On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, 629–645 A.D. v2.c17.s3: Kuśinagara

On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, 629–645 A.D. v2.c17.s3

Language: English

Kuśinagara

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Continuing his narrative the pilgrim relates that "from this" (that is apparently, from the vicinity of the Embers Tope) he went north-east through a great forest, the road being a narrow dangerous path, with wild oxen and wild elephants, and robbers and hunters always in wait to kill travellers, and emerging from the forest he reached the country of Kou-shih-na-ka-lo (Kuśinagara). The city walls were in ruins, and the towns and villages were deserted. The brick foundations of the "old city" (that is, the city which had been the capital) were above ten *li* in circuit; there were very few inhabitants the interior of the city being a wild waste.

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Here, it will be noticed, the pilgrim departing from his usual custom does not give the distance which he travelled. Fa-hsien, however, tells us that the distance from the Embers Tope east to Kuśinagara was twelve yojanas¹ (about 480 *li*), and the Fang-chih gives the distance as 500 *li*. As the Embers Tope was about 50 miles from Rāmagrāma the distance from that city to Kuśinagara was apparently about 140 or 150 miles in an easterly direction. Then in one of the Nirvāṇa sūtras we are told that from Rājagaha to Kuśinagara was a journey of twelve yojanas.²

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¹ Fo-kuo-chi, *ch.* 24.

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² Ta-pan-nie-pan-ching, *ch.* 17 (No. 114).

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The utter ruin and desolation of the city and district of Kuśinagara are noted by Fa-hsien, one of whose expressive terms about the solitude of the capital is applied to it by our pilgrim.

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Within the capital in its north-east corner was an Asoka tope on the site of the house of Chun-t'ê (Chunda), and on the premises was a well dug at the time when [Chunda] was making preparations for the entertainment [of the Buddha and his disciples] the water of which had remained clear and fresh.

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For the words "Within the capital" here the Chinese is Ch'eng-nei. This is the reading in all the texts except B which has the faulty reading Ch'eng-mên or "City gate", the reading which Julien had before him.

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The story of Chunda the blacksmith giving the Buddha his last breakfast is told in several books. But in these Chunda is generally described as a resident of Pāvā and as giving the great entertainment there. Thus the "Yu-hsing-ching", the Pali "Mahā-Parinibbāna sutta" or "Sūtra of the Great Decease", and a Tibetan work, all make Pāvā to be the place of Chunda's residence and the scene of the breakfast to the Buddha.³ In the Mahāyānist sūtra Ta-pan-ni-huan-ching, however, it is at Kuśinagara that Chunda lives, and entertains Buddha and his disciples.¹ Fa-hsien does not make mention of Chunda’s house in Kusinagara; and our pilgrim’s account may have been derived from books rather than from personal knowledge. He had evidently read Mahā-Parinirvāṇa sūtra in the translation by Dharmaraksha made about A. D. 420. When Buddha intimated his acceptance of the invitation to breakfast from Chunda, the latter set himself to prepare a great feast. In the Pali Mahā-parinibbāna Sutta Chunda, the artificer’s son, is represented as setting before the Buddha on this occasion a dish of sūkaramaddava. No one of the disciples was allowed to eat of this particular food, and what remained over was buried in the ground. The word sūkaramaddava has been generally understood to mean a preparation of pig’s flesh; and Dr. Rhys Davids translates it in one place by “dried boar’s flesh”, and in another place by “tender pork”². But he is not satisfied with the interpretations and explanations given of the word, and he is evidently inclined to regard it as a name for some vegetable article of food. This view is taken also by K. E. Neumann who gives reasons for regarding the word as denoting some kind of edible fungus.³ Now it is remarkable that neither in the Tibetan, nor in any of the Chinese accounts of the death of the Buddha is there any mention of pork at the last breakfast. Nor is it mentioned in the Mahāyānist books on the Great Decease, nor in the account of Chunda’s feast given in the Sarvata Vinaya. In the “Yu-hsing-ching” the dainty reserved by Chunda for the Buddha is called “Sandal-wood-tree-ear”, or “San-

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³ Yu-hsing-ching in Ch'ang-a-han-ching, *ch.* 3; 'Buddhist Suttas'

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¹ Ch. 3 (No. 120). So also in the Ta-pan-nie-p’an-ching, ch. 2 (No. 113).

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² ‘Buddhist Suttas’, p. 72: ‘Questions of king Milinda’, Vol. I p. 243 and note.

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³ ‘Die Reden Gotamo Buddho’s’, vol 1. p. XIX.

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by Dr Rhys Davids p. 70 (S. B. E. Vol. XI); Rockhill’s ‘Life’, p. 132 note 2 and p. 133.

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dal-wood-ear”.¹ By these names is probably indicated a tree-fungus, or some aromatic mushroom. In the Chinese language a common name for any parasitical tree-fungus is *mu-erh* (木耳) or “tree-ear”, and among Buddhist monks and their friends mushrooms are well known as *Ho-shang-jou* or “Monks’ flesh-meat”. I agree with Neumann that the pious blacksmith was not likely to cook pickled pork for the Buddha, and think that *fungus* or *mushroom* should be taken to be the meaning of *sūkara-maddava*.

