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The History of Bengal (Vol. I: Hindu Period; Vol. II: Muslim Period 1200–1757) v2.c41: Chapter XV

The History of Bengal (Vol. I: Hindu Period; Vol. II: Muslim Period 1200–1757) v2.c41

Language
English

Contents

Chapter XV

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LAST ACHIEVEMENTS OF ISLĀM KHAN.

I. Fall of 'Usmān Afghan

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The final expedition against Khwāja 'Usmān was organised on an imperial and not a provincial scale, and many high officers from outside Bengal were employed in it. Its importance can be judged from the fact that it is the only Bengal affair described in detail in Jahangir's autobiography. Shujā'at Khan, a member of the family of the venerable Shaikh Salim Chishti and a great favourite of the Emperor, was summoned from the Deccan and entrusted with the chief command. He with his elder brother Shaikh Bāyizid, a nephew named Shaikh 'Isā, and a son named Shaikh Qāsim, was the first to reach Dacca and meet Islām Khan. At first it was decided to try peaceful measures to win over 'Usmān and an urgent message was sent through a courier in which the Afghan leader was advised to give up his obstinacy, arrogance, and lust of power, and voluntarily tender submission, so as to save himself and his thousands of followers. 'Usmān sent a spirited reply. He retorted that after many vicissitudes of fortune, he had retired to a quiet corner of the country where he wanted to live in peace, leaving the Mughals masters of the entire region, and that if the latter were determined to oust him even from that corner, he would have no other alternative than to take up arms and try his luck again.

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Islām Khan knew well that Sylhet was the stronghold of the Afghans and that Bāyizid Karrāni was their acknowledged leader. It was he who had given asylum to 'Usmān, and if 'Usmān was to be finally crushed, Bāyizid also must be subdued. Two expeditions of almost equal strength must therefore be fitted out and sent at the same time, one against Bāyizid in Sylhet, the other against 'Usmān in his new citadel of Uhār, in the southern extremity of the Sylhet district (indentified by Sir Jadunath Sarkar, in *Prabasi*, Agrahayan, 1328, p. 148, with Patan Ushār, one mile north-west of Sri Shuiya or Sriuji, 16 miles east of the north-east corner of Hāil Hāor in the Maulavibāzār subdivision of Sylhet).

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The force under Shujā'at Khan consisted of a large body of horse and foot, including 500 picked cavalry of Islām Khan, and 4000 musketeers, with a large number of elephants and the whole of the imperial fleet in charge of Ihtimām Khan, together with the war-boats of Sonā Ghāzi, the vassal zamindar of Sarāil.

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The command of the expedition against Bāyizid was given to Shaikh Kamāl. This army comprised a large number of foot soldiers, 1000 picked cavalry of Islām Khan, 4000 musketeers, with 100 war-elephants and the entire fleet seized from Musā Khan and his confederates. Starting from Dacca, Shujā’at Khan encamped at the fort of Sarāil, now an inland place, 7 miles north of the subdivisional town of Brāhmanbāriā, but even in Rennell’s time a river flowed by Sarāil into the Megnā. (Sheet No. VI.) As it was not thought advisable for the fleet to move any further, it was stationed at Sarāil in charge of Mālik Husain, nephew of Ihtimām Khan, and the land force then resumed its march along the banks of the Megnā towards the north-east for about 34 miles and reached the fort of Taraf in nine marches.

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Shujā’at Khan rested for a day at Taraf, and leaving a small garrison in that fort, marched next morning northwards till he came near the foot of the hill-pass of Putiā or Putiā (Putyajury, about 5 miles north of ‘Tarroff,’ skirting the Satgaon hills—Rennell’s Bengal Atlas, VI, is probably meant) and encamped there. At this strategic point, the first engagement with the enemy was to be expected. Khwāja Wali, the third brother of Khwāja ‘Usmān, was guarding the hill-pass with two forts, a bigger one made on the top of the pass, and a smaller one, a block house, made in the middle. But the advancing Mughals found both posts abandoned. The Baharistan commenting on the cowardice and incompetence of Khwāja Wali, says that “he gave up a post which could be defended even by an old woman, not to speak of iron-clad warriors and artillery men,” thereby doing the greatest disservice to the cause of ‘Usmān and paving the way for a cleavage in his ranks.

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Shujā’at Khan halted for a day at the fort of Putiā for celebrating the festival of Sacrifice (‘Id-i-Qurbān, 3rd February, 1612) and resumed his march next morning. The imperialists formed their battle array in the following order. The centre was led by the commander-in-chief himself, aided by Mu’taqid Khan and Ihtimām Khan: the van was placed in charge of Mirzā Nathan, aided, among others, by Sayyid Ādam, Shaikh Āchhā, Mirzā Qāsim, and Sonā Ghāzi, zamindar of Sarāil: the right wing was entrusted to Iftikhār Khan, and the left to Kishwar Khan: the command of the advance-reserve was given to Shaikh Qāsim, son of Shujā’at Khan. At this stage, reinforcements in men and material sent by Islām Khan arrived, in the form of one thousand cavalry, a large number of musketeers, and a large quantity of food stuff.

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At the news of the steady advance of Shujā‘at Khan towards his capital, ‘Usmān marched forward to face him in the following order. He himself led the centre with a force of 2000 picked cavalry 5000 infantry, and 40 war-elephants. Khwāja Wali was placed on the left wing with 1000 cavalry, 2000 infantry, and 30 elephants, and Shir-i-Maydān, a trusty slave, on the right wing with 700 cavalry, 1000 infantry, and 20 elephants. The van was entrusted to Khwāja Malhi and Khwāja Ibrāhim, younger brothers of ‘Usmān, and Khwāja Dāud, his nephew, with 1500 cavalry, 2000 infantry, and 50 elephants. From his capital, Uhār, ‘Usmān proceeded eastward for about 12 or 13 miles, covering the distance in two marches, and reached the village of Dawlambāpur in the “Forty-four Parganas” (exact place not yet fixed—probably a village about a mile or half a mile north of Hāil Hāor, four or five miles south of Maulavibāzār, and six or seven miles east of Putyājury—vide Prabasi, Agrahayan, 1328, p. 148) and entrenched there. The place was well-chosen. It was at a distance of a mile and a half from the camp of the imperialists and separated from the latter by a big quagmire, which was fringed by a large and thick row of areca-nut trees. By means of planks fastened to these trees, a sort of raised battery was made on which guns were mounted. From this well fortified position behind the quagmire, ‘Usmān bade defiance to the imperialists.

