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Pali Literature and Language c7.s2.t2: II. Pronoun

Pāli Literature and Language c7.s2.t2

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II. Pronoun

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§ 104. A. Personal pronoun of the first person (stem-form in Sg. *mam-*, cf. S. IV. 315²³):

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| | Sg. | Pl. |
| Nom. | *ahaṃ* ‘I’ | *mayaṃ (amhe)* ‘we’ |
| Acc. | *mam (mamaṃ)* | *amhe (asme, amhākaṃ, asmākaṃ)* |
| Instr.-Abl. | *mayā* | *amhehi* |
| Dat.-Gen. | *mama, mayhaṃ (mamaṃ, amhaṃ)* | *amhākaṃ (asmākaṃ, amhaṃ)* |
| Loc. | *mayi* | *amhesu* |

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Enclitic: Sg Instr.-Dat.-Gen *me* Pl. Acc.-Instr.-Dat.-Gen. *no*

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B. Personal pronoun of the second person:

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| | Sg. | Pl. |
| Nom. | *tvaṃ (tuvaṃ)* ‘thou’ | *tumhe* ‘you’ |
| Acc. | *taṃ (tvaṃ, tuvaṃ)* | *tumhe (tumhākaṃ)* |
| Instr.-Abl. | *tayā (tvayā)* | *tumhehi* |
| Dat.-Gen | *tava, tuyhaṃ (tavaṃ, tumhaṃ)* | *tumhākaṃ (tumhaṃ)* |
| Loc. | *tayi (tvayi)* | *tumhesu* |

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Enclitic: Sg. Instr.-Dat.-Gen. *te* Pl. Acc.-Instr.-Dat.-Gen. *vo*.

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Notes: 1. The unbracketed forms are the regular ones in the post-canonical prose, in which, for instance, clear distinction is made between *tvaṃ* 'thou' and *taṃ* 'thee'. All these forms are used also already in the oldest periods of the language. The bracketed forms are archaic or rarer. Attestation of the Pronoun of the first person: Sg. Acc. *mamaṃ* Jā. III. 55⁵, S. I. 88²¹, 219³⁴; Gen. *mamaṃ* Sn. 694, D. II. 90¹¹, A. II. 1¹¹, *amhaṃ*¹ Th1. 1045 (or Pl. Dat.-Gen.?); Pl. Nom. *amhe* S. I. 118¹², DhCo. III. 56¹⁷; Acc. *asme* Jā. III. 859²¹ (Comm. = *amhe*), *amhākaṃ* JāCo. I. 221²⁹; Dat.-Gen. *asmākaṃ* Sn. p. 102, *amhaṃ* Th2 287, Jā. III. 300¹⁶, VI. 509³⁰, Mhvs. 5. 200. Pronoun of the second person: Sg. Nom. *tvaṃ* Sn. 377 d, Vv. 64. 23 c, Pv. II. 3. 2; Acc. *tvaṃ* Mhvs. 10. 50 c, *tuvaṃ* Sn. 377 d, Vv. 84. 10; Pl. Acc. *tumhākaṃ* JāCo. I. 221²⁹; Dat.-Gen. *tumhaṃ* D. I. 3⁵, JāCo. III. 19¹⁵.—2. The *m* of *mayaṃ* = Skr. *vayaṃ* is taken over from the forms of the Sg. such as *mam*, *mayā* etc., just as the *t* of *tumhe*, *tumhākaṃ* etc. (as opposed to Skr. *yuṣmākaṃ* etc.) has been taken over from the forms *tam*, *tayā* etc.—3. The Nom.-Acc. Pl. *amhe* (*asme*) and *tumhe* correspond to the Vedic forms *asme*, *yuṣme*, which according to Pāṇini VII. 1. 39 may be used for various plural cases².—4. The *e* of *amhehi*, *amhesu*, *tumhehi*, *tumhesu* as opposed to *asmābhis*, *asmāsu*, *yuṣmābhis*, *yuṣmāsu* are to be explained by the analogy of the forms *tehi*, *tesu* etc. (§ 105).

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² Cf. E. Kuhn, Beitr. p. 72, 86; Pischel, ZDMG. 35. 715 f.; PkrGr. § 419, 422.

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§ 105. Pronoun of the third person. (Stem-form *tam*- Vv. 84. 44, *tad*- in *tadahe* Mhvs. 5. 43, *tappaccayā* Th¹. 719 etc.)

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¹ Also in Prākrit the grammarians give the forms *amhaṃ*, *tumhaṃ* for Gen. Sg. Pischel, § 415, 420.