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¹ Chang-a-han-ching l. c.

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The pilgrim now goes on to describe the scene of the Buddha’s Parinirvāṇa, the Great Decease. He states that three or four *li* to the north-west of the capital, on the other side of the Ajitavati river, and not far from the west bank of the river, was the Sāla Grove. The Sāla tree he describes as like the the Chinese oak with a greenish-white bark and very glossy leaves. Among the Sāl trees of the grove were four of extraordinary size, and it was at these the Ju-lai passed away. In the large brick temple (or chaitya, *ching-shê*) at the place was an image (or representation) of *Ju-lai-nie-pan* (that is, of the Buddha dead) lying with his head to the north. Beside this temple was a tope, built by Asoka, which though in ruins was still above 200 feet high. In front of the tope was a stone pillar, on which were recorded the circumstances of the Buddha’s decease, but the day and the month were not given. The pilgrim, however, ascertained from records that the Buddha lived 80 years, and died on the last day of the month Vaiśākha (April-May), but the Sarvāstivādins held that he passed away on the 8th day of the second half of the month Kārthika (October-November). There were also, the pilgrim adds, differences of statement as to the time which had elapsed since the Buddha’s death, some authorities giving above 1200 years, some 1300, some 1500, and some only above 900 and under 1000.

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As to the river mentioned in this passage, a note added to the text explains the word Ajitavati as meaning *wu-shêng* (無勝) or “Invincible”, and adds that this was the general name for the river at the pilgrim’s time. It also states that an old name for this river was *A-li-lo-po-ti*; but the second character in the transcription has been shown to be a mistake; it should be replaced by i (夷), giving the name Airāvatī. Another designation for this river is given in the note as Shi-la-na-fa-ti, that is Siran-yavati for Hiraṇyavati, with ho added, explained as meaning "the river with gold". It was evidently a variety of this last name which Fa-hsien transcribed by Hi-lien (希連).

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The Buddhist books do not give us much information as to the situation, relative to Kuśinagara, of the place at which the Buddha died. Bigandet, probably quoting from a Pali authority, tells us that the forest of Sal trees was to the south-west of the city.¹ The "Mahā-Parinibbāna-Sutta" merely gives the scene of the Great Decease as the "sāla grove of the Mallas, the Upavattana of Kusinārā, on the further side of the river Hiraṇyavati".² With this description in the "Lien-hua-mien-ching" agrees closely,³ and the other accounts are similar. Fa-hsien places the Sal Grove on the Hiraṇyavati river, and to the north of the city Kuśinagara. Instead of the tope which Yuanchuang here mentions, as having been built on the spot by Asoka, we find a chaitya in the Divyāvadāna.⁴ It is worthy of notice that the place at which the Buddha passed away for ever was the only object pointed out to Asoka by Upagupta while the two were at Kuśinagara.

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¹ Bigandet, 'Legend' Vol. II. p. 46.

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² Rhys Davids in 'Buddhist Suttas', p. 85.

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³ Lien-hua-mien-ching, ch. 2 (No. 465).

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⁴ p. 394.

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We have next our pilgrim's accounts of the Francolin and Deer Jātakas apropos of two topes near the Temple of the Buddha's Decease said to commemorate the events which form the culminating points of these stories. In the former Jātaka as related by the pilgrim the Francolin, that is the P'usa, by his earnestness of speech and action, induces Indra to put out a forest fire which was making great havoc among the living creatures in this district. In the latter Jātaka the Deer, that is the P'usa, at the expense of his own life saves the other creatures of the forest here, who fleeing from a great fire were being drowned in their attempt to cross the river. The tope over the remains of the P'usa-Deer, who was drowned after saving the last of the animals, the lame hare, was built, according to Yuan-chuang, at this place by the devas.

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The two Jātakas here summarized are told with some differences of detail in other works. Thus in the "Francolin Jātaka" as told in a wellknown śāstra the bird soaks his feathers in water, and then shakes himself in the burning forest; when Indra tries the sincerity of this compassion the Francolin says he is ready to go on until death; by the force of his merit and faith the fire is extinguished and since that time the forest has enjoyed an exemption, from great conflagrations.¹ In other versions of the Deer Jātaka instead of a lame hare we have a fawn as the last creature to be saved. This last animal was Subhadra in a previous birth, and as a man Subhadra was the last to be saved from sin and sorrow by the Buddha.²

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¹ See Ta-chih-tu-lun, ch. 16.

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² Cf. Rockhill's 'Life', p. 136: Bud. Lit. Nep. p. 30.