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Shujā‘at Khan fully realised the difficulty of the situation. ‘Usmān had selected an almost impregnable position for defence, compelling his assailants to take the offensive and fight in an inconvenient position. The Mughal general moved forward and made his entrenchments near the bog at a distance of half a kos from those of ‘Usmān.

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Hostilities commenced in the morning of Sunday, the 12th March, 1612 (9th Muharram, 1021 A.H.); the imperialists opened the attack on the right wing of ‘Usmān, (under Shir-i-Maydān), on being falsely informed by an officer of the van that the enemy right was about to fall upon them. This false alarm disturbed the order of the imperialist forces. The solidarity of the van was broken. While one division of the van swerved towards the left to the aid of the left wing under Kishwar Khan, another division turned to the right and advanced towards the row of areca-nut trees bordering this side of the bog. ‘Usmān readily took advantage of this confusion in his enemy’s van and sent a body of infantry across the bog to attack the second division of it. A severe hand-to-hand fight followed and the small imperialist division was about to be overthrown. As both parties got mixed up in the close combat, Mirzā Nathan, the leader of the van, could not use his artillery for fear of killing his own men. To make matters worse, the imperial artillery, which was posted at the main entrenchments at a distance of more than a *kos*, opened fire from behind, killing one of their own officers, Shaikh Āchhā, and dispersing the rest.

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The confusion in the van also affected the right wing under Iftikhār Khan. As soon as his soldiers saw the second division of the van moving towards the right, they became restive, broke their ranks, and rushed forward. The disorder here grew worse when one imperial elephant became heated and charged another. Iftikhār Khan was soon cut off from the rest of the force, and, with only 42 horsemen and 14 foot soldiers, crossed the bog and fell upon the left wing of ‘Usmān led by Wali. This sudden attack unnerved Wali and he was about to be overpowered. At this critical moment, ‘Usmān rushed to the help of Wali, rebuked him for his cowardice, and fell upon the small body of imperialists led by Iftikhār Khan and completely surrounded them. Most of the soldiers were wounded or killed, Iftikhār Khan himself being slain.

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While the right wing of the imperialists was thus utterly broken up by ‘Usmān, the left wing under Kishwar Khan, which had launched an attack on the Afghan right, aided by a division of the van, fared no better at the hands of ‘Usmān’s favourite slave, Shir-i-Maydān. The latter made a vigorous countercharge with his elephants in front, and, after a short fight, succeeded in overwhelming the left wing, killing Kishwar Khan along with Sayyid Ādam (an officer of the van), wounding many, and compelling the rest including Sonā Ghāzi, zamindar of Sarāil, (who was also in the van), to retreat towards the main camp. The victorious Afghan commander pursued the fugitives till he came upon the main imperial entrenchments. His further advance being here checked by the artillery, he fell back striking the rear of the imperial van (under Mirzā Nathan) now much reduced in number.

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Mirzā Nathan for a time made a stand against the Afghan commander and compelled him to retire, but the latter was soon joined by Mumriz (the son of ‘Usmān) and renewed the attack. In this engagement two Afghan elephants, Bāz and Bakhtā, wrought great havoc on the imperial van, the latter elephant narrowly missed crushing Mirzā Nathan to death by lifting him bodily with his horse and then dashing him against the ground. Mirzā Nathan was wounded and carried unconscious to the camp. This accident completed the discomfiture of the van which gave up further fighting and fell back on the advance-reserve and also on the centre. A close and bloody combat continued for some time between the prominent officers of the advance-reserve and those of the Afghan vanguard, the latter prevailing in the end.

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The cause of the imperialists appeared to be lost. Their right and left wings had been thoroughly defeated and the commanders of both slain. Their vanguard also had suffered a similar reverse and had retreated discomfited. The one ray of hope lay in the centre which was still unassailed.

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The centre under Shujā'at Khan had now to bear the brunt of the attack of the triumphant enemy. A severe fight ensued in which the Afghans succeeded in breaking the centre and isolating the commander-in-chief. An attempt was then made to capture or kill him along with his standard-bearer with the help of 'Usmān's raging elephant named Bakhtā. This elephant tried to seize Shujā'at Khan and pin him to the ground; it succeeded in throwing him off his horse, and only the personal valour and cool judgement of Shujā'at Khan together with the timely help of his faithful personal attendants saved him. Another elephant charged the standard-bearer mounted on a horse, and bore him with the standard down to the ground. Shujā'at Khan hurried to his rescue, and mounting him on another horse, made him unfurl the standard again. The elephant Bakhtā was ultimately killed.

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When the imperialists had thus been reduced to a perilous position, as the result of bitter fighting from early morning till mid-day, and the victory of the Afghans seemed certain, the tide of fortune rolled back owing to an unforeseen accident. This was the infliction of a mortal wound upon Khwāja 'Usmān by a Mughal horseman, named Shaikh 'Abdul Jalil, a devoted follower of Iftikhār Khan. Determined to avenge the loss of his leader, 'Abdul Jalil rushed towards 'Usmān, who was compelled to ride on an elephant owing to his corpulence, and shot an arrow at him at so close a range that it passed through his left eye into the brain. 'Usmān pierced his assailant through with his javelin, and then drew out the arrow with his own hand, but in so doing, he lost also his right eye (which came out of its socket), and became totally blind. Nothing daunted, the valiant Afghan covered his eyes with a handkerchief with his left hand, so as to conceal his fatal wound from the gaze of his followers, while, with his right hand, he beckoned his elephant-driver to proceed towards Shujā'at Khan. But he rapidly lost his speech and died. The news of the death of 'Usmān was carefully concealed, and Mumriz, his son, promptly conveyed the body of the dead chieftain on the back of his elephant to the camp, and himself returned to the field. But the life and soul of the struggle for independence was gone, and the Afghans, deprived of their great leader, continued desultory fighting till the end of the day, and then decided to flee to Uhār at night.

