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Later Mughals v2.c14: Chapter VII. Muhammad Shah's Reign 1720-1725

Later Mughals v2.c14

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Chapter VII. Muhammad Shah's Reign 1720-1725

Sec. 25.—New Appointments Upon Muhammad Shah's Return to Dihli.

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On the 16th Nov. 1720 Muhammad Shah moved from Biluchpur and encamped near Rahimpur. Thence on the 17th he went to Chhainsa, on the 18th to Talpat, and on the 19th to Talab Kishn Das. The 20th was spent in a visit to the Qutb and to the shrine of Nasir-ud-din Oudhi, the Emperor passing the night in his tents close to Moth ki Masjid, and on the 21st he prayed at the shrine of Nizam-ud-din Auliya. A formal entry was made into the capital on the next day, the 22nd, by way of the Ajmeri Gate. On the 24th Rajah Jai Singh's approach from Amber was announced; and the Wazir was deputed to meet and escort him. [Kamwar 242, K. K. 934.]

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On the 25th November a grand audience was held in the diwan-i-khas. Rajah Jai Singh was introduced by the Wazir, he laid his offering before the throne and received the usual gifts. Itimad-ud-daulah, as appanages to his office of Wazir, received the Government of Multan and the faujdarship of Muradabad. Day after day presentations continued. On the 26th came Abdus-samad Khan from Lahor with his son Zakariya Khan. Jafar Khan Nasiri sent his congratulations and presents from Bengal, through his representative at Court (wakil). Ghazi-ud-din Khan, who had retired again into private life, was sent for through Haidar Quli Khan; and Shapur Khan, brother of Sayyid Husain Ali Khan's assassin, was elevated to the high rank of 4000 (2000 horse), with other gifts. Among other nobles who were promoted or received new titles were Lutf-ullah Khan Panipati (lately arrived at Court from exile at his home), Haidar Quli Khan, Zafar Khan, and Nusrat Yar Khan Barha. [Kamwar 244, K. K. 935.]

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Few changes were made among the provincial governors. The chief were as follows: Muizz-ud-daulah Haidar Quli Khan Nasir Jang was posted to Ahmadabad; Kashmir was given to Zakariya Khan, son of Abdus-samad Khan; Muhammad Khan Bangash now received the reward for his desertion of Abdullah Khan by appointment to the Government of Allahabad, and Saadat Khan faujdar of Biana, who had been party to the plot to assassinate Sayyid Husain Ali Khan, received the Government of Agra as his reward. [Ibid.]

Abolition of the Poll-Tax (Jaziya).

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The jaziya or poll-tax had always been felt by the Hindus as an oppression; and at this time owing to the unsettled state of public affairs grain was very dear. The Hindu traders seeing their opportunity agreed on a remonstrance against the tax, and with one accord shut up their shops. Rajah Jai Singh Sawai then took the matter in hand and laid their case before the Emperor. He pointed out that the Hindus were the ancient inhabitants of the country, that His Majesty was Emperor of Hind, that men of both religions were equally loyal. Indeed it might be said that the Hindus were more so, as they depended upon the Emperor for protection from his fellow-religionists. When Abdullah Khan's rebellion had broken out, he, Jai Singh, had called on all the Hindus to pray for Mumammad Shah's success. If their prayers should be heard, he had bound himself to ask first of all for the abolition of the poll-tax. Rajah Girdhar Bahadur, governor of Oudh, added his entreaties, reminding the Emperor how his uncle Chabela Ram had obtained the same favour from the late Farrukh-siyar after his triumph over Jahandar Shah. Yielding to these appeals, the Emperor abolished the poll-tax permanently, although it is said to have yielded four krors of Rupees from the whole of the kingdom. After an abortive attempt at its revival made by Nizam-ul-mulk in 1723 and a merely nominal re-institution in Rajab 1137 (March—April 1725) which was never carried out, we hear nothing more of the levy in India of this oppressive tax. [Shiu Das 64b; K. K. 936, 948; Warid 6, 7.]

Sec. 26.—Death of Muhammad Amin Khan.

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One night about this time, a flag was tied to the railing before the chief police-office (or chabutra as it was called).

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On the flag was written in the Persian character: "Let the Emperor beware and quite the palace." The usual reports were brought before the Emperor and the issue of a proclamation was directed in the hope of discovering the doer of this act. After the order had been announced throughout the city by beat of drum, one Naranjan, a Muhammadan mendicant of the Azad sect, was traced as the culprit. This man used to go about bare-headed, and beyond a narrow strip of cloth to cover his nakedness he wore no clothes. He admitted that he had placed the flag where it was found. When he was brought before the Emperor, the Wazir, Muhammad Amin Khan, was present. The Wazir requested that the faqir might be made over to him for enquiries. The man was taken to the Wazir's house and there severely flogged. When this was reported to Muhammad Shah, he sent for the man, presented him with four gold coins and set him at liberty. This occurred on the 15th January 1721.

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A few days afterwards Muhammad Amin Khan fell seriously ill with a complication of disorders; and as was inevitable it was the popular belief that the faqir's curse had taken effect. The illness* had lasted only 4 or 5 days when it terminated fatally on the 27th January 1721, and the body was buried within the school or Madrasa which the Wazir had founded just outside the Ajmeri Gate. In the short space of three months during which he was chief minister, Muhammad Amin had no time in which to display his qualities as an administrator, though he had shown himself a good soldier long before in Alamgir's reign. Warid tells us that from the day of his first arrival from Bukhara he had ever been inclined towards oppression and injustice, had forgotten to fear God or be tender to the lowly; to him a Sayyid of proud descent and an unbeliever were the same. But strange to say, from the day of signal victory over the Sayyids, when the sky had cleared and no enemy remained, he entirely changed his ways.

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∗ Revolting details in Siyar i. 68, all most probably untrue and due to the Shia bigotry of the writer directed against a prominent Sunni. Ghulam Ali Khan Muqaddama-i-Shah Alam-nama, (B. M.) 41b, has 28th Rabi II.—an evident error. He says the illness was a fatal kind of colic.

