Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far East (Vol. I: Champa; Vol. II: Suvarnadvipa) v2.c20.s2: Chapter II. Economic Condition
Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far East (Vol. I: Champā; Vol. II: Suvarṇadvīpa) v2.c20.s2
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Chapter II. Economic Condition
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From a very early period Malayasia formed one of the most important centres of trade in the world. We have already given an account of the early maritime intercourse between India and Suvarṇabhūmi, so far as it has been preserved in Indian literature in the shape of vague traditions, legends, and folk-stories. We now propose to refer briefly to the trade activities of this region so far as we can determine them by means of positive and reliable evidence.
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Apart from the trade-relations of the various islands grouped under Malayasia, either among themselves or with Indo-China, India, China, and Arabia formed the three main centres of trade with this region.
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As regards India, the earliest definite account is furnished by Fa-hien’s travels. From Tāmralipti (modern Tamluk) Fa-hien “embarked in a large merchant vessel, and went floating over the sea to the south-west. After sailing day and night for fourteen days he reached Ceylon”¹. After two years Fa-hien again took passage in a large merchantman with a view to return to China. The detailed account of this voyage is so interesting and instructive regarding the early trade and maritime intercourse between Malayasia on the one hand and India and China on the other, that I make no apology for quoting the lengthy passage².
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¹ Fa-hien, p. 100.
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² Ibid, pp. 111-114.
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“Fa-hien took passage in a large merchantman, on board of which there were more than 200 men, and to which was attached by a rope a smaller vessel, as a provision against damage or injury to the large one from the perils of the navigation. With a favourable wind, they proceeded eastwards
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for three days, and then they encountered a great wind. The vessel sprang a leak and the water came in. The merchants wished to go to the smaller vessel; but the men on board it, fearing that too many would come, cut the connecting rope. The merchants were greatly alarmed, feeling their risk of instant death. Afraid that the vessel would fill, they took their bulky goods and threw them into the water. Fa-hien also took his pitcher and washing-basin, with some other articles, and cast them into the sea; but fearing that the merchants would cast overboard his books and images, he could only think with all his heart of Kwan-She-yin, and commit his life to (the protection of) the church of the land of Han, (saying in effect), 'I have travelled far in search of our Law. Let me, by your dread and supernatural (power), return from my wanderings, and reach my resting place!'
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"In this way the tempest continued day and night, till on the thirteenth day the ship was carried to the side of an island, where on the ebbing of the tide, the place of the leak was discovered, and it was stopped, on which the voyage was resumed. On the sea (hereabouts) there are many pirates, to meet with whom is speedy death. The great ocean spreads out, a boundless expanse. There is no knowing east or west; only by observing the sun, moon, and stars was it possible to go forward. If the weather were dark and rainy, (the ship) went as she was carried by the wind, without any definite course. In the darkness of the night, only the great waves were to be seen, breaking on one another, and emitting a brightness like that of fire, with huge turtles and other monsters of the deep (all about). The merchants were full of terror, not knowing where they were going. The sea was deep and bottomless, and there was no place where they could drop anchor and stop. But when the sky became clear, they could tell east and west, and (the ship) again went forward in the right direction. If she had come on any hidden rock, there would have been no way of escape.
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“After proceeding in this way for rather more than ninety days they arrived at a country called Java-dvīpa, where various forms of error and Brāhmanism are flourishing, while Buddhism in it is not worth speaking of. After staying there for five months, (Fa-hien) again embarked in another large merchantman which also had on board more than 200 men. They carried provisions for fifty days, and commenced the voyage on the sixteenth day of the fourth month.