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The imperialists, who were yet unaware of this favourable turn of affairs, returned to their camp at dusk, dejected and dispirited owing to their heavy loss of officers and men, and passed the night with great vigilance. Sometime before day-break (Monday, the 13th March, 1612), some of the soldiers, who were mounting guard advanced towards the Afghan camp but found no trace of the enemy and reported the welcome news to the commander-in-chief. But in view of the dearth of officers and men, and, particularly, of the uncertainty regarding the fate of ‘Usmān, Shujā‘at Khan did not think it advisable to pursue the enemy.

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Thus the battle of Daulambāpur, which had began so well for ‘Usmān and the Afghans, finally ended in disaster to them, and the imperialists blundered into victory. The battle, which was a brief morning’s affair and was practically finished by mid-day, evinced the definite superiority of the Afghans to the Mughals in generalship, tactics, and discipline. In fact, the Mughals failed to make a stand anywhere, and were defeated at every point, and the Afghans, and, especially, their well-trained elephants, carried everything before them and wrought great havoc on their opponents. The Mughals finally snatched victory out of defeat, but it was solely due to an act of Providence, the fall of ‘Usmān in battle ‘struck by the arrow of Fate’ which left the Afghans without a leader.

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The sons and brothers of ‘Usmān, in consultation with Wali Mandu-Khel, the minister, left the camp quietly for Uhār after midnight. The body of ‘Usmān was to be buried there, and the members of his harem were to be killed, lest they should fall into the hands of the imperialists, and, with Mumriz, the eldest son of ‘Usmān, formally installed as their leader, the war of independence was to be resumed. The body of ‘Usmān was accordingly conveyed to Uhār within 24 hours and buried in a secluded spot between two hills, while a false tomb was prepared in the yard of his palace (which was locally termed the Big Bungalow), by the side of which all his wives, and daughters, except one, already betrothed and now given in marriage to his nephew Dāud, were buried, after they had been put to the sword. All the Afghans then gave the turban and the sword of ‘Usmān to Mumriz and swore allegiance to him, and then prepared for renewing the war.

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But the project failed on account of new divisions and dissensions amongst the Afghan leaders and their scrambles for power. With ‘Usmān, the solidarity and unity of the Afghans was gone, and the machinations of Wali to supplant Mumriz from power spelt ruin to the Afghans. Wali had already showed his cowardice and incompetence by his hasty retreat from the fort of Putiā as also in the battle of Daulambāpur, and he now gave proof of his lust for power by intriguing with his father-in-law, Wali Mandu-Khel, minister of 'Usmān, to overthrow Mumriz and step into his place. Though Mumriz made a laudable attempt to keep up unity by a voluntary abdication in favour of his uncle Wali, the latter failed to win the support of the Afghan chiefs, and even of his own brother, Malhi. Instead of trying to win over Malhi by peaceful means, Wali put him in chains and kept him confined in his house. This cruel and tactless conduct disgusted all the Afghan chiefs who refused to serve under Wali, and the Baharistan justly remarks that 'owing to the evil ways of Khwāja Wali, the whole of the Afghan army fell into disorder'. Unwilling to part with power, and eager to maintain his leadership even at the cost of his own independence and the interests of his clan, Wali betrayed the cause of the Afghans by opening negotiations for peace with Shujā'at Khan.

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Meantime, the position of the imperialists had much improved with the arrival of reinforcements under 'Abdus Salām and Mirzā Maqsud. Shujā'at Khan marched towards Uhār, but near the capital, Wali Mandu-Khel came to see him along with Ya'qub, the younger brother of Mumriz, and prayed for a week's respite to bring in Wali and the other Afghan nobles for tendering submission. Shujā'at Khan agreed to wait on condition that all the elephants except 25 female ones, exempted for purposes of transport, were surrendered within two days. The demand was complied with, and the imperial commander resuming his march, encamped at Āiniyā (not identified) and awaited the arrival of the Afghans.

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On the eleventh day of the month of Muharram, 4th March, 1612, Khwāja Wali, Khwāja Malhi, Khwāja Ibrāhim, the brothers of Khwāja 'Usmān, Khwāja Dāud (nephew), and Khwāja Mumriz and Khwāja Ya'qub, sons of 'Usmān, along with Wali Mandu-Khel and other Afghan notables totalling 400 men, tendered their submission, and were given robes of honour and lavishly entertained by Shujā'at Khan.

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The commander-in-chief posted troops to hold Uhār, and then started on his return journey to Dacca, holding in custody the brothers and sons of 'Usmān and the leading Afghan nobles, and leaving garrisons in the strategic forts of Taraf and Sarāil. At the latter place, Ihtimām Khan, the Mirbahar of the Bengal flotilla suddenly died. At Sarāil, the imperial fleet rejoined the army, and the whole body entered Dacca on the 7th Safar (8th April, 1612).

