signal only was awaited. [Iradat ; K. K. 573 ; Qasim 8.]

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On the 31st March 1707, Muhammad Muazzam reached Peshawar with his two youngest sons Rafi-ul-qadr and Khujista-Akhtar. A congratulatory letter was received from Munim Khan, governor of Lahor. Orders were issued to the Prince's eldest son Muizz-ud-din, subahdar of Tattha and Multan, to join at Lahor, with his eldest son Azz-ud-din. Other leading men were also summoned. The march was resumed after one day and the Indus was crossed, by means of the boats collected by Munim Khan, a bridge which usually was made in two months being put together in two days. On reaching Pul-i-Shah Daulah, twelve kos north of Lahor, Muhammad Muazzam celebrated his accession and took the title of Bahadur Shah, by which name henceforth we will refer to him. Homage was paid by all the lords and great officials of the Panjab headed by Munim Khan. On the 1st Safar 1119 (3rd May, 1707) crossing the Ravi by a bridge Bahadur Shah entered Lahor, visiting there the tomb of the saint Shaikh Abul Hasan and the home of Shah Ramzi a holy man. Muizz-ud-din, the Prince’s eldest son, had now arrived from Multan and Bahadur Shah with his three sons, Muizz-ud-din, Rafi-ul-qadr, and Khujista-Akhtar, rested in the garden of Shalimar, which is situated four miles from Lahor on the road to Amritsar. The interval was devoted to preparing a new coinage, the inspection of the treasure and stores in the fort at Lahor, and the conferring of increased rank on the Princes and chief leaders. Munim Khan here received the new title of Khan Zaman, a set of drums, and the promise of being appointed Wazir. [K. K. 573-’5 ; Qasim 8 ; Dil. 164a.]

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∗ Mr. Irvine had read the word as Malun and left a query 'Malot of Ain ii. 317?' On referring to the Persian text I adopt the reading Talwan. [J. Sarkar.]

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Taking twenty-eight lakhs of Rupees with him, Bahadur Shah left Lahor on the 5th May 1707. At Sarhind the faujdar, Wazir Khan, contributed eight lakhs from the revenue that he had collected. On the way much munition of war was brought in to Khanazad Khan, the son of Munim, by Mirza Asadullah, faujdar of Sonipat. Dihli was reached on the 1st June 1707. Munim Khan, preceding the army and accompanied by Sayyid Amjad Khan (Bu Ali) then Bakhshi and Waqia-nigar of Dihli, had an interview with Muhammad Yar Khan, the subahdar of Dihli who sent back his son, Hasan Yar Khan, with the keys of the fort and the usual offerings in token of submission. On entering the city shrines were visited and alms distributed. A sum of thirty lakhs of Rupees was taken from the treasure-house in the fort, and after visits to the shrine of Khwaja Qutb-ud-din and of Nizam-ud-din Auliya (surnamed Sultan-ul-mashaikh), on the 3rd June the journey was resumed. On the 12th June, the day that Azam Shah reached Gwaliyar, Bahadur Shah arrived near Agra. He was met by Mukhtar Khan, the late subahdar, Jan Nisar Khan, faujdar of Gwaliyar, and other officials of the province. Baqi Khan Qul, commandant of the Agra fort, also sent a letter of submission with the keys of the fortress, stating that if Munim Khan would come alone he would make over the place to him. Accordingly Munim Khan entered by a narrow plank placed over the deep ditch and leading to a wicket gate. After a short rest, he sealed up the treasury and posted his own men at the gates. The Emperor's camp was pitched close to Bagh Dahr-Ara.* [K. K. 576-577 ; Kamwar 9 ; Jagjivan ; Dil. 164a ; Iradat ; Yahya 112b-113a.]