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“Fa-hien kept his retreat on board the ship. They took a course to the north-east, intending to fetch Kwang-chow. After more than a month, when the night-drum had sounded the second watch, they encountered a black wind and tempestuous rain, which threw the merchants and passengers into consternation. Fa-hien again with all his heart directed his thoughts to Kwan-she-yin and the monkish communities of the land of Han; and, through their dread and mysterious protection, was preserved to day-break. After day-break, the Brahmans deliberated together and said, ‘It is having this Śramaṇa on board which has occasioned our misfortune and brought us this great and bitter suffering. Let us land the bhikshu and place him on some island-shore. We must not for the sake of one man allow ourselves to be exposed to such imminent peril’. A patron of Fa-hien, however, said to them, ‘If you land the bhikshu, you must at the same time land me; and if you do not, then you must kill me. If you land this Śramaṇa, when I get to the land of Han, I will go to the king, and inform against you. The king also reveres and believes the Law of Buddha, and honours the bhikshus’. The merchants hereupon were perplexed, and did not dare immediately to land (Fa-hien).
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“At this time the sky continued very dark and gloomy, and the sailing-masters looked at one another and made mistakes. More than seventy days passed (from their leaving Java), and the provisions and water were nearly exhausted. They used the salt water of the sea for cooking, and carefully divided the (fresh) water, each man getting two pints. Soon the whole was nearly gone, and the merchants took counsel and said, ‘At the ordinary rate of sailing we ought to have reached Kwang-Chow, and now the time is passed by many days;—must we not have held a wrong course?’ Immediately they directed the ship to the north-west, looking out for land; and after sailing day and night for twelve days, they reached the shore”, to the south of the Shantung promontory in Chang-Kwang¹.
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¹ Ibid, p. 114, fn. 1.
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The next detailed account of this trade intercourse through Malayasia is preserved in the accounts, left by I-tsing, both about his own travels and those of 37 other Chinese pilgrims who travelled to India by sea-route.
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I-tsing sailed from Kwang-tung in 671 A.D. in a Persian ship. After sailing twenty days he reached Śrī-Vijaya, and stayed there for six months. From Śrī-Vijaya I-tsing got on board the king’s ship, and after halting for some time in Malayu (Jambi) and Ka-cha (Keddah) he sailed for Eastern India. Sailing northwards from Ka-cha he reached the island of the naked people after more than ten days. Then sailing towards the north-west the ship reached Tāmralipti in about half a month².
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² I-tsing-Record, pp. XXVIII ff.
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The accounts preserved by I-tsing about the voyage of the other pilgrims give us an idea of the extent of this maritime course³. Among the sixty Chinese pilgrims, whose account is given by I-tsing, about 37 availed themselves of the sea-route which was evidently used pretty frequently by the merchant vessels. Ho-Ling, Śrī-Vijaya and Kie-cha (Keddah) were the chief ports in Java, Sumatra, and Malay Peninsula, and there were also important harbours in Champā (Annam), Cambodge, and Siam. Śrī-Vijaya evidently was one of the most important centres of trade, and its king owned merchant vessels which also carried passengers. Lang-kia-su is also occasionally referred to as a port.
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³ I-tsing-Memoire, cf. specially pp. 53, 57, 60, 64, 69, 100, 144, 158, 159, 176, 179, 183, 189-90.
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The account of Vajrabodhi, preserved in Tokio Tripitaka, shows that, sailing from Ceylon in A.D. 717 with 35 Persian vessels, he passed through Śri-Vijaya and many other countries.¹
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¹ J.A., Ser; II, Vol. XX, p. 7.
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It is evident from these accounts that ships from India, Persia, Indo-China, and Malayasia were engaged in a brisk trade. The Chinese themselves seem to have taken but little share in it at the beginning. It was only in the seventh century that Chinese maritime enterprise began to manifest itself, and it was regarded as an unusually daring voyage of considerable length, when, in 607 A.D., the emperor sent a mission by sea to Siam (Chi-tu) to open commercial relations with it.² But there are reasons to believe that the sea-trade of the Hindus and Arabs with Malayasia and China had by this time assumed considerable importance.³ It is difficult to determine exactly what parts were taken by the Malaysian states in this trade. But that Sumatra, Java, and Malay Peninsula had a fair share in it is beyond dispute, and appears clearly from the routes followed by merchant vessels.
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² Chau Ju-kua, pp. 7-8.
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³ Ibid, p. 9.