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Islām Khan annexed the domain of 'Usmān, disbanded his army, ordered his brothers and sons to be kept in confinement, pending their despatch to the imperial Court, and sent a full report of the whole affair to the Emperor. The Emperor, who was then at Agra, heaved a sigh of relief that ‘through the unstinted mercy of the Almighty Giver, Bengal had been freed from the disturbance of ‘Usmān, the Afghan’ (*Tuzuk*, R. B. I. 207, 214), and as a reward for this good service, he promoted Islām Khan to the rank of 6000 personal, honoured Shujā’at Khan with the title of ‘Rustam of the Age’ (*Rustam-i-Zamān*), and also increased his rank by 1000 personal and horse.¹

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¹ *Tuzuk* (R. B. I. 208-15, 230) : Iqbalnamah, 60-65 : *Baharistan*, MS. 62a-78b, 97a-98a, also Dr. Borah’s Translation, I. 100-113, 157-206, 209, 215 and J. N. Sarkar, *Prabasi*, Agrahayan, 1328, 145-153 : *Makhzan-i-Afghani* in Dorn’s Translation, Part I. 183-84, and in Blochmann’s Translation of the *Ain-i-Akbari*, I. 520-21; Herbert’s *Travels* (London, 1638), p. 77, *Riyaz* (Abd. Salām’s tr.) 173-79; Stewart, 130-35 : Beni Prasad, *History of Jahangir*, 208-13 : In the light of the detailed and fairly accurate account supplied in the *Baharistan* by Mizrā Nathan, who was the leader of the Mughal van at the battle of Daulambāpur, confirmed generally by the *Tuzuk* and *Makhzan-i-Afghani*, many misconceptions still current regarding some of the important details of the ‘Usman episode may be corrected, e.g., the site of the final battle, the capital of ‘Usman in Sylhet, the precise manner of his death, the treatment accorded to his sons and brothers, etc. ‘Usmān’s captive brothers and sons were produced before Jahāngir on 13th September, 1612.

II. Conquest of Sylhet

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The tragic end of the war of independence waged by ‘Usmān ultimately determined the fate of the struggle led by Bāyizid Karrāni against the Mughal expeditionary force commanded by Shaikh Kamāl. This general on reaching the outskirts of Bāyizid’s domain, began a series of plundering raids in order to terrorise the inhabitants into submission.

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Islām Khan decided to strengthen the force against Bāyizid by sending to Shaikh Kamāl a large body of reinforcements received from Bihār with the necessary equipment and rations. That general had in the meantime, reached the bank of the river Surmā, at some distance from the fort of Sylhet, the capital of Bāyizid.

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Apprised of the rapid advance of the imperialists, Bāyizid sent his younger brother Ya’qub at the head of a large number of Afghan chiefs to make a fort on the bank of the Surmā outside the environs of his fortified capital, and check the further progress of the enemy.

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At this news, Shaikh Kamāl despatched Raja Satrajit, with other vassals, to make a fort on the bank of the Surmā, opposite the fort of Ya'qub, and ‘in front of Kadamṭālā (unidentified) which was outside the town of Sylhet’. The Raja crossed the Surmā under cover of the artillery and fell upon the fort of Ya'qub, and after a week's fighting, captured this fort. When the first rumour of ‘Usmān's discomfiture was found to be baseless, Bāyizid and Ya'qub renewed the operations with greater vigour. The position of the Afghans was at this time strengthened by the arrival of a large force from the Raja of Kachār.

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Raja Satrajit, who had to bear the brunt of this renewed attack failed to cope with it. After a feeble resistance, he gave up the captured fort, and fell upon the fortifications on the other side of the Surmā. At last after some more fighting in which the imperialists were sorely pressed, the news of the fall of ‘Usmān and of the final victory of Shujā'at Khan came as a fatal blow to Bāyizid and his men. Their resistance collapsed and they begged for peace. Bāyizid handed over all his elephants to Shaikh Kamāl, and arranged to accompany the latter, with Ya'qub and the leading Afghan chiefs and his whole family, to Dacca for tendering submission to the subahdar.

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Leaving a trusty officer for the administration of Sylhet, and placing Mubāriz Khan in charge of the imperial forces, Shaikh Kamāl proceeded to Dacca with the Afghan vassals and the elephants, reaching the capital after Shujā'at Khan's arrival there.

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Islām Khan received the new vassals with greater pomp, and treated them with greater severity than in the case of ‘Usmān's sons and brothers. Sylhet was formally annexed to the Bengal subah, and the administrative arrangements made tentatively by Shaikh Kamāl were approved. Bāyizid, his brother, and the leading Afghan chiefs were deprived of their personal liberty and kept in close custody. (Baharistan, 63a-64b, 66b-67a, 75a-76a, 98a : Tuzuk and Iqbālnāmah are silent on the Sylhet war).

III. Kachār Invaded

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Islām Khan next turned his attention towards Kachār, and sent Shaikh Kamāl for the conquest of that country. The latter first came to Sylhet, made it the base of his operations, and with additional officers and men, including Mubāriz Khan and 22 āmir s from Bihar, proceeded against the Kachār king.

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The Kachār king, Satrudaman, alias Pratāp Nārāyan (c. 1605-28), who was noted for his ability and ambition, determined to offer a strong resistance. His capital, Maibung, situated in the midst of the North Kachār hills, about 50 miles north of Silchar town, was inaccessible to the invaders. He strengthened his defences by making two forts, at two strategic points on the western frontier of his kingdom, one on the north-western border at Asurātekar (probably modern Haritikar) and the other probably on the south-western border at Pratāpgarh, about 20 miles south-west of Asurātekar, situated in the midst of a dense forest.¹

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¹ Allen, Assam District Gazetteer, Vol. II. Chap. I. p. 62, refers to the remains of a mud fort, 2 miles north-east of the Patharkandi Police Station, in Karimganj subdivision and in pargana Pratāpgarh, Sylhet, of Raja Pratāp Singh, whom he describes as a local chieftain, but who appears to be Raja Indra Pratāp Nārāyan of Kachār.