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Men of both the city and the country had dreaded the day of his accession to supreme power. To their surprise, his conduct was opposed to his previous habits; he treated everybody fairly and kindly. Even some of the Sayyids who had deserved punishment were spared. But as far as Muhammad Shah was concerned, he had obtained no benefit by the change of ministers; and as one writer says, "He found over again the same viands on his plate." [Shiu Das 65b-66a; Kamwar 247; Warid 2-4; K. K. 939; Ahwal 178a.]

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The vacant office of chief minister was claimed by the deceased's son, Qamar-ud-din Khan, as his by right of inheritance; but Khan Dauran, who was the Emperor's candidate, [Yahya 130b] unable to carry through his own appointment, persuaded Muhammad Shah to send for Nizam-ul-mulk from the Dakhin. Qamar-ud-din was consoled with his father's title of Itimad-ud-daulah (30th January 1721); and as a temporary measure the duties of the minister were made over to Inayat-ullah Khan Kashmiri, in addition to his previous office of Lord Steward (Khan-saman). This appointment was made on the 14th February. [Warid 48, Kamwar 248, Shiu Das 66a, K. K. 939, Ahwal 178b, Khush-hal 136b.]

Sec. 27.—The New Wazir, Nizam-Ul-Mulk.

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After the removal of the Sayyid brothers, Nizam-ul-mulk had for a time intended to return to Court. But on the whole he thought it better to delay. All power was in the hands of Itimad-ud-daulah, who was not likely to brook a rival near the throne. The new Wazir was, if the truth be told, a severer master to Muhammad Shah than the Sayyids had been. In his opinion he had been the sole cause of the Sayyids' disappearance, and presumed accordingly. It is true that the Wazir and Nizam-ul-mulk were not only near relatives but close friends. Still, to share power is grievous; "a father becomes jealous of a son, a brother of a brother". Nizam-ul-mulk's arrival with a great army at his heels would have aroused many suspicions, leading to unending disputes. Why then, thought Nizam-ul-mulk, need he leave a country which he had already acquired by his own right hand, in order with open eyes to plunge into such a whirlpool of troubles?

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Instead of returning to Dihli, Nizam-ul-mulk proceeded southwards into the Karnatik and Maisur. It was not till his return to his capital of Aurangabad that he received the rescript calling him to Court, and, as at the same time he heard of his cousin's death, the dangers he had foreseen no longer existed. [Ahwal 180a, Gulshan-i-ajaib 61a.]

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At the end of the month Zul Hijja (October 1721) Nizam-ul-mulk set out from Aurangabad, leaving his relation Iwaz Khan in command, at the head of twenty thousand men. [Shiu Das 83a.] On his way through Bundelkhand he was joined by Durjan Singh of Chanderi, Rao Ram Chand Bundela of Datiya, and Chattar Singh of Narwar with their troops. He reached Agra on the 16th January 1722, when he was visited by the governor Saadat Khan. Three days afterwards he moved on to Gaoghat, and on the 28th he reached Barahpula, a few miles south of the capital. On the 20th February there was a grand audience at which the office of minister was conferred upon him with the usual gifts of robes, jewels, a ring, a jewelled pen-case and a large sum of money. The mansion on the Jamuna known as Sadullah Khan's was also conferred on him. [K. K. 939, Shiu Das 85a, Kamwar 250, M. U. iii. 897, Ashob 129b, Ahwal 181b.]

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Nizam-ul-mulk in his new position was surrounded by difficulties. Muhammad Shah, a man of weak character, was in the hands of a clever woman known as Koki or the 'foster-sister', the daughter of Muhammad Jan, geomancer, Hafiz Khidmatgar Khan, a eunuch of the palace, and others of the same standing, while the hostility of the next most powerful man in the State, Samsam-ud-daulah Khan Dauran, was barely concealed. Thus the new Wazir found himself thwarted at every step. [K. K. 940.]

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His idea was to restore the public business to the condition in which it had been during the reign of Alamgir, his model in all things. One of the greatest abuses, to the abolition of which he devoted his energies, was the practice of granting offices upon the receipt of a bribe to the Emperor, dignified with the name of *peshkash* or offering of the first fruits. Another abuse which he tried to remedy was the excessive assignments of the revenue-paying lands which had been made to the Princes, the Princesses and the great nobles. Lands of which the revenues had never been assigned before were now in the hands of the courtiers. By this means the receipts of the treasury were much diminished, and there was never sufficient money to meet the pay of those drawing cash salaries, which had in consequence fallen much into arrears. He also commented on the unfitness of the men appointed to high rank; while old and deserving officers were in want of the necessities of life. Some of the latter were reduced to collecting grain from their jagirs and selling it in the imperial market-place. To add to their troubles, prices ranged very high, and more than seven sirs of grain could not be purchased for one Rupee. Every day complainants thronged round the new Wazir on his way to audiences. One man would cry out, "I am a descendant of Mahabat Khan", another, "I am one of the grandsons of Ali Mardan Khan". The populace too clamoured for the lowering of prices, casting dust upon their heads while they shouted *Faryad! Faryad!* (Redress! Redress!). It was with difficulty that the Wazir could force his way through the crowd. He made detailed reports on these points to the Emperor. Although nominally approved of, Nizam-ul-mulk's proposals met in reality with scant attention. Being over fifty years of age, he was considered old-fashioned by the Emperor, a young man of twenty, and his youthful boon-companions. His manners and appearance were ridiculed. [Siyar i. 266.] If it has any truth at all, to this time belongs the story that Muhammad Shah laughed in open darbar at Nizam-ul-mulk's gait and attire and Samsam-ud-daulah used the expression, "See how the Dakhin monkey dances". For the present we turn from the intrigues at the capital to consider the disorders in the provinces of Ajmer and Ahmadabad due to the discontent of Ajit Singh Rathor. [K. K. 940; Shiu Das 85b; Ahwal 181b; J. A. S., lxvi, pt i. 26 and 58; Nadir Shah 69 and 129.]

Sec. 28.—Revolt of Rajah Ajit Singh Rathor.