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Near the tope of the Life-saving Deer, the pilgrim next relates, was a tope which had been erected on the spot where Subhadra died, and we are treated to a short account of the circumstances attending the conversion, ordination, and death of this man as Yuan-chuang knew them. When the Buddha was on his death-bed and on the day before he died Subhadra, who was a brahmin teacher 120 years old, came to the Twin Trees to see Buddha, and obtain from him the solution of some doubts and difficulties. Ānanda refused to admit the old enquirer fearing he would weary the Master, but Subhadra urged his request and he was finally admitted. Then addressing the Buddha he said— "There are the self-styled Masters of the [six] other Communities all with different systems of doctrine which they teach for the guidance of lay-people— Does Gautama know these all"? To this the Buddha made answer— "I have made myself thoroughly acquainted with them all, and will describe them to you". When Subhadra heard this, he believed and understood with pure mind, and then he prayed to be admitted into the Order. Buddha then told him that a four years' probation was required before the professed adherent of another system could receive ordination as a bhikshu in the Buddhist brotherhood The probation, he said, was to allow the conduct and disposition of the applicant to be observed, and if his deportment were found to be correct, and his language truthful, he could become a bhikshu— "But it depends on the individual's conduct", added the Buddha, "and there is no difficulty [in your case]". To this Subhadra replied— "The Lord is compassionate and an impartial Saviour. Let there be four years of probation; my three organs [mouth, body, and mind] will be in accordance with what is right". To this the Buddha replied— "I have already said— "it depends on the individual's conduct" ". So Subhadra was admitted into the Order, and ordained as a bhikshu. He thereupon devoted all his energies to the attainment of spiritual perfection, and early in the night realized in himself the state of arhatship. Then as he could not bear to see the death of the Master he, in the presence of the congregation, made miraculous manifestations and passed away by the samādhi of elemental fire.

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This version of the story of Subhadra follows to a large extent the "Yu-hsing-ching", sometimes using the very words of that interesting sūtra. But the narrative of the conversion, ordination, and death of this last disciple is told also in several other treatises. We find, moreover, mention of a work called the "Sūtra of the Brahmachārin Subhadra", but the account given in it differs in some important points from that given in the other books.¹ According to the "Tsêng-yi-a-han-ching" and the "Yu-hsin-ching" Subhadra was a Brahmachārin, and according to the "Ta-pan-nie-pan-ching", the "Tsa-a-han-ching", Mr. Rockhill's Tibetan text, and the Sarvata Vinaya, he was a parivrājika.² Nearly all authorities describe him as a feeble old man of 120 years residing in Kuśinagara, We are also told that he was a man of great learning and wisdom, possessing superhuman powers, and held in high esteem by the inhabitants of Kusinagara who regarded him as an arhat. He had been puzzled, however, by difficulties in religious matters caused by the disputes and conflicting doctrines of the six (in one treatise eight) great religious teachers of his time, and by the inconsistencies in the lives of these men. Then at a later period of his life the Sakya Gautama had arisen as a new leader with new doctrines about karma and nirvāṇa and had instituted a new Brotherhood. So now hearing that Gautama had come to the suburbs of Kusinagara in a dying state, the old saint went to see him and learn from him the truth about his own system and the systems of the six Teachers. Finding Ananda keeping guard he asked to be admitted to the Master; but Ananda refused him admission and repeated the refusal to the old man's renewed petition. The reason which Ananda gave was that the Master was in great pain and dying, and so was not to be disturbed. But the Buddha hearing the conversation, ordered that the enquirer be allowed to see him and Subhadra was admitted. After due salutation performed the old saint being encouraged by Buddha stated his difficulties. The six Teachers, he said naming them, all disagreed and he wanted to know which of them was right; were they, as they professed to be, omniscient? Were they higher in attainments than or otherwise superior to Gautama himself? were they right in their tenets as to what constituted a Śramaṇa?¹ Replying to Subhadra the Buddha, according to one account, says that before he left home to become a religious mendicant all the world was beguiled by the Six Teachers and that he had not seen the reality of a Śramaṇa among them.² Then the Buddha goes on to say— "At the age of 29 years, Subhadra, I became a mendicant to learn the way of life (tao); at the age of 36 years under the Bodhi tree I thought out thoroughly the Eight-fold holy path, gained perfect spiritual insight, and acquired omniscience. I then went to Benares and taught the Four Truths to Ājñāta Kaundinya and the four others. When these men got on the track of the way of life the name Śramaṇa was pronounced for the first time". In the Pali Mahā-Parinibbāna-sutta the Buddha says to Subhadra, according to Dr. Rhys Davids's translation—

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¹ Ta-chih-tu-lun, ch. 3.

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² Tsêng-yi-a-han-ching, ch. 37; Chang-a-han-ching, ch. 4; Ta-pan-nie-p'an-ching, ch. 3 (No. 118); Tsa-a-han-ching, ch. 35; Rockhill's Life l. c.; Sar. Vin. Tsa-shih, ch. 38.

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¹ See ‘Buddhist Suttas’ p. 103; Ta-pan-nie-p'an-ching, ch. 36 (No. 114); Fo-pan-nie-huan-ching, ch. 2 (No. 552).

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² Ta-pan-nie-p'an-ching, ch. 2 (No. 118).