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The Mughal commander marched south-westwards for about 35 miles and reached the vicinity of the fort of Pratāpgarh, and attempted to take it by assault. The Kachāris, who were expert in night attacks and guerilla warfare, made repeated night attacks and also otherwise harassed the Mughals by cutting off stragglers from their camp. After a month's stubborn opposition, they were, however, compelled to give way and retreat to the hill-fort of Asurātekar.

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The imperialists occupied the fort of Pratāpgarh, and then proceeded towards the north-east, and probably encamped on the left bank of the Barak opposite the fort of Asurātekar. After more stubborn fighting this fort too was taken.

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The loss of the two frontier forts cooled the military ardour of the Kachār king, and he offered to come to terms with the Mughals. Shaikh Kamāl readily responded to his appeal for peace, and sent a report to Islām Khan. The latter approved of Shaikh Kamāl's action, and a peace was patched up with the Kachār king.

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But Islām Khan was thwarted in his design by an interference, probably for the first time, from the Emperor, who had received repeated reports of his autocratic and arrogant conduct, particularly towards the officers sent from Court, and of his partiality for his own men. The measures which Jahāngir had taken to rectify the abuse, including a seventeen-point farmān² had not proved effective, and the Emperor felt it necessary to openly intervene and send a peremptory farmān disapproving of Islām Khan's hasty peace with the Kachār king, and asking him to renew the campaign under the command of Mubāriz Khan, an imperial officer, in the place of Shaikh Kamāl. The Bengal governor was compelled to obey.

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² Tuzuk (R. B. I. 205) : Baharistan, 102b-103a. Though the farmān was issued for the guidance of the subahdars in general, almost every clause appears to have been aimed at Islām Khan, who was more than any one of his colleagues, guilty of breaches of the rules framed.

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Mubāriz Khan established a thānah at Asurātekar and then proceeded towards the capital of the Kachār king. Alarmed at the determined attitude of the imperialists, the Kachār ruler now definitely tendered his submission and sealed it with the payment of a suitable tribute. (Baharistan, 101a, 105a-b).

IV. Dacca Made Capital

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About this time, some changes occurred in the government of the Bengal subah, Mirzā Husain Beg, the new diwān, reached Dacca and took charge of his office. A new office of waqi'a-navis (a news-writer) was created, and Āgā Yaghmā Isfahāni, who was appointed to this post, reached Dacca soon after the new diwān. The waqi'anavis was appointed to watch the activities of the subahdār and send regular reports to court without reference to him.

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With the submission of the Kachār king about the end of May, 1612, the process of conquest and consolidation initiated by Islām Khan practically reached its completion, and the whole of Bengal, including Sylhet and Kachār, was now brought under the effective control of the Mughal government. Islām Khan now signalised the final establishment of imperial authority over the entire province by the inauguration of Dacca, the scene of his activities for the last two years, as the new capital, in place of Rājmahal. He renamed the city Jahāngirnagar, in honour of the reigning sovereign.

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This transfer of the capital was not the outcome of a preconceived plan on the part of Islām Khan, but rather the result of exigencies of circumstances. Dacca grew into political and military importance owing mainly to its strategic position. As a result of the prolonged stay of the Bengal viceroy Mān Singh (1602-1604) here, a town sprang up round the old imperial outpost of Dacca, serving as the nucleus of the future capital. Mān Singh seems to have strengthened the fortifications of Dacca, so that it soon came to be regarded as one of the four fortresses of the Bengal subah. The same military and political exigencies attracted Islām Khan as well to Dacca, and his continued residence there finally determined its status. From a military settlement, Dacca became the seat of the civil government, and ultimately emerged as the official capital of the Bengal subah, and it also became a busy centre of trade and industries.

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Islām Khan himself contributed much to the development of Dacca. A new fort was built, inside which a new palace was constructed, no vestige of which now exists, and new roads were laid down, all skirting the river which is at present known as the Burigangā. The defences of the city were improved by means of two forts made on either side of the point where the river Dulai bifurcated (one branch joining the Lakhiyā at Demrā and the other at Khizrpur,) described by the author of the *Baharistan* as the forts of Beg Murād Khan, and also by means of artificial canals, the course of some of which may still be traced.

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Rājmahal, the old capital, on the other hand, was gradually abandoned. A change in the course of the Ganges on which this city stood had set in, by which the river finally receded nearly a *kos*, making the city inaccessible to war-boats and unsuitable for strong defence. Further, as the centre of political interest had now definitely shifted from northern and western Bengal to southern and eastern Bengal, the political importance of Rājmahal was bound to diminish. A number of other issues besides the decay of Rājmahal were at work in regard to the transfer of the capital, foremost of which was the determination of Islām Khan to subdue Musā Khan and the Twelve Bhuiyās first and Khwāja 'Usmān of Bokāinagar next, for the fulfilment of which Dacca was most favourably situated. Another important motive appears to have been the suppression of the Magh and Feringi pirates, for which a convenient place was required from which a close watch on the usual routes followed by the pirates could be kept.

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The establishment of the capital at Dacca by Islām Khan early in April, 1612, was an event of great importance in the history of Mughal rule in Bengal. For nearly a century, with a short break about the middle, Dacca continued to hold its proud position of the provincial metropolis. During this time there was an all round development of the city. It extended in territory, its trade and industries developed, its commerce flourished, and it also attracted a large number of foreigners whose accounts throw much light on the wealth and general prosperity of Dacca in the seventeenth century.

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V. CONQUEST OF KĀMRUP, 1613

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Now that the hands of Islām Khan were free, he determined to renew his attack on Kāmrup. The dynastic jealousy between the rival houses of Kuch Bihār and Kāmrup, had prompted an unprovoked attack on the Kuch frontier districts of Bāhirband and Bhitarband by Parikshit by which his sway had been pushed up to Salkonā in the south-west. Raja Raghunāth of Shushang was a Mughal vassal, but Parikshit had captured this Raja's family and the Bengal viceroy now promised to recover the captives by conquering Kāmrup.