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During the reign of Farrukh-siyar and afterwards, so long as their predominance was maintained, Rajah Ajit Singh remained faithful to the Sayyids' cause. Two years before he had been appointed by them governor of Ahmadabad, and now declined to acknowledge the new arrangement or send in the usual congratulations and presents. He entered the province of Ajmer, assumed possession of it, and forbade the slaughter of cows within the two provinces. Under these circumstances his speedy suppression was considered urgent. Saadat Khan, governor of Akbarabad, Samsam-ud-daulah, Qamar-ud-din Khan, Haidar Quli Khan, each in succession was offered the command of an army with the Government of the province. Each of them after accepting found excuses for withdrawing from the undertaking. Some had gone as far as sending out their tents one stage upon the road. Samsam-ud-daulah in particular was frightened by the possible cost of the expedition, only part of which would be obtained from the royal treasury. Samsam-ud-daulah's idea was that Ajit Singh might have been left in possession of Gujarat on condition of relinquishing Ajmer. Haidar Quli Khan objecting to this course, Saadat Khan was called upon to undertake the duty. Being a new man, he could not persuade a sufficient number of nobles to take service under him. Qamar-ud-din Khan would not stir unless Abdullah Khan, Nijabat Ali Khan and the other Barha Sayyids were pardoned and placed under his orders. As the Sayyids were distrusted by the Emperor's friends, the request was refused. At length on the 12th October 1721, Haidar Quli Khan was appointed to Ahmadabad and Sayyid Muzaffar Ali Khan Daipuri to Ajmer. The latter was a protégé of Samsam-ud-daulah. Haidar Quli Khan sent a deputy to his province. [K. K. 937, Ghulam Ali 43a, Shiu Das 76b.]

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Muzaffar Ali Khan was willing to take charge in person of his new Government, but was a man without means. Six lakhs of Rupees were granted to him; but as the money was not forthcoming from the treasury, he was forced to content himself for the time being with two lakhs. He took up his station outside the city and began to enlist recklessly, offering absurdly high rates of pay. By the time he had reached Manoharpur* and had collected 20,000 men under his standard, all his money was spent. With Jai Singh the Kachhwaha Rajah there was no trouble. In July 1721 he arrived at Court and professed abounding loyalty. He had gone in person to all the mosques in Amber and directed that the public call to worship should be made and the Friday prayer recited. The prohibition of the slaughter of kine was formally set aside, and the Rajah proclaimed himself a submissive subject of the Muhammadan Empire. He produced the convention entered into by Jahan Shah (the Emperor's father), conferring on him, Jai Singh, the perpetual governorship of Ajmer and Gujarat. This document bore an impress in sandalwood dye of Jahan Shah's open hand (panja). The Rajah further called attention to his friendly acts towards the new Emperor in previous reigns. His guarantors in these representations were Samsam-ud-daulah and Roshan-ud-daulah, and by their influence his overtures met with acceptance. [Ghulam Ali 43b.]

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Ajit Singh, on the contrary, showed no intention of evacuating Ajmer; but had sent on his eldest son, Abhai Singh, to resist the approaching governor. Thereupon orders (2nd Oct., 1721) came from Dihli for Muzaffar Ali Khan not to advance beyond Manoharpur. Here he remained for three months. The demands for pay increased and multiplied; no portion of the balance of the six lakhs promised to him made its appearance. The soldiers in their distress began to sell their arms, their clothes and all that they had. After this they had to starve or plunder: preferring the second alternative, they spread over the country far and wide, bringing in twenty thousand head of cattle. A few villages near Narnol were also plundered. [Shiu Das 77a, Ghulam Ali 44a.]

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As Muzaffar Ali Khan could not pay his men, the reins of authority and discipline fell from his hands. The troopers quarrelled over the division of the plundered cattle and even went the length of fighting among themselves. Night came on, the impounded cattle by a desperate rush made good their escape, and returned to their villages. Convinced that the game was now up, the soldiers recited a fatiha for good luck, left the place, and returned to their homes. Muzaffar Ali Khan felt his powerlessness and made no attempt to attack the Rathors; after a time the general of Rajah Jai Singh arrived to his succour, and escorted him to the Kachhwaha capital of Amber, with his few remaining horsemen and infantry. He gave up all he possessed, sent back the robes of honour and the letter of appointment, and assuming the garb of a mendicant retired into private life. [Ibid.]

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∗ 35 m. north of Jaipur town and about 130 m. n. e. of Ajmer.

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Muzaffar Ali Khan was now superseded by Sayyid Nusrat Yar Khan Barha. Ajit Singh was at Ajmer, and had been reinforced by a Jat contingent sent by Churaman Jat under the command of his son Muhkam Singh. Before the new governor could take the field, Ajit Singh sent his eldest son northwards to attack Narnol and other places in the Agra and Dihli provinces. Abhai Singh had under him twelve thousand camel-riders, armed with matchlocks and bows, two men on each camel. After a rapid march of 140 miles, Narnol was reached. The officer in charge on behalf of Bayazid Khan Mewati, faujdar of the district, fought as well as he was able, but in the end retreated and made his way to his master in Mewat. Narnol was given up to plunder; Alwar, Tijara, and Shahjahanpur were harried; and plunderers appeared even as far north as Sarai Allahwirdi Khan, within sixteen miles of Dihli. [Shiu Das 78.]

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At Dihli the usual confusion prevailed. First, Samsam-ud-daulah having uttered many oaths about the sanguinary vengeance he would take, received orders to march; his tents were sent out and elaborate preparations began; but he made no further move. Even the Emperor was disgusted with him and showed displeasure, and in consequence Samsam-ud-daulah withdrew from attendance at darbar. Haidar Quli Khan was next called upon; he submitted numerous demands, and the whole of the imperial artillery was placed at his disposal; his tents were then erected outside the city; but he thought better of it and declined to start. Qamar-ud-din Khan treated an application to him with similar disrespect. At last Nusrat Yar Khan marched, but had not gone far in the direction of Ajmer when news came that Rajah Ajit Singh had evacuated that city and had retired to his own country. [Shiu Das 78b, Ghulam Ali 44a.]