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The accounts supplied by I-tsing give us a fair idea of the general trade-route followed in the seventh century A.D. After having left China the vessel touched at a port in Annam. It then proceeded to Śri-Vijaya, either by a direct voyage or by sailing along the coasts of Cambodia, Siam, and Malaya Peninsula. A third route was to proceed first to Java and then to Śri-Vijaya, though sometimes Java was reached from Śri-Vijaya. From Śri-Vijaya it proceeded to Malayu (Jambi) and then to either Kie-cha or Lang-kia-su in Malay Peninsula. From one of these ports it sailed either north-west for Tāmralipti in Bengal, or westwards for Negapatam in Madras, and then to Ceylon. Sometimes a direct voyage was made to Ceylon.
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A very detailed account of this sea-route from Canton to the Persian Gulf has been preserved in the itineraries compiled by Kia Tan between A.D. 785 and 805,¹ and everything indicates that the volume of foreign trade in China had grown enormously. In particular, the Muslim Arabs had far surpassed other nations in their maritime enterprise by the ninth century A.D. We have a series of interesting Arab narratives of this period concerning trade with China. "The ships engaged in China trade sailed from Siraf on the coast of Fars, where the goods were brought from Basra, Oman, and other places. They then went to Mascat, whence they sailed for Kulam-Male (Quilon), which port was reached in a month. Passing the Nicobar islands they made directly for Kalah (Keddah) on the Malay Peninsula, which was reached in a month from Kulam."²
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¹ Ibid, pp. 10-14, Pelliot-Deux Itineraries, B E.F.E.O., Vol. IV, pp. 131-413.
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² Chau Ju-kua, p. 15.
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Kalah or Kalahbar was the most important harbour in Malay Peninsula about this period. From this place a part of the goods was probably transported by land to the opposite coast of the Peninsula. The vessels proceeding to China touched at or passed by Jāba, Salāhit, Ḥarlaj and Mayt, all situated quite close to one another, and in ten days reached Tiyuma, probably the island of Tiuman to the south-east of Malay Peninsula. They next made for Kundrang, near the mouth of the Mekong, reaching it in ten days. A further voyage of ten days brought them either to Champā, or Cundur-fulat (Pulo Condore). From either of these places they made directly for the Chinese ports.³
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³ The sea-route described in the text is derived from the accounts of Sulaymān (851 A.D.), Ibn Khordādzbeh (844-848 A.D.), and Ibn Al-Fakih (902 A.D.). These accounts have been translated by Ferrand (Ferrand-Textes). As Cundur-fulāt is identified with Pulo Condore, it is not easy to understand the route described by the Arab writers, viz., from Kudrang to Champā (10 days), from Champā to Cundur-fulāt (10 days), and then from Cundur-fulāt to China, I have therefore taken these to be alternative routes.
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The direct voyage of the Arabs to China was interrupted in the last quarter of the ninth century A.D. on account of serious political troubles in China. The foreign merchants had to leave China, and seek refuge in large numbers at Kalah.¹ At the beginning of the tenth century A.D. this port on the west coast of Malay Peninsula became the centre of the world trade where ships from the west met those coming from China. A graphic description of this port is given by Abū Zayd Ḥasan (c. 916 A.D.) :
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¹ Chau Ju-kua, p. 18.
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“The maritime country called Kalah, situated midway between Arabia and China, belongs to the empire of the Mahārāja (of Zābag). The area of the land is said to be 80 square farsang. The town of Kalah is the market where is centralised the trade in aloes, camphor, sandal-wood, ivory, tin, ebony, brazil-wood, all kinds of spices and articles of incense, and various other commodities, which it will take long time to mention in detail. The vessels from Oman come to this port, and from this port also depart vessels bound for Arabia”.² Mas‘ūdī, while describing this state of things, marks the contrast with the old days when there was a direct voyage between China and Arabia.³
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² Ferrand-Textes, p. 83.
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³ Ibid, p. 96.