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Early in November, 1612 Islām Khan sent a large expedition against Kāmrup under Mukarram Khan, with Shaikh Kamāl as second in command, and Rāja Raghunāth as the guide. This force included 1000 picked cavalry, 5000 musketeers, 300 state elephants, and 400 imperial war-boats, besides 100 war-boats of Musā Khan under his admiral ‘Ādil Khan. A large number of imperial officers, including 22 officers of Bihār, and vassal zamindars, including Afghan mansabdārs of Bāyizid and ‘Usmān, joined the expedition.

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From Dacca the invaders marched by way of Bhāwāl, Tok (8 December, 1612), Bajrapur, and Patlādā (south of the Karibāri hills) till they reached Salkonā, on the left bank of the Brahmaputra; midway between Patlādā and Hātsilā. Here the Kāmrup flotilla (300 war-boats) offered battle, but after a hard fight was overpowered, leaving most of its boats to the victorious Mughals.

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From Salkonā the army (reinforced in the meantime) proceeded northwards very cautiously along the banks of the Brahmaputra, skirted by hills and dense forests, and arrived near Dhubri. Before attacking this stronghold, it was decided to secure the line of communication by conquering Parikshit's newly acquired territories of Bāhirband and Bhitarband (covering the entire right bank of the Brahmaputra between Patlādā and Dhubri). This was achieved by Mirzā Nāthan after a brief campaign.

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The fort of Dhubri was reputed to be the strongest of the forts in the entire Kuch region, and its siege dragged on for three months and a half. Finally, one morning, the Mughal artillery commenced a heavy fire simultaneously from the main battery and the three smaller ones, and kept the garrison busy, while the beldārs (sappers and miners) took advantage of the enemy's preoccupation to proceed under the shelter of the nearest earthen mound, across the surrounding moats, to the base of the inner wall of the fort and make a breach there wide enough for an elephant to pass through. By midday, this was completed, and through this opening, the Mughal infantry from the four erections rushed into the fort, with their war elephants in front, putting the garrison to flight to Gilāh (Gilāhjhār, on the western bank of the Gadādhar, about ten miles north of Dhubri), the fortified residence of Parikshit. Fath Khan Sālka, the commandant of Dhubri fort, however, out of affection for his son taken captive, surrendered to the Mughals, (c. middle of April, 1613).

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The moral effect of this defeat was tremendous; Raja Parikshit lost confidence in himself, gave up further resistance, and became eager for peace. On a promise of being allowed to retain his personal liberty and his kingdom, he agreed to acknowledge the imperial overlordship, and sought to appease the victors with rich presents, including a sum of 80,000 rupees for Shaikh Kamāl, and a large amount of money, elephants, and tāngan ponies for the Emperor and the Bengal viceroy, with his daughter and sister respectively for the last two dignitaries. Parikshit also promised to release Raghunāth’s family. The Mughal commander accepted the terms. But the Viceroy at Dacca proved inexorable. He sternly rejected the peace offer, and demanded the surrender of Parikshit’s person as well as of his kingdom.

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Hostilities were therefore resumed. Raja Lakshmi Nārāyan of Kuch Bihar, who had already tendered submission to Islām Khan at Ghorāghāt in 1609 and promised to aid him in his campaign against Parikshit, now fulfilled his promise and attacked the parganah of Khonthāghāt on the western border of Kāmrup. Parikshit marched from Gilāh to oppose him and fought him so hard for seven days that the Kuch king had to appeal for help. An adequate force, with 200 war-boats, was sent under the command of Raja Satrajit to take Raja Parikshit by the rear. Satrajit marched to Kharbozāghāt (in Mechpārā mauza, Dt. Goālpārā), south of the Brahmaputra, and on his close approach, Parikshit gave up the fight with Lakshmi Nārāyan and withdrew to Gilāh.

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The imperialists then decided to attack Gilāh, and sent Bahādur Ghāzi and Sonā Ghāzi, with 400 musketeers and 250 war-boats, up the river Gadādhar to make a fort at a convenient point in front of Gilāh so as to prevent the transport of rations to Parikshit’s capital. The vassal zamindars achieved their task. Threatened with starvation, the Kāmrup king decided on a desperate night attack, by land and water, on the imperialists in Dhubri fort. He directed his son-in-law, the Dimāruā Raja, with his entire fleet of 700 bachāri boats, and 50 elephants, to seize the imperial post on the Gadādhar river, and then to join him in the assault on Dhubri, whither he himself marched at dusk with his entire land force. The combined assault was only partially successful. The Dimāruā Raja finished his task pretty well. He completely overpowered the tiny garrison in the fort on the Gadādhar, and captured almost the entire fleet of the zamindars, Bahādur Ghāzi and Sonā Ghāzi escaping with only 43 war-boats. The victor then moved down to Dhubri. He reached there before dawn only to find that the land army had not yet arrived, owing to unforeseen mishaps on the way.

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The Kāmrup king, to make the best of a bad business, at once attacked the fort, while his son-in-law led an assault on the imperial fleet. The Kāmrup army easily defeated a division of Afghan and Rajput forces led by Jamāl Khan Mankālī and Lachmi Rajput respectively, wounding both the commanders, and then advanced towards the second small erection which was gallantly defended by the Afghan archers of ‘Usmān, who were soon reinforced by some imperial troops. To overcome their resistance, Nitāi, who was the standard-bearer of the Kāmrup king, rushed with four or five thousand Kandi archers, and was on the point of overpowering them, when his elephant, struck by an arrow, suddenly ran away, dropping him down. Though Nitāi narrowly escaped capture, this accident caused confusion in his ranks, and his soldiers retreated. Raja Parikshit rallied his forces and came to the field. A fierce engagement followed in the intense heat of the sun. Parikshit made three attempts to recapture the fort, but was repulsed each time. Indecisive warfare, however, went on all day long.