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Apparently the cause of this withdrawal on the part of the Rathors was the knowledge that Nizam-ul-mulk had accepted the office of chief minister, had left the Dakhin and was now not far from Dihli. As we have stated, he was formally placed in charge of his office on the 20th Feb. 1722. A month afterwards (21st March) an emissary from the Rathor Rajah, one Khemsi Bhandari (steward), appeared at Court in the company of Nahar Khan, late faujdar of Sambhar. [Shiu Das 83a, Kamwar 251.]

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Ajit Singh stated his case in a petition to the Emperor, of which the following is the substance. He begins by reciting his humble submission to the former Emperor Farrukh-siyar at the time when Sayyid Husain Ali Khan was sent against him. Before the Sayyids were deposed from power, he had been appointed governor of Ahmadabad and Ajmer. In the interests of the Empire it was well for someone to take charge; and while he ruled, he upheld the law and practices of Islam. Then, when victory had crowned the imperial standards, he was dismissed and the province of Ahmadabad given to Haidar Quli Khan. He said nothing but relinquished it. As to Ajmer he was ready to do the same; but Muzaffar Ali Khan never appeared. Then those who were ill-disposed towards him (Ajit Singh) made use of the attacks at Narnol and other towns as proof of his disloyalty. This was an entire mistake; those attacks were due to a quarrel with the Mewatis. He leaves the case in the Emperor's hands, confident in his justice and being fully convinced that not by one hair-breadth had he departed from the right way. He would either appear at Court or remain in his own country, as might be desired. [Shiu Das 83a.]

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In answer to this tardy submission the Emperor's farman, after a vague compliment to his loyalty and an equally vague excuse for having taken away the two provinces, proceeded to state that the Government of Ajmer was for the time being again confided to him; and, please God, the province of Ahmadabad would also in a short time be restored to him. Presents were forwarded, consisting of special robes, a jewelled turban ornament, a horse and an elephant. The rescript concluded:—"What fear can there be that any single person's petitions or representations would be accepted in respect of his (Ajit Singh's) acts? Let his mind be at rest, recognizing that this well-wisher to God's people (i.e., Muhammad Shah) is occupied with his welfare." [Shiu Das 84b, Kamwar 255.]

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The next stage in Ajmer affairs is the appointment on the 8th Dec. 1722 of Nahar Khan to be diwan of that province coupled with the faujdarship of Sambhar. As diwan or chief revenue officer, Nahar Khan was put alongside and almost on an equality with the nazim or military governor. His position was further strengthened by the conferment of the faujdari of Garh Patili* on his brother, Ruhullah Khan. With these men Khemsi Bhandari, Ajit Singh's agent, set out from Dihli on his return to Ajmer. [Kamwar 257.]

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On the 9th February 1723, the report was received at Court that on the 6th January Nahar Khan and his brother, Ruhullah Khan, had been assassinated by Ajit Singh. Under the supposition that the Rajputs were friendly, they had encamped close to them. At dawn their tents were attacked and they were both slain. Hafiz Mahmud Khan, nephew of the faujdar, and his other relations were captured; twenty-five persons were beheaded; and in a few moments the whole of the camp and baggage had been plundered and carried off. The few men who had escaped took refuge in the territories of Rajah Jai Singh of Amber, where they were assisted and thence escorted into the imperial territory. [Kamwar 260-261, Tod ii. 87.]

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∗ Mr. Irvine suggests that Patli 94 miles s. w. of Dihli, and Kot, one mile north-east of the former, probably stand for Garh Patili of the Persian text. Tod speaks of the siege and capture of the fort on Bithli hill (modern Taragarh) overlooking Ajmer. [J. Sarkar.]

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Forthwith, Sharf-ud-daulah Iradatmand Khan* was selected to head an army against the Rajah. He was promoted to the rank of 7000 (6000 horse), and the *Bakhshis* were directed to place a force of 50,000 horse at his disposal. On the 26th February he received his audience of leave-taking, and four days afterwards he was granted two lakhs of Rupees from the imperial treasury for the pay of his troops. On the 10th March a number of nobles were detailed to accompany him; and on the 4th April express messengers were sent to Rajah Jai Singh, Muhammad Khan Bangash, Rajah Girdhar Bahadur and other great nobles who had been engaged in the Jat campaign, (to which we shall come presently), directing them to place themselves under the orders of Sharf-ud-daulah. A further expedient for the injury of Ajit Singh was the grant on the 5th June 1723 to Rajah Indar Singh Rathor of his former appanage of Nagor. At this time he was in the Dakhin with Nizam-ul-mulk, but his grandson, Man Singh, carried out the ordinary homage done on such occasions. [Kamwar 261-264, Rustam Ali 251*b*.]

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About this time Haidar Quli Khan was on his way back to Dihli from Ahmadabad in disgrace, as will be more fully mentioned in a future section. His presence at Rewari was announced on the 6th April 1723; Roshan-ud-daulah interceded for him, and his misdeeds were pardoned. Khwaja Sad-ud-din, superintendent of escheats, was sent to him with a rescript appointing him to the Government of Ajmer and the faujdarship of Sambhar. In obedience to these orders Haidar Quli Khan turned back and joined the imperial army at Narnol. Thence they marched on towards Ajmer. [Kamwar 263.]

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On the 30th May the news was received that before that date Rajah Ajit Singh, who had been posted at the village of Bhanhra, had retired before the imperial forces without offering battle and had gone in the direction of Sambhar. This was followed five days afterwards (4th June) by the report that Haidar Quli Khan and the other nobles and rajahs had entered Sambhar, while Rajah Ajit Singh, taking with him his famliy, had quitted Ajmer and moved off in the direction of Jodhpur. The garrison he had left in Garh Patili was making ready to defend that place. The new imperial governor entered Ajmer on the 8th June 1723, having left as his deputies Agha Qasim at Sambhar and Salabat Afghan at Mahrut. On the 17th June, Garh Patili was invested and one-and-a-half months afterwards (4th Aug. 1723) Haidar Quli Khan sent to Court the keys of that fortress with a report that it had been taken.*

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∗ Khwaja Abdullah, entitled Sharf-ud-daulah Iradatmand Kh. Sadiq Tahavvar Jang Bahadur, died 3rd Zul Qada 1143 H. (9th May 1731) aged over 70. He was brother's son and son-in-law of Mulla Iwaz Wajih, who died in 1088 H.