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It is evident from Mas‘ūdī (943 A.D.) that Arab ships also made direct voyage to Zābag, the capital city of the vast empire. Henceforth the vast maritime empire of Zābag looms large in the Arab annals, and it is definitely stated by Edrisi (1154) that on account of troubles and insecurity in China the trade of that country was diverted to Zābag and its dependent islands.⁴ The frequent and prominent mention of Sribuza, (Śrī-Vijaya) shows that it also formed an important trade-centre.
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⁴ Ibid, p. 175.
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The Chinese writings also support the conclusion that the foreign trade of China had passed into the hands of Arabs and Malayasians. This is evident from the following passages in Ling-Wai-tai-ta by Chou-Ku-fei (1178 A.D.)⁵ :
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⁵ Chau Ju-kua, pp. 23-25.
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"Of all the wealthy foreign lands which have great store of precious and varied goods, none surpasses the realm of the Arabs (Ta-shi). Next to them comes Sho-po (Java); the third is San-fo-tsi; many others come in the next rank."
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"San-fo-tsi is an important thoroughfare on the sea-routes of the foreigners on their way to and from (China). Ships (on leaving it, on their way to China) sail due north, and having passed the Shang-hia-chu islands¹ and through the sea of Kiau-Chi come within the confines of China."
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¹ They are usually identified with Pulo Aor, S.E. of Tyoman, although some wirters place them near Singapore (Chau Ju-kua, p., 23. fn. 3.)
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"Ships coming from Java (Sho-po) go a little north-west (at first), but when they have passed the Shi-ïr-tzï rocks² they take the same route as the San-fo-tsi ships from below (i.e. south) of the Shang-hia-chu islands."
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² These rocks are marked on Chinese maps of the sixteenth century as being north of Carimata island off the S.W. coast of Borneo (Chau Ju-kua, p. 24, f.n. 3).
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"The (Barbarian) kingdoms due south have San-fo-tsi as their commercial centre. Sho-po is the centre of those to the south-east. The Arab merchant vessels also made at first for San-fo-tsi and then proceeded to China by the same route as the San-fo-tsi ships."
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We have already discussed above, in Book II, the location of San-fo-tsi and its great political importance from the ninth century onwards. That it rapidly developed into an important commercial centre is apparent from the above detailed account given by Chou-ku-fei.
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Chau Ju-kua is even still more explicit in this matter. Referring to San-fo-tsi he says:³
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³ Chau Ju-kua, p. 62.
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"This country, lying in the ocean and controlling the straits (lit. gullet) through which the foreigners' sea and land (lit. ship and cart) traffic in either direction must pass, in old times used an iron chain as a barrier to keep the
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pirates of other countries in check. It could be kept up or lowered by a cunning device. If a merchant ship arrived it was lowered. After a number of years of peace, during which there has been no use for it, it has been moved and (now) lies coiled up on the shore.........
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"If a merchant ship passes by without entering, their boats go forth to make a combined attack, and all are ready to die (in the attempt). This is the reason why this country is a great shipping centre."
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Chau Ju-kua also refers to the articles of merchandise¹. Exclusive of the native products which include tortoise-shell, camphor, varieties of gharu wood, laka-wood, cloves, sandalwood, and cardamoms, there are also pearls, frankincense, rosewater, gardenia flowers, myrrh, aloes, asoefoetida, putchuk, liquid storax, elephant's tusk, coral trees, cat's eyes, amber, foreign cotton-stuffs, and sword-blades. The foreign traders who gather together in this country give in exchange gold, silver, porcelain-ware, silk-brocades, skeins of silk, silk-gauzes, sugar, iron, samshu rice, dried galangal, rhubarb, and camphor. About the coins, Chau Ju-kua says that "they have no stringed copper cash, but use chopped off lumps of silver in their business transactions."²
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¹ Ibid, p. 61.
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² Ibid.
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In the Tao-i Chih-lio there is a brief reference to trade activities in San-fo-tsi. "The native products are plum-blossom (and) flake camphor of middling quality, laka wood, betelnut, cotton stuffs and fine carved wood. The goods used by the Chinese in trading are coloured taffetas, red beads, shawls, coloured cotton stuffs, copper and iron pots, and such like³." It is evident that the trading importance of the place had diminished considerably along with decline in political power.