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The Kāmrup fleet, under the Dimāruā Raja, gained more solid success in the naval battle. The fleet of the zamindārs, alarmed at the disastrous defeat of the previous night, failed to make a stand, while the imperial war-boats also were about to be overpowered. At this critical moment a cannon ball struck the Dimāruā Raja in in the breast and he was killed. This accident totally paralysed the Kāmrup navy, and it hastily withdrew. Hostilities were suspended for the night; the Kāmrup king decided to give up fighting altogether and fled hastily, after midnight, to Gilāh, leaving behind all his war-equipment, particularly cannon, with the whole army following him in utter confusion.

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Once again fate favoured the Mughals, and they gained an unexpected victory. They pursued the fugitive to Gilāh, but before they reached it, they learnt that Parikshit had evacuated that city and fled towards Baranagar, his capital, which stood on the Manās (a stream which rises in the Bhutan hills, and, after a winding course, joins the Brahmaputra opposite Goālpārā). The victors occupied Gilāh and seized an immense booty, and next marched to the left bank of the Little Sankos (a stream joining the Gadādhar 2 or 3 miles above Dhubri), where Raja Lakshmi Nārāyan met them. In this way, the land army continued their relentless pursuit of Parikshit for 6 days, while the fleet, under Mirzā Qāsim Khazānchi and Raja Satrajit, moved along the Brahmaputra to intercept his passage of the Manās. Worn out in body and mind by his precipitate flight, the Kāmrup king at last decided on an almost unconditional surrender. He appealed to the imperial commanders, Mukarram Khan and Shaikh Kamāl, to spare his life and personal liberty, and surrendered all his belongings, his war-elephants, and his kingdom (c. end of July, 1613). Kāmrup thus lost its short existence as a separate State and was annexed to the Mughal Empire.¹ But when the successful imperial commanders in their return journey reached Tok, they learnt the news of Islām Khan’s sudden illness in the course of hunting in the forests of Bhāwāl, and they hastened to Bhāwāl only to find that the viceroy had already died (21st August, 1613).

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¹ Baharistan, 105b-118b: Padishahnamah, Vol. II. 64-67: Purana Asama Buranji, 199.

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The death of Islām Khan meant the disappearance of a dynamic personality who for five years had dominated the arena of Bengal politics, waging unrelenting warfare against the zamindārs, reducing them to subjection, or suppressing them altogether and annexing their kingdoms. It was Islām Khan who really conquered Bengal, organised a unified administrative system, and established the Mughal peace in the country. From this standpoint, he should be regarded as one of the makers of the Mughal Empire, and the greatest viceroy of the Bengal subah.

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TWENTY YEARS OF STAGNATION AND REVERSE, 1613—1633.

I. Qāsim Khan's Incompetence and Wrong Acts

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Islām Khan was succeeded as governor of Bengal by his younger brother, Qāsim Khan, who was then in charge of Mungir. Though the new governor was appointed about the middle of September, 1613, (in the month of Sha'bān, 1022 A. H. *Iqbālnāmah*, 72), he did not actually take charge of his office at Jahāngirnagar till the 6th May, 1614, (27th Rabi-ul-Awwal, 1022 A. H., *Baharistan*, 145b) i. e. about eight months later, and Shaikh Hushang, son of Islām Khan, Mirzā Husain Beg, diwān, and Khwāja Tāhir Muhammad Bakhshi, with the concurrence of Āqā Yaghmā, the newswriter, jointly carried on the government during this interregnum.

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Qāsim Khan preseneted a striking contrast to his great brother in almost every way. He did not possess the ability, energy, honesty and diligence of the latter, nor his coolness of judgement and resourcefulness. On the other hand, he displayed to an excess the autocratic instincts, violence of temper, arrogance, and nepotism of Islām Khan, adding to these, a lack of dignity, decorum, and tact, and a covetousness all his own. Perhaps the most fatal defect of his character was his quarrelsome spirit, as a result of which he lost the sympathy, advice, and co-operation of all the experienced officers in Bengal and he had to depend on his own favourites, very few of whom were experienced or efficient. Consequently the period of Qāsim Khan’s rule, lasting for about three years (May, 1614-April, 1617), proved to be singularly barren. Internal disputes and revolts, especially, in the newly acquired territory of Kāmrup, engrossed the governor’s attention, while the two principal expeditions that were sent,—one against the king of Assam and the other against the king of Arakan, ended in disastrous failure.

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The first important event of Qāsim Khan’s rule was his quarrel with Mirzā Husain Beg, the diwān, The latter had during the last interregnum exercised some viceregal functions and also enjoyed some rights and privileges of the kotwāl of the capital city, and when the new kotwāl appointed by Qāsim Khan took charge, disputes arose between the kotwāl and the diwān which culminated in a fray in which a few of the governor’s men were wounded and killed at the hands of the sons of the diwān. Qāsim Khan made it a personal affair, and imprisoned the diwān along with his sons, and though they were subsequently released through the intervention of some of the officers, the entire property of the diwān was confiscated. Jahāngir deputed a trusty officer named S'ādat Khan to investigate the whole affair. When the guilt of Qāsim Khan was established, he was compelled to restore all the property of the diwān and also to pay him a compensation of 100,000 rupees.

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Another action of the new governor proved to be equally indiscreet, and probably caused greater harm to the government. It was the act of depriving Lakshmi Nārāyan and Parikshit Nārāyan, the kings of Kuch Bihār and Kāmrup respectively, of their personal liberty and of putting them under close surveillance, in clear contravention of the solemn pledge given to them by his predecessor and himself. Later on, both the Kuch kings were put to further humiliation when they were removed from Jahāngirnagar and practically exiled to the distant court of the Emperor. A formidable revolt broke out in Kuch Bihār and Kāmrup as a protest against this action, which shook the newly established Mughal authority in the north-eastern frontier to its very foundations, and which was quelled with great difficulty.