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Ajit Singh now thought it time to make terms and sent in to the imperial commander his eldest son, Abhai Singh, with several elephants and a large sum of money. He desired that his own appearance at the Dihli Court might be postponed for the period of one year. Haidar Quli Khan forwarded the Rajah's son and the presents to Court and obtained a favourable reception for his prayer. Abhai Singh was received with all honour, and gifts were conferred upon him; but he was detained at Court. Upon Nizam-ul-mulk's flight to the Dakhin, Haidar Quli Khan was restored to favour and recalled to Court on the 30th Dec., 1724, to fill his former office of Mir Atash, being replaced at Ajmer by Sayyid Husain Khan Barha (April 1725). [Kamwar, Rustam Ali 252a.]

Sec. 29.—Murder of Ajit Singh by His Son.

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We shall conclude this section with the death of Rajah Ajit Singh. Tod admits that the bards and chroniclers pass over the event with a mere mention, one of them going so far as to leave a blank page at the critical point of his story. But in another part of Tod's book, we have a detailed narrative of the crime.* In any case, that Ajit Singh met a violent death at the hand of his second son, Bakht Singh, is admitted by the Rajputs themselves, and even by their ardent champion Colonel Tod. [Tod i. 698, ii. 88.]

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∗ Kamwar 264-266, Tod ii. Mahrut, identified with Marout of the Rajputana map of 1859 about 10 m. n. of the north bank of the Sambhar lake. Warid (130) says the Rajput garrison of Garh Patili only numbered four hundred, that the place was surrendered after negotiations, and that the garrison marched out with the honours of war, flags flying and drums beating. According to the Rajput account (Tod ii. 87) Taragarh close to Ajmer was also invested in July and held out for four months under the command of Umra Singh.

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According to their story, Bakht Singh after saying good-night concealed himself in a room adjoining the one in which his parents were sleeping. When all was still he entered their room, seized his father's sword, and plunged it into him. The wife was awakened by feeling her husband's blood on her breast. Bakht Singh escaped. Ajit Singh's body was cremated on the 7th June 1724, when eighty-four wives and concubines sacrificed themselves on his funeral pyre. A dispute about the succession at once arose between the sons on the spot. On the 25th July, 1724, Abhai Singh, then between twenty-one and twenty-two years of age, obtained through the intervention of Samsam-ud-daulah the title of *Rajah Rajeshwar*, with the rank of 7,000 *zat*, (7,000 horse), and was allowed to depart for Jodhpur to take possession of his father's succession. [Tod i. 699, K. K. 974, Khush-hal 1044*b*.]

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The fact of Ajit Singh's murder by his son, Bakht Singh, is not denied by any one; but a divergence of opinion exists as to the incentives to the deed. Tod's informants told him that Bakht Singh acted at the instigation of his elder brother, Abhai Singh,† then at Dihli and in the power of the Emperor. The murderer's reward was to be the appanage of Nagor and its five hundred and sixty-five townships. To account for Abhai Singh's unholy desire we are told that his ambition had been stirred by the Machiavellian Sayyids, eager to wreak vengeance upon Ajit Singh for his opposition to their dethronement of Farrukh-siyar. Now let us apply some of the simplest critical tests. Can the offered reward be looked on as sufficient to impel Bakht Singh to an act of parricide? He may not have been a very clever man, but he was hardly such a simpleton as to incur the infamy of such an act (1) for the benefit not of himself but of a brother and (2) for the grant of an appange which, by universal Rajput practice, would have been his as a matter of course whenever his father died a natural death. But coming finally to external tests, what is there left of the story? We find that its very foundation vanishes. The assassination of Ajit Singh took place in June 1724; one Sayyid had been assassinated on the 8th October, 1720, and the other, after being defeated in battle and made a prisoner on the 14th November 1720, died in prison on the 11th October, 1722. Obviously, they could not have been in 1724 the instigators of Abhai Singh. Further, it is impossible, after even the most elementary study of the period, to ignore the fact that Ajit Singh, instead of opposing, helped the Sayyids to the utmost in getting rid of Farrukh-siyar. Tod's story is thus a mere legend, which falls to pieces directly it is examined; nor, as he admits, does his usual resource, the rhyming chronicles of the bards, afford him here any countenance. And Tod himself (ii. 113) confesses that "but for that one damning crime, Bakht Singh would have been handed down to posterity as one of the noblest Princes Rajwara ever knew." Conceding the truth of even a part only of this glowing eulogy, is it not more unlikely than ever that such a paladin could have become the miserable tool of an ambitious brother with no greater incentive than the offer of an appanage already his by family custom? Is it not rather to be believed that the father did something which the son felt was an attack on his personal honour?

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∗ Tod, i. 699. This passage shows Tod at his weakest as an historian. His fastening of Ajit Singh's murder upon the Sayyids is a gross chronological error. Hardly less absurd is his assertion that Ajit Singh ever refused "sanction to the nefarious schemes of the Sayyids". He was their friend and partisan up to the end.

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† Warid 130 assigns the same reason as Tod for the murder. *Cf.* M. U. iii. 758.