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It is said that, in spite of Alamgir's costly campaigns in the Dakhin which lasted for the last twenty-five years of his reign, twenty-four krors, or as some say thirteen krors gold and silver, coined and uncoined, collected during the four previous reigns, were found stored in the fort at Agra. Four krors were brought out and of this sum two krors were distributed at once, three lakhs to each of the three Princes with the Emperor, three lakhs to Munim Khan and his sons, one lakh to the Barha Sayyids, one lakh to Aghar Khan and his Mughals. On the same scale all those who had joined received their shares. Munim Khan's titles were again increased and the divisions of the army were set in order. [K. K. 578.]

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BAHADUR SHAH'SLETTER TO AZAM SHAH AND THE LATTER'SREPLY.

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From Mathura, while on his way from Dihli to Agra, Bahadur Shah sent to Azam Shah a letter by the hand of a holy man Mir Abd-ul-Karim, "the patch-wearer." He reminded his brother that their father had made a division of the Empire, allotting to him as second son the four provinces of the Dakhin. If this did not content him he might take Gujarat and Ajmer in addition. In this way they would avoid the sin of spilling the blood of God's creatures. Some say that Bahadur Shah added that if this offer was not accepted, he was willing to meet his brother in single combat and leave it for the sword to decide.

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∗ It is at Poyah Ghat, close to Sultanganj (Tarikh-i-Agra, p. 31, lithographed, Husaini Press, Fathgarh.) There seem to be two Baghs at Agra with somewhat similar names, Bagh Dahra and Bagh Dahr-Ara. The former is also called Nur Manzil (same work, p. 28) and possesses a large well which is the only thing now left. It is called the 'well of the 52 water bags' (Bawan lao ki kua). The site is 3 miles south of the fort, it is now within the cantonments, and is called Khawas-pura (Mirza Vikar Ali Beg's letter of 20 Feb. 1893). The name of Nur Manzil was given it with reference to the Emperor Jahangir's name Nur-ud-din Mhd. (M. U., iii. 79.)

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These proposals only served to further incense Azam Shah against the *Banya*, his favourite nickname for his elder brother. His answer was that a kingdom was not a thing which could be divided like an inheritance. His brother, although a learned and well-read man seemed to have forgotten the verses in Shaikh Sadi Shirazi's *Gulistan* which every schoolboy knows, "Ten poor men can sleep comfortably under one blanket, while two kings cannot be contained within one kingdom." How could two swords be kept in one scabbard? Further, if a division was to be made, it should be an equal one. Was it fair to offer him four provinces, while Bahadur Shah kept fourteen for himself? Some assert that the only division he would accept was, as he said, that given in the lines

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Az farsh-i-khana ta balab-i-bam az an-i-man,
Az bam-i-khana ta ba sariya az an-i-tu.

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"My share is from the floor to the roof of the house, yours from the roof up to the firmament." He ended by reciting in a loud voice with arms stretched forth and sleeves rolled up the line from the *Shah Nama*, "When to-morrow's sun has risen there we will be, I and my mace, the battlefield, and Afrasyab." [*Jangnama*, Iradat 29, K. K. 585-'7, Kamwar 10, Kamraj 24*a*, *Bahadur-Shah-nama* 10, Khush-hal Chand 369*a*, *M. U.* ii. 670, *Storia do Mogor* iv. 400-406.]

Sec. 6.—The Battle of Jajau.

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Finding hostilities could not be avoided and that Azam Shah was already at Gwaliyar, Bahadur Shah determined to advance and give battle at Dholpur, 34 miles south of Agra. He left Bagh Dahr-Ara on the 14th June 1707, and an advanced guard of about 80,000 horsemen was sent forward under the command of Prince Muhammad Azim, Aghar Khan, Khanazad Khan (son of Munim Khan) and Saf Shikan Khan, general of artillery. Of these troops 30,000 were raised and paid for by Muhammad Azim, who had brought with him a large sum of money from Bengal, some say as much as nine to eleven krors of Rupees. This advanced force was ordered to take possession of the fords and ferries on the Chambal, which is only one mile beyond and to the south of Dholpur. [K.K. 579, Jang. 11.]