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Another censure was in store for Qāsim Khan. The latter had not only alienated the diwān but also the bakhshi and wāq'a-navis, and all the three combined to complain against the governor. The Emperor now sent a very responsible officer named Ibrāhim Kalāl, entitled Ihtimām Khan, in order to settle matters, and also to realise from Qāsim Khan all the properties of Islām Khan, along with the revenue of the crownlands, which he had appropriated.

II. Kāchār Campaign Fails

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The first important campaign of Qāsim Khan's government was directed against the people living near the south-western border of the kingdom of the Raja of Kachār, adjoining the frontier fort of Pratāpgarh (c. November, 1614). According to the Baharistan, these people living in the tract between the Khāsiās (rather the Jaintiās) and the Kachāris and speaking the Kachāri language, differed widely from them in their features, and manners and customs and claimed to be Mughals, being the descendants of the soldiers left in charge of his conquests by Timur, who had in the course of time migrated to this part of the country. Mubāriz Khan, who held charge of the thānah of Bindāsil on the eastern border of Sylhet, marched towards the south-west and attacked the self-styled Mughals, and, after severe fighting, succeeded in subduing them and occupying a part of their territory.

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Qāsim Khan was gratified at the success of Mubāriz Khan and exhorted him to lead an expedition to Kachār, the king of which had evidently shaken off his allegiance during the late interregnum. Mubāriz Khan soon returned to Sylhet, whence he proceeded to invade Kachār, in company of Mirak Bahādur Jalāir.

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The Mughal commander who had accompanied Shaikh Kamāl and taken a prominent part in the first invasion more than two years before (c. April—May, 1612), followed the same plan of attacking first the south-western frontier fort of Pratāpgarh, adjoining Sylhet, and next falling upon the fort of Asurātekar on the north-western border.

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The Kachār king Satrudaman offered as strong a resistance as he had done last time, causing a heavy loss of men by his repeated night attacks. But Mubāriz Khan’s persistence at last bore fruit, and the fort of Pratāpgarh was stormed. The Mughal commander followed up his victory by proceeding north-east and attacking the fort of Asurātekar. As it could not be taken by assault, it was subjected to a close siege. Unable to bear the privations of the siege, the Kachār king again sued for peace, offering more favourable terms than he had done before. He gave up the fort of Asurātekar, reaffirmed his allegiance to the Emperor, offering him 40 elephants and a tribute of 100,000 rupees in cash, and prayed for exemption from personal attendance at the court. He also sent presents for the subāhdar and the Mughal commander. These terms were accepted by Qāsim Khan. Unfortunately Mubāriz Khan suddenly died, and, at this occurrence, Mirak Bahādur “became utterly confused and lost all courage”, and hastily evacuated the thānah of Asurātekar and the country and withdrew to Sylhet. Qāsim Khan punished Mirak Bahādur by replacing him by a really competent and experienced officer named Mukarram Khan who had conquered Kāmrup (Baharistan, 165a-166a). Thus the Kachār campaign ended in failure, and the Kachār king easily regained his independence, appears to have maintained it for a pretty long time.

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The next important event was a punitive campaign against Bir Hamir, Shams Khan, Bahādur Khan, (who was the nephew and successor of Salim Khan), and Birbhān, the zamindārs of Birbhum, Pachet, Hijli, and Chandrakonā (about 22 miles north of Midnapore town) respectively. These vassals who had not rendered personal service but had continued to be loyal in the time of Islām Khan, apparently fell off from their vassalage taking advantage of the weakness and lack of vigilance displayed by the new governor, and it became necessary to force them again into submission. Though the expedition directed against Bir Hamir and Shams Khan was conducted by an experienced officer, Shaikh Kamāl, it was not adequately equipped owing to Qāsim Khan’s personal antipathy against the Shaikh, and so it does not appear to have led to any tangible result. The task of reducing Bahādur Khan and Birbhān, which was entrusted to Mirzā Makki, son of Iftikhār Khan, the faujdār of Burdwan, also was not achieved satisfactorily. For the governor, instead of encouraging co-ordinated action between Shaikh Kamāl and Mirzā Makki, seems to have discouraged it in order to discredit the Shaikh (Baharistan, 166a-166b).

III. Arakanese Invasions of Bhuluā, 1614-1615

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Soon after this, Qāsim Khan had to face the first and the most formidable foreign invasion of his rule. It was a combined attack on the frontier thānah of Bhuluā by Meng Khamaung (Husain Shah) the king of Arakan, and the Portuguese freebooter, Sebastian Gonzales, the master of Sondip, who had for a time composed their mutual differences in order to fight their common enemy.

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With an army of 80,000 infantry (most of whom were musketeers, only 10,000 being paiks, with swords and shields, according to Bocarro, and 300,000 in all according to the Baharistan), and 700 war-elephants, the Arakan king marched from Chittagong towards Bhuluā on land, while he sent his large fleet consisting of ghurābs (floating batteries), Jaliyās, Kusās, Machuās etc. (150 Jaliyās and 50 big war-boats, and 4000 expert sailors, according to Bocarro) to join the fleet of Sebastian Gonzales.

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The moment was very opportune. ’Abdul Wāhid, the thānahdār of Bhuluā, had gone to Jahāngirnagar to see the governor, while his son had proceeded towards the north-east to attack the territory of Tipperah, and Bhuluā was practically without any defence. Qāsim Khan was at last roused to action. He encamped at Khizrpur and prepared to transport the army across the Meghnā and other rivers by means of cargo boats, and at the same time summoned the thānahdārs to assemble their forces. ’Abdul Wāhid the feeble-hearted thānahdār, at the news of the approach of the enemy, inspite of the protest of his valiant son, not only evacuated Bhuluā without fighting but retreated north towards the Dākātiā river. Though pressed by Qāsim Khan to make a stand at that strategic point, ’Abdul Wāhid decided to withdrew still further into the narrow waters of the Māchwā-khāl to be out of reach of the big war-boats of the enemy.

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