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³ Rockhill—T'oung Pao, Vol. XVI (1915), p 134.
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The same authority refers to another locality called Chiu-Chiang which is usually identified with Palembang. Both Ma Huan and Fei Hsin take this kingdom to be the same as old San-fo-tsi, though this does not seem to be correct ¹. All these authorities refer to its agricultural wealth and trade activities. According to Tao-i Chih-lio “the profit they derive from their fields is double that of other countries. It is a common saying that if grain were planted one year the third year gold grew, meaning that the grain was changed into gold.”²
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¹ Rockhill, op. cit., pp. 136-140.
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² Ibid, p. 135.
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The natural products of the land were gharu wood, laka wood, cotton superior to that of any other country, beeswax and very big crane’s crest (a kind of bird). The goods used by the Chinese in trading are coloured beads, blue and white porcelain, copper caldrons, coloured cotton stuffs, big and little porcelain jars, and copper cash³.
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³ Ibid, pp. 136, 138, 140.
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Samudra or Sumudra was another important centre of trade. A short history of this kingdom has been given before (Part I, pp. 370 ff). During the Sung dynasty it had the reputation of possessing much gold, silver, and silk, whilst the skill of its artisans was highly praised. It retained its importance down to the seventeenth century.⁴ Ma Huan refers to it as an important emporium of the western seas. “This place is visited by many native ships and the trade in native articles is very important.”⁵ It was agriculturally poor, producing only rice, but neither barley nor wheat. But it produced pepper and sulphur while the people raised silk-worms. Gold and tin coins were used for trade. The gold coin was called ti-na-erh (dīnāra ?).⁶ The place was filled with merchandise brought by passing foreign ships.⁷ “Merchants from all sides collect at this place, and as the country is distant and the prices high, the Chinese who go there make more profit than anywhere else.”⁸
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⁴ Groeneveldt-Notes, p. 93.
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⁵ Ibid, p. 87.
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⁶ Rockhill, op. cit., pp. 154-55.
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⁷ Ibid. p. 154.
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⁸ Groeneveldt-Notes, p. 92.
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The Chinese sources refer to various other localities in Sumatra,¹ but it is not necessary to refer to them in detail. Among their natural products may be mentioned camphor, tin, and fragrant resin, while coloured satins, silks, beads, and porcelain were included in the import from China.
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¹ Rockhill, op. cit., pp. 141-159; Groeneveldt-Notes, pp. 77-78., 93-100.
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Chau Ju-kua also gives some account of the trade activities in Java (Sho-po) which agrees with that in the History of the Sung dynasty.² Java was a rich agricultural country and produced rice, hemp, millet, sugarcane, beans, but no wheat. It had also gold, silver, elephant's tusks, rhinoceros-horns, pearls, camphor, tortoise-shell, aloes, sandalwood, aniseed, cloves, cardamoms, cubebs, laka wood, mats, foreign sword-blades, pepper, betel-nuts, sulphur, saffron, sapanwood and parrots. The people make salt by boiling sea-water. They also paid attention to the raising of silkworms and the weaving of silk; they had various coloured brocaded silks, cotton, and damasked cotton gauzes (or damasks and cotton cloth). The foreign merchants gave, in exchange for these goods, gold and silver of various degrees of fineness, vessels made of gold and silver, silk stuffs, black damasks, orrisroot, cinnabar, copperas, alum, borax, arsenic, lacquer ware, iron tripods, and green and white porcelain ware.
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² Chau Ju-kua, pp. 75-85; Groeneveldt-Notes, pp. 15-19.
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Chau Ju-kua makes a special reference to pepper-trade. "There is a vast store of pepper in this country and the merchant ships, in view of the profit they derive from that trade, are in the habit of smuggling (out of China) copper cash for bartering purposes. Our court has repeatedly forbidden all trade (with this country), but the foreign traders, for the purpose of deceiving (the government) changed its name and referred to it as Su-ki-tan"
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By this last name perhaps Central Java was meant. Chau Ju-kua devotes a separate chapter to it, but does not add anything new. He refers to the abundance of pepper and remarks: "Traders are treated generously; they are not charged expenses for either harbourage or board."