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"But twenty-nine was I when I renounced
The world, Subhadda, seeking after good.
For fifty years and one year more, Subhadda,
Since I went out, a pilgrim have I been
Through the wide realms of virtue and of truth,
And outside these no really 'saint' can be.¹

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¹ The original is—

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Exception may be taken to this rendering though it is followed in the German translation by Hardy in his "Der Buddhismus".² One Chinese version of the passage gives us the following— "When I was twenty-nine years old I became an ascetic to seek goodness (shan-tao). Subhadra, fifty years have gone since I became Buddha: the practice of discipline, samādhi, and spiritual wisdom I now declare the essentials of my system: outside of it there is not a śramaṇa."³ In other books the Buddha tells Subhadra that for fifty years he had thought in solitude on the practice of samādhi, a pure life, and spiritual wisdom. These Chinese translations were apparently made from Sanskrit originals, and not from the Pali text here given. Thus the mention of samādhi must be due to the presence of a word meaning "practising samādhi", and probably the phrase "and one year more" is not the meaning of samādhikāni in the Pali text. Then for "through the wide realms" (padesavatti) the Sanskrit was probably pradeśavartin, which the translators took to mean "occupied with the exposition of". The last line of the quotation is a separate sentence, as the text

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² S. 44. See also Mr Warren's version in 'Buddhism in Translations', p. 106.

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³ Chang-a-han-ching ch. 4. See also Tsa-a-han-ching ch. 35.

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Ekūnatimso vayasā Subhadda
Yam pabbajim kimkusalānuesī.
Vassāni paññāsasamādhikāni
Yato aham pabbajito Subhadda,
Ñayassa dhammassa padesavatti.
Ito bahiddhā samaṇo pi n'atthi.

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Dīgha, II. 149 (P. T. S.).

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shews, and means— "Outside of Buddhism there is no Śramaṇa."¹

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¹ But some of the Chinese versions do not seem to have separated the last line from the one before. If a full stop is not put at padesavatti we may perhaps take the two lines as meaning something like this— "engaged in teaching the rule of life and true religion, and outside of these there is no samaṇa". By nyāya here is meant, we are told, the Eightfold path as a practical rule of conduct, and by dhamma the religious teaching of Buddha guiding opinion and belief, and without these there was no samaṇa.

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The Buddha next proceeds to communicate to Subhadra the Four Noble Truths and the Eight-fold Path, teaching him that it is only in a religion which has these there can be a true śramaṇa proceeding through the three inferior stages to the perfection of arhatship.² Subhadra is delighted with the Buddha's teaching, professes himself a convert, and prays to be ordained a bhikshu. Buddha in reply to this request tells Subhadra that a professed disciple of another system is required to be four months on probation before he can be ordained as a Buddhist bhikshu. But he adds that there "is an individual difference", that is, that individual applicants of known good character may be ordained without undergoing a period of probation. Subhadra, however, according to the Mahā-Parinibbāna-sūtta and the Yu-hsing-ching replies that he is ready to undergo a probation of *four years*. But an exception is made in his favour and he is at once ordained, the difference being made on account of his high moral and religious reputation. Immediately after his ordination Subhadra applies himself earnestly to the work of self-perfection, and in a very short time becomes an arhat. As he cannot bear to see the Buddha die, having obtained the desired permission, he passes away before the Buddha.

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² Buddha makes a similar statement to his bhikshus in *Ch. 26* of the Chung-a-han-ching— "In *this* are the samaṇas of the four degrees and outside of this there are not samaṇa brahmins: all other systems are void and without samaṇa brahmins". The *this* of the above extract, the *ito* and *idha* of Pali, means "my religion", Buddha's system.

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In some Buddhist treatises the story of the last disciple is told without any mention of a rule as to four months' probation,¹ and in others the rule is made after Subhadra's ordination.² The Vinaya gives the rule; but all Sakyas, Jaṭilas and Fire-worshippers were to be exempt from its operation.³ So also in the Wa-fên Vinaya and the Ssŭ-fên Vinaya we have the rule made, and in the latter treatise the circumstances which led to its being made are given.⁴ In representing Buddha as telling Subhadra that the rules required four years' probation Yuanchuang apparently makes a slip, as there is no mention of such a rule in the canonical books. Subhadra's profession of readiness to undergo a four years' probation reminds us of the ordination of the naked ascetic Kaśyapa. When the latter was told that he must go through four months' probation before he could be ordained he expressed his willingness to let the months be years.⁵

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¹ e. g. Tsa-a-han-ching *ch.* 35; Fo-pan-ni-huan-ching *ch.* 2; Ta-chih-tu-lun *ch.* 3.

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² Ta-pan-nie-p'an-ching *ch.* 2 (No. 118): Rockhill's 'Life' p. 139 where the Sakyas and Jaṭilas are excepted from the operation of the rule.

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³ Vin. I. 69, 71. Cf. the Sabhiya Sutta in S. B. E. Vol. X. p. 95.

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⁴ Wu-fên-lü *ch.* 17; Ssŭ-fên-lü *ch.* 34.