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Although coming from Muhammadan sources, there is another version [Kamwar] of the facts, which, destructive though it is of any respect for the character of the "great Ajit", is much more satisfactory than that put forward by the champion of the Rajputs. It is one that furnishes a sufficient motive for the dreadful deed, and thus satisfies better the conditions of the case. We are told that soon after Ajit Singh had made his peace and returned to Jodhpur, he fell in love with the wife of his middle son Bakht Singh and was guilty of an incestuous intercourse. Overcome with shame and touched in the tenderest point of his honour, Bakht Singh sought his opportunity of revenge. One night when Ajit Singh, drunk and stupefied, was lying fast asleep, his son stabbed him to death. As a contrast to Tod's dithyrambs, we may here give the Muhammadan view of the Rajah's character. "He was exceedingly wanting in good faith, a breaker of his oath, one who had slain unfairly many of his relations and dependants. Among his evil deeds was the abandonment of Farrukh-siyar to his fate, in spite of his relationship through his daughter; nay he took an active part in that Emperor's dethronement. In the end he attained the reward for his misdeeds:

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He who sows the seed of evil and hopes for good,
Racks his brain uselessly and imagines a vain thing."

Sec. 30.—Rise of Ali Muhammad Khan Rohela.

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The country known by the modern name of Rohilkhand was called by the Hindus Katahr, and up to the end of the first quarter of the 18th century the Muhammadans usually styled it Sambhal-Muradabad. Under them it formed a part of the province of Dihli. It is about 12,000 square miles in extent, taking it as co-extensive with the present Rohilkhand division. It has to the west and south the river Ganges, on the north the strip of land under the Himalayas called the Tarai (or marsh land), and on the east the province of Oudh. Its name of Rohilkhand came into use most probably from the Daudzai Pathans who settled in the south-east corner of the tract in the 17th century and founded the important town of Shahjahanpur. Daryai Khan, Diler Khan and Bahadur Khan, chiefs of this clan, were leading generals in the reign of Shah Jahan (1628-1658). Roh, meaning "mountainous", is the name given by the Afghans to their native country. Adding to this the Hindi ending ela, used to denote a person belonging to a particular group or section, we obtain Rohela, a man from the land of Roh; thence is derived Rohil-khand, the division or district inhabited by the Rohelas. [M. U. ii. 18, 42; i. 415; Gulistan-i-Rahmat.]

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An Afghan saint, Shaikh Shihab-ud-din Badalzai, was succeeded by his third son, Mahmud Khan, known as Shaikh Muti, who took up his abode at the village of Toru Shahamatpur in Roh. On Mahmud Khan’s death his five sons divided his property, and in the share of the youngest son, Shah Alam Khan, was included a slave called Daud. Some time in the reign of Bahadur Shah (1707-1712), this man Daud ran away from his master to seek his fortune in Hindustan. He found his way into Katahr (now known as Rohilkhand).

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Between 1712 and 1715 the Rajputs of Katahr took possession of a part of sarkar Budaon (in Rohilkhand) and refused to pay revenue to the imperial treasury. One of the principal leaders of these landholders was Mudar Shah of Madhkar and Ajaon in pargana Barsir of sarkar Budaon. On his arrival in the country, Daud had with him two or three men, but he soon increased them to two hundred. With this force he entered the service of the Rajput Mudar Shah. As was usual in those days, the neighbouring zamindars were continually at warfare with each other. Once Daud was sent against the village of Bankauli, in pargana Chaumahla, with which his employer was at feud. Along with the plunder taken on this occasion Daud obtained possession of a Jat boy seven or eight years of age, whom he caused to be circumcised and then adopted under the name of Ali Muhammad Khan.*

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After some years Shah Alam Khan, who had once been Daud Khan’s master, hearing of his former slave’s success, came to visit him in Hindustan. He was kindly received and dismissed with a present. A second time, five or six years afterwards, he again paid a visit to India and urged Daud to return with him to Afghanistan. But Daud, who had obtained possession of Banaholi† and other villages and was at the head of four or five hundred fighting men, protested vigorously against abandoning his position. Shah Alam Khan was forced to set out alone on his return journey. At Dihli he was seized by some horse merchants who were creditors of Daud Khan, and was only released on his promising to return to Katahr and procure the payment of the debt due to them. As he had promised, he again entreated Daud Khan to leave India. Wearied by these importunities, Daud resolved to have his former master assassinated. While they were both on an expedition against some refractory zamindars, four murderers entered Shah Alam Khan’s tent and slew him. Daud Khan tried to obtain the murdered man’s property from some merchants at Dihli in whose charge it was, but he declined to part with it, the deceased having left a son at his village of Toru Shahamatpur in the land of Roh, whither they meant to send it. This boy, alleged to have been then four or five years of age, was the well-known Hafiz Rahmat Khan. [Gulistan-i-Rahmat.]

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∗ As this expedition presumably occurred in 1715, Ali Mhd. Kh. must have been born about 1707 or 1708 A.D.

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† C. Elliott omits this name. Matkar, 13 m. e. of Chandausi [J.S.]

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About twelve months after the death of Shah Alam Khan, Daud Khan threw up the service of Mudar Shah and entered that of Debi Chand, ruler of Kumaon, by whom he was placed in charge of the forts at the foot of the hills. Soon after, it was determined by the Wazir Qamar-ud-din Khan Itimad-ud-daulah, who held the office of faujdar of Muradabad, to take action against the combined forces of the Rohelas and the hill rajah. It was reported at Dihli that about twenty thousand Afghan horse and foot had collected near Bans Bareli and Sambhal-Muradabad. They interfered with the peasantry and plundered travellers on the highroad and took possession of estates. Some of the zamindars had made terms with them. The imperial administration was practically set aside and the imperial revenue had ceased to be collected. [Shiu Das 79, Rustam Ali’s Urdu Tarikh-i-Rohela, Gulistan-i-Rahmat.]

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Azmat-ullah Khan Lakhnavi, the deputy governor under Qamar-ud-din Khan, was ordered to exert himself to suppress these disorders. He obtained the aid of the faujdar of Bareli and their conjoined forces advanced to the attack. The armies met not far from Rudrapur. The Rohelas, confident in their strength, advanced two kos and began the fight with musket-ball and arrow. Soon they came to close quarters, and the fight lasted nearly an hour, and both sides lost heavily. Azmat-ullah Khan, after many men had been disabled, dismounted and fought on foot with all his relations round him. The enemy retreated and when the pursuers caught them up they turned towards the river and fled. But there were no boats: the faujdars had previously caused them to be dispersed. By this victory the province was once more brought under subjection to the imperial authority. This event occurred about December 1721. [Shiu Das 79a, Gulistan-i-Rahmat.]