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The account of Chau Ju-kua is supplemented by other Chinese writers. According to Tao-i Chih-lio (A.D. 1349) Java produced rice in such abundance that there was a surplus for export to other countries.¹ The same authority makes a special reference to sun-dried pepper of which every year ten thousand catties of the first quality and strength were prepared, and also to coloured cotton prints and parrots of the pan-ying-wu variety.² The coloured cotton prints or the Batiks have been one of the most famous industries of Java from the remotest period to the present day. The parrots of Java were evidently highly prized. Ma Huan not only refers to green, red, and five-coloured parrots, but also to parroquets that speak.³ Fei Hsin (1436 A.D.) not only refers to parrots and 'parrot-peacocks', which can be taught to understand speech and to sing songs, but also to "hanging-down bird" with variegated plumage, which can absorb sweet perfume burnt during day and let it out at night by spreading out its tail and wings. The same writer observes: "This country is wealthy. There are pearls, silver, ya-ku stones, cat's-eyes, sapphires, rubies, che-ku, agate, nutmegs, long-peppers, put-chuck, indigo, everything that can be used, and traders are very numerous."⁴
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¹ Rockhill, op. cit., p. 237.
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² Ibid, p. 238.
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³ Ibid, p. 245.
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⁴ Ibid, p. 247.
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There were several important ports in Java. In the fifteenth century A.D. Surabaya occupied the foremost place. Fei Hsin refers to it as the "principal mercantile centre for all goods, ships, and grain."⁵ Next in point of importance was Geresik. To Ma Huan we owe the following account of its rise and importance: "Anciently it was a mud flat. The Chinese visited it and settled down there in numbers, when it was called Hsin-tsún or the "New Village". It counts over a thousand families and its chief is (or its chiefs are) from Kuang-tung. Foreign ships come here to trade, gold and precious and foreign things are in great abundance, and most of the inhabitants are rich¹.
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⁵ Ibid, p. 248.
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¹ Ibid, p. 241.
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There were several other ports among which Tu-pan (Tuban)² and Chang-ku (perhaps Changkir)³ are prominently mentioned by the Chinese.
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² Ibid, pp. 240, 249.
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³ Ibid, p. 242.
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The Chinese authorities give us valuable information regarding the coinage of Java. According to Ling-wai-tai-ta (1178 A.D.), "they cast coins in an alloy of copper, silver, white copper, and tin; sixty of these coins are equal to one tael of gold; thirty-two are equal to half a tael of gold."⁴ Chau Ju-kua, who quotes the above passage in his account of Sho-po, says, in connection with Su-ki-tan, that the people use as medium of trade, pieces of alloyed silver, cut into bits like dice, and bearing the seal of the Fan-Kuan stamped upon it. The expression Fan-Kaun means "foreign official", probably the resident headman of the foreign settlement, and the silver-dice referred to above were probably made by the Arab traders⁵. This kind of coin is apparently referred to by both Ma-Tuan-lin and Sung-Shi when they say: "They cut up leaves of silver to make coins for business purposes."⁶ The name 'silver coin' is, however, given in Tai-i Chih-lio to the coins of the first variety made of an alloy of silver, tin, lead and copper. From the same authority we learn that these coins were used in business transactions in exchange for Chinese copper cash.⁷ Ma Huan also refers to the use of Chinese copper cash.⁸ The passage quoted above from Chau Ju-kua in connection with pepper-trade also shows the great demand of Chinese copper cash in Java.
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⁴ Chau Ju-kua, p. 78, p. 81 note 14.
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⁵ Ibid, p. 82, p. 85 note 3.
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⁶ Ibid, p. 81, note 14.
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⁷ Rockhill, op. cit., p. 237.
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⁸ Ibid, p. 240.