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⁵ Chang-a-han-ching *ch.* 16; Digha Nik. Vol. I. p. 176 (P. T. S.).

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The pilgrim continuing his narrative tells us that beside the tope of Subhadra's Decease was one on the spot at which the Vajrapāṇi fell to the ground in a swoon. He then describes the circumstances of this incident as follows— The Lord of great compassion who made his beneficial appearance at the proper time (that is, the Buddha) having accomplished his work entered the bliss of Extinction lying with his head to the north at the Twin Sāla trees. The Vajrapāṇi deity Guhyapadi (?)-Malla seeing that the Buddha had gone into Extinction cried out in sorrow— "The Ju-lai has abandoned me and gone into the Great Nirvāṇa; I have no one in whom to put my trust, no one to protect me, the arrow of distress (lit. poison-arrow) has entered deep and the fire of sorrow is burning me fiercely". Then throwing down his vajra (adamant club) he fell in a swoon to the ground. Recovering consciousness he condoled with the others over their common loss in the death of the Buddha their Light and Saviour in the ocean of mortal existence.

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The words here rendered “the Vajrapāṇi deity Guhyapadi (?) - Malla” are in the original *chih-chin-kang-shên-mi-chi-li-shi* (執金剛神密迹力士), which Julien translates— “Alors des génies, armés d’une massue de diamant”. Here, to pass over smaller matters, we find that the last four characters of the original are omitted from the translation. The whole of the passage, which is evidently derived from an old Chinese translation of a sūtra, refers to the conduct of the yaksha Vajrapāṇi-Guhyapadi (?)-Malla at the moment of the Buddha’s death. Our author’s *chih-chin-kang* (in other works *Chin-kang*, or *chin-kang-shu* (手) “adamant hand”) is for Vajrapāṇi: *Mi-chi*, or “secret traces”, the personal name of the Yaksha, is supposed to be for “Guhyapadi”, but there is also the rendering *pi-mi-chu*, or “Lord of the secret”, which seems to require a form like Guhyapati: then *li-shi* or “athlete” is for Malla. This Yaksha had for many years been a devoted personal attendant on the Buddha whom he accompanied on the great aerial journey to the far north.¹ He always bore in one hand an adamantine club or hammer, and hence his epithet Vajrapāṇi. With this club he was always ready to smash a rock, or a man’s head, in the service of the Master. When the Nirgrantha of Vaiśālī would not answer Buddha’s question Vajrapāṇi threatened to break his head in seven pieces.² So also in the Dīgha-Nikāya, when Ambaṭṭha sullenly refuses to speak out, “Vajirapāṇi yakkho” threatens to smash his head in seven pieces with his blazing-hot hammer.³ This yaksha is represented as joining the Buddhist Church, “seeing truth” and becoming a bodhisattva. As a p’usa he preaches on prajñā pāramitā to a great congregation, but he is still a chief of yakshas with a palace in the wild land of the demons.¹ Yuan-chuang and Fa-hsien seem to know of only one Vajrapāṇi at the death of the Buddha, and other authors also mention only one.² But there may have been in the opinion of all narrators a company of yakshas present with *Mi-chih* at their head. Indeed the Lien-hua-mien-ching makes this Vajrapāṇi the chief of millions of yakshas all present at the Buddha's decease.³ Yuan-chuang, we have seen, calls him a *shên* or *god*, but it is not right to identify him, as some have done, with Indra (Sakko). The throwing down of his club by Vajrapāṇi, his falling in a swoon, and his exclamations of sad despair, are all related in various Chinese treatises.

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¹ Sar. Vin. Yao-shih *ch.* 9.

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² Tsêng-yi-a-han-ching *ch.* 30.

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³ Ambaṭṭha sutta (D. I. 95) and Sum. Vil. Vol. I. p. 264 (P. T. S.).

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¹ Ta-chi-tu-lun *ch.* 33: Ta-pao-chi-ching, *chs.* 8 to 14. (No. 23 (3)).

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² Fo-ju-nie-p'an-mi-chi-chin-kang-li-shi-ai-lien-ching (No. 1332), that is, The Sūtra of the loving distress of Guhyapada (?) Vajrapāṇi Malla on the Buddha's nirvāṇa.

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³ Ch. 2.

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The pilgrim proceeds to relate that near the tope of Vajrapāṇi's Swoon was another tope to mark the spot at which the newly deceased Buddha was worshipped for seven days by the devas. He tells us that as the Ju-lai was dying (lit. about to be extinguished) a bright light shone everywhere. All present were moved with sorrow and they said one to another— "The Lord of great enlightenment is now about to pass into extinction: the religious merit (that is, the means of acquiring merit) of creatures is exhausted and the world is resourceless." But the Buddha as he lay on his right side on his bed said to the multitude— "Say not the Ju-lai is undergoing final extinction: his spiritual presence abides for ever aloof from all change: ye should cast off sloth and seek betimes for Emancipation (that is, Nirvāṇa)." The bhikshus, however, continued to wail and weep until Aniruddha rebuked them saying— "Stop, lament not: the devas will chide you". When the Mallas had performed their services of reverence to the dead body of the Buddha they wished to remove the coffin to the place of cremation, but Aniruddha made them leave it where it was for seven days. This he did at the desire of the devas who wished to pay worship to the Buddha's body. Then the devas came through the air, bearing exquisite celestial flowers, and chanting the praises of Buddha, and then they offered worship to his body.