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On his side Azam Shah, as soon as he had learnt that Bahadur Shah was at Agra, left the rest of his heavy baggage in the fort at Gwalior in charge of Asad Khan, the Wazir, Inayatullah Khan, diwan of the Khalsa and others. His sister Zinat-un-nissa, the ladies belonging to the family of Alamgir, and the wives of many nobles were left at the same place. A few members of his harem with a few jewels and some gold coins, continued with the army. Azam Shah crossed the Chambal by the Kamthra* crossing and made for Dholpur. A little money was paid to the troops while Bidar Bakht, the eldest son, was appointed to command the vanguard. With him were Zulfiqar Khan, Khan Alam Dakhini and Munavvar Khan (sons of Khan Zaman Haidarabadi) Rao Dalpat Bundela, Ram Singh Hada and Raja Jai Singh Kachhwaha. [Kamraj 20.]

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In support of the Van followed a body of troops under the second son, Prince Wala-jah. With him were Mirza Sadr-ud-din Muhammad Khan, Tarbiyat Khan, Amanullah Khan and Mutallib Khan, Salabat Khan (Sultan Nazar), Aqil Khan (Shaikh Sultan), Safawi Khan Bakhshi, Sayyid Shujat Khan, Ibrahim Beg Tabrizi and Usman Khan. There were with them about 25,000 horsemen.

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When Azam Shah neared Dholpur, his son Bidar Bakht came out two kos from camp to meet and escort him. For a moment paternal love overcame his jealousy, and Azam Shah received his son cordially, conferring on him valuable gifts. Here the Bakhshis made their reports after the troops had been mustered. The numbers were 65,000 horsemen and 45,000 infantry armed with matchlocks. In this enumeration were included the troops serving directly under Azam Shah and his sons, as well as those brought by the nobles and other leaders. Upon starting all pay had been raised one-fourth and the Prince now promised that upon the day they entered Agra another increase of one-fourth on the total pay would be granted. The whole force was divided into a vanguard, right and left wings and a centre commanded respectively by Bidar Bakht, Azam Shah himself, Wala-jah and Ali Tabar. There were not many large cannon or mortars, these having been left behind at Ahmadnagar, Aurangabad and Burhanpur or wherever they fell. The rest were left at Gwaliyar, as the enemy were supposed to be deficient in such artillery. There were, however, a number of smaller pieces known as rahkla, shutarnal (camel-guns) and gajnals (elephant-guns). The new head of the artillery, Padshah Quli Khan, with the help of Hazrat Quli Beg Sistani, distributed these equally to each division of the army. Azam Shah, in the boastful manner usual with him, had replied to a demand by the artillery commander for orders that he had no use for cannon against a cattle breeder: nor need to draw his sword, a staff would suffice to break his head. He was also of opinion that an artillery fight was a stripling's pastime and that the only real weapon was the sword. It was decided to march for Samugarh, ten miles s. e. of Agra, it being considered a happy omen to select the ground on which Alamgir had triumphed over his brother Dara Shukoh fifty-two years before. [Iradat 28, Kamraj 19, Jang., Khush-hal Chand 369-370, Dil. 162 a.]

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∗ The ford is named Kainthri, in Ind. Atlas, Sheet 50 S. E., and stands 6 miles due south of Dholpur. [J. Sarkar.]

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On the 17th June 1707 Azam Shah completed his march without seeing the enemy. From want of water the sufferings of the troops had been very great. On the way no wells or ponds were met with, and the only water to be got was that from a ravine, and it was very brackish. This is probably the [nullah near the Mania railway station]* marked on the map as flowing half way between Dholpur and Jajau. The nobles and great men suffered less for they had taken in their retinue bottles and ox-skins full of sweet water, with which they quenched their own thirst and that of their relations. With these exceptions, the men of the army toiled along with their tongues lolling out of their mouths from thirst, while any animal or man that drank a drop of the brackish water suffered greatly. Many died from thirst. When we think of the heat of the month of June in the neighbourhood of Agra, it is easy to believe that in this account there is no exaggeration. [Kamraj 22.]

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