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The Chinese account is corroborated by actual finds in Java; for while a great variety of brass and tin coins, and occasionally silver coins have been found in Java, no gold coin has ever been discovered there.¹
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¹ Chau Ju-kua, p. 81 note 14.
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The account of the prosperity and trade-activity in Java, given above, while generally true, should not be supposed to be applicable to all the parts of the island. Suṇḍa, for example, was an exception. It grew pepper of superior quality, but as the people were given to brigandage, foreign traders rarely went there.² The Chinese writers also refer to the piracy in some other localities which cannot be exactly identified.³
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² Ibid, p. 70.
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³ Rockhill, op. cit., p. 254
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The Chinese authorities refer to various other islands of the Malay Archipelago with which the Chinese were engaged in trade. Principal among these are Banda, Timor, Madura, Borneo, Ceram, Karimata, Billiton, Molucca islands, and Sulu archipelago.⁴ Among the native products which formed important articles of trade may be mentioned big elephants’ tusks, tortoise shell, pearls, nutmegs, mace, cloves, pepper, cotton, betelnuts, skins, beeswax, laka wood, camphor, gharu wood and fine cotton cloths of the muslin type.
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⁴ Ibid, pp. 257-271.
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The things imported as exchange included silk, satins, cotton prints, calico printed with flowers, musical instruments, porcelain ware, coloured beads, copper caldrons, silver, ironware, gold, tin, alum, ivory, brimstone, and coral. The Moluccas islands were specially famous for cloves and attracted large number of Chinese merchants.⁵
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⁵ Groeneveldt-Notes, p. 117.
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It appears that black slaves were also exported from these islands. Tao-i Chih-lio includes them among the native products of Wen-tan (Banda),⁶ and we learn from the History of the Ming Dynasty that pirates from Borneo were engaged in slave-trade,¹ and that both in 1381 and 1382 the Javanese tributes to China included 400 black slaves of both sexes.² It may be mentioned that coins of lead were used in Borneo.³
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⁶ Rockhill, op. cit., p. 257.
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¹ Groeneveldt-Notes, p. 138.
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² Ibid, p. 36.
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³ Ibid, p. 108.
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As regards the Malay Peninsula, the earliest account of its trade activities is furnished by the Arab writers.⁴ Reference has already been made to the importance of Kalah-bar as a port, and also to the glowing description of the wealth and grandeur of Zābag, which must have included a great part of the peninsula. The chief articles of trade seem to be clove, cardamom and other spices, aloe, amber, sandalwood, tin, and camphor.
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⁴ Ferrand-Textes.
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The Chinese authorities⁵ also refer to the trade activities of various other localities in the Malay Peninsula. The kingdoms referred to by Chau Ju-kua have been mentioned above, and some of them are also referred to by later Chinese authorities. Trade seems to have been carried on on principles of barter. With reference to Lengkasuka, Chau Ju-kua says: "Foreign traders barter there in samshu, rice, Ho-chi silks, and porcelain ware. They calculate first the value of their articles according to their equivalent in gold or silver, and then engage in barter of these articles at fixed rates."⁶
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⁵ Groeneveldt-Notes, pp. 119-140; Rockhill, op. cit, pp. 114-129; Chau Ju-kua, pp. 57-69.
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⁶ Chau Ju-kua, p. 68.
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The native products of Malay Peninsula, so far as we can judge from the Chinese accounts of these kingdoms, included aloes, gharu wood, sandalwood, cardamom, wax, laka wood, ebony, camphor, elephants' tusks, rhinoceros-horns, tin, beeswax, tortoise-shell, betelnuts, resin, sago, and myrrh.
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Tin was one of the most important articles of trade and tin pieces were used as money. Among the foreign goods imported into the Peninsula may be mentioned silk, cotton stuffs, porcelain ware, gold, silver, copper, iron, lacquer ware, coloured beads, coloured taffetas, rice, sugar, wheat, and musical instruments.
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From the fifteenth century A.D. Malacca rose to be the chief centre of trade in the Far East as Kalah-bar and San-fo-tsi were in earlier days. Its history and commercial importance have been already discussed above (Part I, pp. 383ff).