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In this very interesting passage the words "his spiritual presence" represent the Chinese *fa-shên* (法身), a term which has occurred already in the account of Kapitha and we are to meet with it again. The *fa-shên* of the Buddha is explained in several ways by the different schools. Thus it is the "body of religion", that is, the canon of scripture, or the teachings of all Buddhas. This includes the unwritten traditions, the doctrines and practices of all true Buddhist teachers from Kāśyapa downwards.¹ In a very interesting old treatise, with which Yuan-chuang was evidently familiar, we find the Buddha in his last instructions to his disciples saying to them—"Henceforth the observances of all my disciples in succession constitute the Tathāgata's *fa-shên* eternal and imperishable". Then the *fa-shên* is also the "spiritual body" of the Tathāgata, that is, the eternal immutable substance which is Buddha in all phases and changes of his material existence, and which survives these accidents for ever. "Buddha," we read, "means an individual, *fa-shên* means the eternal."² Again we are told that "the Ju-lai's (Tathāgata's) body is one which abides for ever, it is indestructible, adamantine, independent of the various kinds of food, it is the *fa-shên*". It was perhaps in this latter sense that the Mahāyānists interpreted the term as used by the Buddha to his disciples on his death-bed. The reader will notice that in the above passage Yuan-chuang, following the Yu-hsing-ching, represents Aniruddha (in other texts Anaruddha and Anuruddha) as requesting the Brethren to cease wailing otherwise the devas will chide them. This confirms Dr. Rhys Davids's reading and translation in the "Book of the Great Decease",— "Even the spirits, brethren, will reproach us".³ According to most authorities it was not the "gold coffin" containing the Buddha's body which was kept for seven days at the place where he died but only the body itself on a bier also called "golden". It was not until the body was removed to the place of cremation that it was swathed and coffined, but there is also authority for our pilgrim's version of the story.

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¹ Chiao-shêng-fa-shu *ch.* 5 (No. 1636); Fo-chui-pan-nie-p'an-liao-shuo-chiao-chie-ching (No. 122).

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² Ta-pan-ni-huan-ching *ch.* 2; Ta-pan-nie-p'an-ching *ch.* 3 (No. 113).

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³ 'Buddhist Suttas', p. 119 and note.

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Yuan-chuang next relates that near the place where the Golden Coffin was detained for seven days there was a tope to commemorate the weeping of the lady Mahāmāyā, the Buddha's mother, over her dead son. As soon as the deceased Ju-lai was coffined Aniruddha ascended to Paradise and informed Māyā of the death of the Buddha. When that lady received the news she at once came down with a company of devas to the place where the coffin rested at the Twin Sāl trees. While she was weeping at the sight of her son's bowl, and robe, and staff, and lamenting the helpless state of mankind deprived of their Light and Lord, the coffin-lid was raised by the Buddha's power, and he sat up in the coffin with folded hands, and addressed some words of farewell comfort to his mother, as a lesson for the unfilial of after times, as he stated to Ānanda in reply to the latter's question.

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The story of Mahā Māyā coming down from her place in Paradise to weep over her dead son the Buddha, is told in several Buddhist treatises. Yuan-chuang had evidently read it in the "Mahāmāyā-ching" with the account in which his largely agrees.¹ Some of his expressions such as "the happiness of men and devas is exhausted", "the world's eye is extinguished", occur in that treatise. It also gives Ānanda's question as to how the occurrence was to be described for the benefit of posterity and the Buddha's reply. It is to be noted that the older Nirvāṇa treatises such as the "Mahā-Parinibbāna-sutta", the "Ta-pan-nie-p'an-ching", and the "Fo-pan-ni-huan-ching", do not make any mention of Mahā Māyā coming down to weep over her dead son.

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¹ Mahāmāyā-ching ch. 2 (No. 382).

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Continuing his description the pilgrim relates that to the north of the city, above 300 paces on the other side of the river, was a tope at the place of the Buddha's cremation. He states that the ground there was still of a yellowish black colour, the soil having a mixture of ashes and charcoal, and that people praying there in perfect good faith might get relics. The Buddha's coffin, he tells us, was made of the seven precious substances, his body was wrapped in 1000 folds of cotton: with incense and flowers and banners and sunshades the Mallas bore the coffin, and formed an escort to it, crossing to the north of the Golden River. Using abundance of fragrant oil and sweet-scented wood they set fire to the pile; the fold of cotton next the body and the outside fold remained unburnt; for the sake of living creatures the rest of the body (shê-li for sarira) was reduced to atoms (lit. separated and dispersed), the hair and nails alone remaining uninjured.