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Daud Khan is supposed to have been in collusion with the imperialists and to have deserted the Rajah in the field. After the defeat Daud Khan attempted to seize the Rajah's person as a hostage for the recovery of the arrears due to himself and his troops. The attempt was foiled by the fidelity of the hillmen. The Rajah went off to Kakar Dahra; and thence sent to the Rohela general an invitation to attend and receive his pay and arrears. Daud Khan, suspecting no treachery, obeyed this order; thereupon the Rajah ordered him to be seized, and he with all his companions was put to death. The chief surviving leaders, Malik Shadi Khan and Sadar Khan Kamalzai, and Bakhshi Sardar Khan, placed his adopted son, Ali Muhammad Khan, at the head of his force, four to five hundred in number, which was then taken into the service of the faujdar, Shaikh Azmat-ullah Khan, at Muradabad.

Sec. 31.—The Jats.

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We turn now to another quarter in which troubles had arisen. Our last mention of the Jats was in April and May 1718, near the end of Farrukh-siyar's reign. Rajah Jai Singh of Amber had been foiled in his attempt to crush Churaman, and a peace more or less favourable to the latter chief had been patched up through the good offices of the Sayyids' uncle, Sayyid Khan Jahan. This failure still rankled in the breast of Jai Singh, who had returned to the Dihli Court (1st May 1721), after the defeat and imprisonment of Sayyid Abdullah Khan. Nor, in the interval of three years which had elapsed, had further provocation been wanting on the part of Churaman. On the death of Sayyid Husain Ali Khan he had temporarily declared himself on the side of the Emperor, but, on the day of battle with Sayyid Abdullah Khan, had gone over to the ex-Wazir and plundered the imperial baggage. Furthermore he had done his best to hinder Saadat Khan on his march to join the army proceeding against Ajit Singh of Jodhpur ; and had sent men to the aid of the Bundelas in their opposition to Diler Khan, the lieutenant of Muhammad Khan Bangash, governor of Allahabad.

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Saadat Khan, as we have said, had been appointed to the province of Agra, to which he sent Nilkanth Nagar as his deputy. One of his first injunctions to this man was to proceed against the Jats and punish them for their various misdeeds. Accordingly he took up a position near Fathpur Sikri with an army of 10,000 horse besides infantry. On the 26th Sept. 1721 he went against one of the villages in the Jat territory, seized many of the inhabitants and all their cattle. As Nilkanth was on his return march, Muhkam Singh, eldest son of Churaman, came up with him at the head of five to six thousand men and offered battle. In the fight Nilkanth was hit by a bullet and fell down dead in his howda ; as many of his men as were able took to flight ; the rest were made prisoners and gave up their arms and horses to the Jats. All the deputy governor's elephants and property fell into Muhkam Singh's hands. The captives were released upon each man paying ransom according to his status. [Shiu Das 79b, Siwanih, Siyar text 73, Ghulam Ali 46a.]

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Saadat Khan was ordered to depart at once from Court and take charge in person of his Government. On arriving at Agra he was joined by Badan Singh Jat, brother's son of Churaman. It seems that the latter had recently died and a dispute as to the succession had broken out between the cousins. Saadat Khan thought it wise to conciliate the fugitive, giving him robes of honour and an elephant and entering into an alliance with him. But Saadat Khan in spite of all his efforts made no impression on the Jats, the excuse he offered being the obstacles presented by the thickly growing trees and the strength of their forts. As he was deemed unequal to his task, his removal was determined upon and the Government was given to Rajah Jai Singh Kachhwaha.∗

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∗ Shiu Das 80a, K. K. 944, M. U. i. 545. Ghulam Ali (46a) says Saadat Khan was already in Oudh and wanted to return thence to Agra.

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About this time, as we just said, Churaman the Jat chief had died; this event happened in Zul Hijja 1133 (Sept.—Oct. 1721). As one story goes, there was one of his relations, a wealthy man, who died childless. The brethren sent for Muhkam, the eldest son of Churaman, and made him head of the deceased’s zamindari and gave over to him all the deceased’s goods. Zul Karan, the second son of Churaman, said to his brother “Give me too a share in those goods and admit me as a partner.” A verbal dispute followed and Muhkam made ready to resist by force. Zul Karan determined to have the quarrel out, gathered men together, and attacked his brother. The elders of the place sent word to Churaman that his sons were fighting, which was not well; it were better that he should adjust the dispute.

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Churaman spoke to Muhkam. The son replied to his father by abusive language, and showed himself ready to fight his father as well as his brother. Churaman lost his temper and from chagrin swallowed a dose of deadly poison which he always carried upon him, and going to an orchard in that village lay down and gave up the ghost. After a long time had elapsed, men were sent to search for him and found his dead body.*

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Jai Singh, the new governor of Agra, had undertaken to lead an army against the Jat head-quarters which were still at Thun. On the 19th April 1722, a number of nobles and Rajahs

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But Samsam-ud-daulah interfered and the Agra Government was taken from him.

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∗ Shiu Das 78, Ghulam Ali 46b, Siyar trans. i. 259. Compare the story in Siyar and Khizr Khan which agree—one of them has copied from the other or both use a common source. I am obliged to throw doubt on Khizr Khan (although he was supposed to be on the spot) because he makes Churaman die after Jai Singh had invested Thun. Shiu Das, Mirza Muhammad and Khafi Khan, on the whole authorities of greater weight, coincide in saying that the defence against Jai Singh was conducted by the sons of Churaman and not by that leader himself. T-i-Mhdi (1133); “Churaman Jat, an unruly zamindar of position in the Akbarabad province, died in Zul Hijja in the fighting between his sons Tham Singh and Muhkam Singh. He went to reconcile them and was killed.”