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In placing the tope of the cremation of Buddha to the north of Kuśinagara Yuan-chuang follows the Yu-hsing-ching but differs from nearly all the other authorities. According to the Pali and Tibetan texts and the "Ta-pan-nie-p'an-ching" the cremation occurred outside of the east gate of the city, while the "Pan-ni-huan-ching" and other texts describe it as taking place outside the west gate. The particular spot where it occurred was at the Malla's Makuṭa (or Makula)-bandhana-chaitya, in Csoma's translation from the Tibetan "the chaitya that has a head ornament tied on by the champions".¹ *Makuṭa-bandhana* means a diadem-band or turban, and the name of the spot is rendered in Chinese by *T'ien-kuan-chih-t'i* (天冠支提) the "Chaitya of the Deva (or Royal) tiara", and by *Chuang-shi-hi-kuan* (壯士繫冠) *chih-t'i*, the "Chaitya of the Mallas' diadem-binding. In some texts, however, we have the name transcribed *Chu-li-p'o-tan*, that is, the Chūli (for chūla or chūḍa)-bandhana with *tien* added, meaning the Shrine of Diadem-binding. We find also other names such as the *T'ien-kuan-ssŭ*, and *Pao-kuan-chih-t'i* or the "Diadem chaitya". One account places the scene of cremation at the temple of the god *U-ch'a* (區茶), perhaps for Ojas, outside the city on the west side.²

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¹ As. Res. Vol. XX. p. 318. Cf. Sar. Vin. Tsa-shih *ch*. 37 where we have a similar rendering of the name.

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² There is also the reading 區茶 for oṭa, the name of a wild animal, and also of a god or demon. Pan-ni-huan-ching *ch*. 2.

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Beside the Cremation Tope, our pilgrim continues, was a tope on the spot where the dead Buddha put his feet out of the coffin to show them to Mahākāśyapa. When the Ju-lai's golden coffin had descended, he relates, and the funeral pile was ready it could not be ignited. Aniruddha explained to the trembling crowd that the cremation could not take place until Kāśyapa was present. When the latter arrived from the forest with his 500 disciples he asked Ānanda to allow him to see the Buddha's body. As this was swathed in 1000 folds of cloth Ānanda refused to open the coffin, but the dead Buddha caused the lid to rise, and then put out his feet to let Kāśyapa see them. This disciple observing that the feet were discoloured, asked Ānanda for the explanation, and was told that the stains were due to the excessive weeping of the crowds of devas and men at the momeut of the Buddha's death. When Kāśyapa had finished his services of honour to the deceased Master the sweet-scented wood was spontaneously ignited, and made a great fire.

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The story of Mahā Kāśyapa and the coffined Buddha condensed in this passage agrees, as to the chief circumstances, with the other accounts of the incident. When Yuan-chuang writes of the "gold coffin descending" he means from the air into which it had soared, and not from "la litière" as Julien writes. At the time of Buddha's death Kāśyapa was at Pāvā according to some authorities,¹ but according to others he was on the Gṛdhrakūṭa mountain near Rājagaha or at the Dakṣiṇagiri (?).² A supernatural light and earthquake disturbed his meditation, and by his divine sight he saw his master attain parinirvāṇa at the Twin Trees, and immediately set out with his disciples for that place. In some versions of the story Kāśyapa does not ask Ānanda's permission to have the coffin opened, the Buddha spontaneously showing his feet to him as a mark of favour. The reason why Kāśyapa wanted to see the body was that he could not tell where was head and where were feet, and he wished to prostrate himself at his dead Master's feet. Then the stains on the Buddha's feet are in some treatises ascribed to the gushing tears of a poor old woman, a lay member of the church, One of the reproaches afterwards brought against Ananda was that he had through negligence thus allowed the dead Buddha’s feet to be stained by tears.

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¹ Chang-a-han-ching ch. 4; Pan-ni-huan-ching ch. 2.

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² Sêng-ki-lü ch. 32; Ta-pan-nie-p'an-ching ch. 3.

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The pilgrim next tells of the Asoka tope which was beside the one last mentioned. This Asoka tope was at the place where the Buddha’s relics were divided among the eight kings, and in front of it was a stone pillar recording the circumstances. Yuan-chuang relates that after the Buddha’s cremation eight kings came, with their armies, and using the services of the brahmin Chih-hsing (直性), “Honest nature,” begged the Mallas of Kusinagara to give them shares of the relics. The Mallas rudely refused, and the kings were about to wage war when Chih-hsing became mediator. Acting on his advice all agreed to have the relics distributed equally among the eight kings. Then Indra claimed a share for the gods, and the Dragon-kings also claimed a share. So the brahmin divided the relics into three lots, one for the gods, one for the Dragon-kings, and the third was subdivided into eight shares for the kings. The gods, dragons, and kings were all deeply affected.

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This account of the division of the relics differs in some respects from that generally followed. There were not eight kings at the division of the Buddha’s relics as the pilgrim, following certain sūtras, seems to teach. We read in most of the books on the subject that the relics were distributed among the deputies of eight cities or countries. These, according to the Maha-Parinibbāna-sutta,¹ were the Mallas of Kusinārā, Ajātasattu rāja of Māgadha, the Licchavis of Vesāli, the Sakyas of Kapilavastu, the Bulayas of Allakappa, the Koliyas of Rāmagāma, a brahmin of Veṭhadīpo, and the Mallas of Pāvā. With one or two exceptions, which are perhaps only apparent, this list agrees with the Yu-hsing-ching, the Mahāmāyā-ching, and the Pan-ni-huan-ching. The name “Allakappa” seems to be found only in the Pali text, and instead of it some of the others have Chê-lo-p'o (遮羅頗)² or Chê-p'o, or they translate the name by Yu-hêng (有衡) “having scales” or a balance.³ So also instead of Veṭhadīpo, that is Vaishṭradvipa, we have *Shên-chu*, the "Continent of the god", viz. Vishnu, (in the Tibetan translation *Khab-hjug*); or we have the name transcribed *Pi-liu-t'i* (short for Vethadīpo), and we read of the Licchavis or the brahmins of *Pi-liu-t'i*. In his account Yuan-chuang seems to combine in one person the envoy from Ajātasatru and the wise politic brahmin. The latter appears in the books under various names such as Droṇa (Doṇa), Dhūpa (*Hsiang* or Incense), Dhūma (*Yen* or Smoke), and *Mao-Küe*. The name which Yuan-chuang gives him, *Chi-hsing*, meaning fair or honest may be for Droṇasama which seems to have been the form of the name before Mr. Rockhill’s Tibetan authority.¹ This may have been a sobriquet given in jest, as fairness in dealing was not a weakness of this brahmin. He tried to steal one of the Buddha’s canine teeth, and he smeared the inside of the vase for the relics with honey or molasses in a clandestine manner, and thereby obtained a quantity of relics to which he was not entitled. The reader will observe that, according to the version of the story followed by Yuan-chuang, the Mallas of Kuśinagara did not get any share of the cremation relics of the Buddha. This is not in agreement with other versions and we even read of a great relic tope at the place of cremation.

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¹ Ch. VI. (Dīgha, Vol. II. p. 166.)

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² Mahāmāyā-ching (last page).

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³ Pan-ni-huan-ching ch. 2.

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¹ Rockhill, Life, p. 146 note.

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The pilgrim now proceeds to relate that above 200 *li* south-west from the tope of the Division of the Relics was a large town. At it was a brahmin grandee who was a learned and pious Buddhist. This man, who was very wealthy, had built near his residence a magnificent establishment for the entertainment of travelling bhikshus. By Sāśanka’s extermination of Buddhism the groups of Brethren were all broken up to the great distress of the brahmin. Some time before Yuan-chuang’s visit this man had entertained a strange old Buddhist monk with bushy eyebrows and white hair. This old monk sighed as he tasted the boiled milk which the brahmin gave him, and told his host that the pure milk of the time was more insipid than the water at Rājagaha in which he, when attending Buddha had cleansed his bowl and washed. He revealed himself to his host to be Rāhula, the son of the Buddha, who for the maintenance of the true religion had abstained from passing into final extinction, and after making this statement he suddenly disappeared.

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Rāhula is represented in some of the Buddhist scriptures as occasionally serving his father, and a passage in the Tsa-a-han-ching shews him attending Buddha in the Kalanda monastery at Rājagaha.¹ This disciple, according to some authorities, was to remain alive in the world until the time for the next Buddha’s advent, when he dies to be reborn as that Buddha’s son, or he passes away for ever.

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¹ Tsa-a-han-ching ch. 38.

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Cunningham and Carlleyle fancied that they found the remains of Kuśinagara at Kasia in the south-east corner of Gorakhpur.² But there is nothing in their statements to make us accept the identification. These archæologists make much of a “colossal” image of Buddha in nirvāṇa, but there is no mention of any colossal image in Yuan-chuang’s account of the district. Kuśinagara, as men have known it, was never a large city; and it owed its celebrity to the fact that in its neighbourhood the Buddha died and was cremated. It was much against Ānanda’s wish that the master came here to die: he wanted the Buddha to pass away at some great city, not at this “contemptible little town”, this “small wattel and daub town, a town in the midst of the jungle, a branch township.” In a long ago past of which only the Buddha knew, it had been, Buddha relates, a magnificent city rich and prosperous, well-governed and of great renown.³ In Buddha’s time it was a town of the Pāvā country noted chiefly as the home of the Mallas or Athletes. Very recently Mr. V. A. Smith⁴ has shown conclusively that the Kasia of Cunningham and Carlleyle cannot be the Kusinārā or Kuśinagara of Buddhist writers. It is possible, as has been conjectured, that with the help of the recent discoveries in the Nepalese Terai the site of this place also will be found in the Terai. In some Chinese translations Kapilavastu and Kuśinagara seem to be one place. Thus we read of the Buddha passing away at the Twin Trees to the north of the Sakya city Kapilavastu, and we find Kuśinagara described as "the Buddha's birth-place".¹