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were named to serve under him, the best known of whom were Rajah Girdhar Bahadur Nagar and Maharao Arjun Singh of Orchha. An army of 14,000 to 15,000 horsemen was assembled, artillery and ammunition were provided, and a grant of two lakhs of Rupees made from the imperial treasury. But on the 14th July Jai Singh was still at Court, and still later, on the 29th August, renewed injunctions to start were issued to the Rajah and his second-in-command Muzaffar Khan. The Bakhshis were directed to make up his army to fifty thousand horsemen. [Kamwar 251, K. K. 945.]

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Finally, on the 1st Sept. 1722 Rajah Jai Singh Sawai received his formal appointment to Agra in open darbar and was invested in the usual way. More nobles were granted robes of honour and posted to serve under him, while Sayyid Muzaffar Ali Khan was appointed deputy governor of Agra. At this time Saadat Khan, the displaced governor of that province, reached the capital. He was refused an audience and told to proceed direct to Oudh, the robes of investiture for it and for the faujdari of Gorakhpur being sent to him by a messenger. His predecessor in Oudh, Rajah Girdhar Bahadur Nagar, was transferred to Malwa (9 Sept. 1722). [Kamwar 254, Siwanih.]

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On the 25th October reports were received at Court that the sons of Churaman Jat had taken refuge in their fort of Thun, round which daily skirmishes were taking place. The Rajah commenced by cutting down the jungle, then erected his batteries. From time to time the Jats came out and taking shelter among the trees fell upon the imperial camp at night. Many men were slain on both sides. Matters went on thus for about one-and-a-half months, and one or two of the forts were beginning to feel distressed. Then Badan Singh, who once before had shown ill-will to his cousins, left their side and came over to the Rajah. He pointed out the weak places of the defenders, and two of their forts were taken. The besieged then lost heart. At midnight Muhkam set fire to the houses, exploded his powder magazines, and took to flight carrying as much cash, jewellery and portable property as he could. On the 18th November the imperialists took possession of Thun, and the treasures amassed by Churaman were sought for; house after house was dug up, but all in vain. No treasure was discovered. Muhkam Singh took refuge with Rajah Ajit Singh of Jodhpur, and although he survived for many years was never able to regain his ancestral domains. He was alive in 1167 H., the 6th year of Ahmad Shah, for he turned up at Dihli on the 11th Safar of that year (10 Dec. 1753) and tried through Aqibat Mahmud Khan, Imad-ul-mulk’s chief adviser, to get back the Raj.* In reward for his services Rajah Jai Singh received on the 12th June 1723 the titles of Rajah-i-Rajeshwar, Shri Raja-dhiraj, Maharaj Jai Singh Sawai. Already on the 1st May 1721 he had been given the title of Sar-amad-i-Rajahae, and the chiefship of the Jats remained with Badan Singh. [K. K. 945; Siyar trans. i. 259; Kamwar 249, 265.]

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SEC. 32.—MARRIAGE OF MUHAMMAD SHAH AND HIS DAILY LIFE.

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One of the first matters to be seen to after the victory over the Sayyids and the completion of the consequent rejoicings was the marriage of the young Emperor to the daughter of his predecessor, Farrukh-siyar, her title being after marriage Malika-uz-zamani. On the 14th Safar 1134 H. (3 Dec. 1721) the sachaq or bridegroom’s gifts were sent to the bride’s house. Samsam-ud-daulah, who was especially active in the matter, received rich gifts and the eunuchs, such as Khwaja Khawas Khan, Mahaldar Khan Nazir, and Hafiz Jawahir Khan, were rewarded. On the 17th (6 Dec. 1721) at nightfall the Emperor proceeded in state to the chaplet room. Then the great nobles, such as the Samsam-ud-daulah (who was given a prominent part as the chief arranger of the union with this Princess) and the Wazir and Haidar Quli Khan and Roshan-ud-daulah, were employed to fix upon the amount of dower. It was settled at fifty lakhs of Rupees. Then at the auspicious moment the marriage ceremony was performed by Mulla Sadullah (entitled Musawi Khan) and Himmat Khan. Offerings of a lakh of Rupees each were made to Samsam-uddaulah, Qamar-ud-din Khan, Abdus-samad Khan Diler Jang, Haidar Quli Khan, Khan Khanan Mir Jumla, Zafar Khan (Roshan-ud-daulah), Rajah Jai Singh, and Rajah Girdhar Bahadur. The evening ended with singing and dancing, illuminations and fireworks. Customs peculiar to the people of Hindustan, such as that called henna-bandi and others, were not performed publicly, in order not to clash with the prescription of the holy law. Valuable presents were conferred on the Emperor's mother Qudsiya-ul-alqab Hazrat Begam and other women of the harem. [K. K. 937, Sahifa-i-iqbal 465.]

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∗ Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shah (Br. Mus. Or. 2005), 94b.

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In this earlier part of his reign, although Muhammad Shah was only nineteen years of age, we hear of his being already in ill-health. On the 7th Zul Hijja (28th Sept. 1721) he was under treatment for some complaint by three physicians, one of whom was the Frenchman Monsieur Martin. At this period the Emperor had several children born to him, none of whom survived. It was not until Dec. 1727 that a son destined to grow up was born. This boy became the Emperor's successor under the title of Ahmad Shah. For some years Muhammad Shah seems to have led a comparatively active life, and continued like his predecessor to make hunting expeditions at short intervals. Thus, for instance, on the 26th Feb. 1722, he went out to the preserve (ramna) of Shakkarpur. Again, on the 13th April of the same year he visited the preserve at Tal Katora; and that at Badli, in the other direction from Dihli, on the 16th August. Another and somewhat larger expedition took place from the 18th Jan. to 7th Feb. 1723, in which the stages were Agharabad, Sarai Narela, Siyubi [?=Sonipat], Sarai Kanwar [=Ganaur], Panipat (in the garden of Lutfullah Khan), Sarai Sambhalka, Sarai Kanwar [i.e., Ganaur] again, Sonipat, Narela and Agharabad once more, and finally Tal Katora near the Qutb. On this tour the shrines of the Panipat saints were visited. [Shiu Das 79b, Kamwar, Siyar, Ghulam Ali.]

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