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| | Sg | | Pl. | |
| | Masc. | Fem. | Masc. | Fem. |
| Nom. | *so* (*sa*) | *sā* | *te* | *tā* (*tāyo*) |
| Acc. | *taṃ* | *taṃ* | *te* | *tā* (*tāyo*) |
| Instr. | *tena* | *tāya* | *tehi* | *tāhi* |
| Abl. | *tamhā*, *tasmā* | *tāya* | *tehi* | *tāhi* |
| Dat.-Gen. | *tassa* | tassā / tissā (tissāya, / tāya) | *tesaṃ* | *tāsaṃ* (*tāsānaṃ*) |
| Loc. | *tamhi*, *tasmim* | tassaṃ (tāsaṃ) / tissaṃ (tāyaṃ) | *tesu* | *tāsu* |

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The Neuter has Sg. Nom.-Acc. *tam* (in vowel-sandhi *tad*- § 72. 1). Pl. Nom.-Acc. *tāni*. Elsewhere as in Masc.

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*Notes*: 1. The more isolated or archaic forms are again given in brackets. The remaining forms are found in all the periods of the language and become the regular ones in the post-canonical prose. Attestation of the former: Fo* Sg. Gen. fem. *tissāya* cf. *ctissāya* (§ 107. 1) VvCo. 106¹⁴; Sg. Loc. fem. *tāsam*¹ Milp. 136¹¹, (*tissam* M. II. 55²⁵), *tāyam* (*vclāyam*) Vin. I. 2², Ud. 1¹⁸, S. I. 5²¹. As for the forms of Pl. Gen. *tesānam*, *tāsānam* (double ending!), cf. *csānam* (§ 108) M. II. 154², *sabbcsānam* (§ 113. 1) M. III. 60²⁴, *katamcsānam* (§ 111. 2) Vin. III 7²². Sg. Nom. masc. *sa* is from the first rarer than *so*. In Sn. *sa* occurs 40 times but *so* 124 times; in the first 500 Theragāthās *sa* occurs 4 times (of which twice in the favourite construction *sa re*) and so 37 times. At the end *sa* becomes quite rare. —2. Instead of the Sg. Nom.-Acc. neut. *tam* we have sometimes also the Māgadhesque form *se*²: D. II. 278¹⁶⁻³⁰, 279¹², M. II 254²⁵, 255⁶. Cf. § 80*b*. I think the same form is contained in *seyyathā* 'just as', *seyyathidam* 'as follows, namely'³. Instead of the former we find *tamyathā* in Milp. 1¹¹. The *sa-* in *sayathā* 'as' Thl. 412, *sace* 'if' is analogous to Skr. *sa* in *a-yadi*, *sa-yathā* etc⁴⁻⁵ There is an isolated form with double ending Sg. Nom. neut. *tadam* Sn. p. 143, in apposition with the Rel. Pron *yam*⁴⁻⁴. The Pl. Nom. *te* appears also in Acc. Similarly in the flexion of other pronominal stems as well.

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² As Pkr. Māg. *se* (*se munde* = *tam mundam*), AMāg. *se* (*se diṭṭham* = *tad dṛṣṭam*). Pischel, § 423.

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³ Not so Pischel, § 423, in whose opinion *se* = Ved. *sed* (*sa-id*). Yet his arguments do not seem to be convincing.

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⁴ Pischel, Ibid.; BR. under the word *sa*, col. 452.

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⁵ The form *tasmasso* given by E. Müller, PGr. p. 88 from Spiegel's *Anecdota* p. 15 is of course nothing but *tasmā assa*. The Colombo ed. of the *Rasav.* (28) rightly reads *tasmā 'ssa*.

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§ 106. 1. It is worthy of note that (mostly in the two oldest periods of the language) the Pron. *so*, *sā*, *tam* is used to strengthen other pronouns. It is used (*a*) before the personal Pron. of the first and the second persons: *so cham* Sn. 190; *svāham* (§ 71. 1c) JāCo. I. 298⁹, *tam tam* (=*tam tram*) Jā. VI. 516¹⁹; *tesam vo* A. V. 86⁸. We have even *tesam vo*, *bhikkhave*, *tumhākam*......Iv. 32¹; *tesam no amhākam* M. III. 194¹⁹. The Pron. *so* may refer also to the person contained in a verbal form: *so karohi* '(you) do' Dh. 236; *so tato* cuto amutra udapādim ‘departed from there I was born again at that place’ D. I. 13²³. (b) It is used also after the Rel. Pron., which thereby gets the general meaning ‘whoever’: yā sā simā ... tam sīmam Vin. I. 109⁹; ye te dhammā ... tathārūpā ’ssa dhammā M. III. 11²⁰; yo so ... mama sahāyako DhCo. IV. 128³. (c) It is used before or after the Dem. Pron. ayam: ta-y-idam (=tam idam) D. I. 91⁴, M. II. 230⁹; svāyam (=so ayam) Vin. I. 29²⁶; ayam so JāCo. II. 16¹².—2. When repeated, the Pron. so signifies ‘this and that, any, various’: tāsu tāsu disāsu, tesu tesu janapadesu Vin. I. 21³⁴. Or it may refer to the indefinite Rel. Pron. yo yo, as for instance in Thl. 144, JāCo. I. 417⁸ etc.

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¹ Unnecessarily changed by Trenckner into *tāyam*.

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§ 107. 1. The Dem. Pron. eso (esa), esā, etam ‘this’ is inflected like so. In Sg. Nom. masc. both the forms eso and esa are equally in use, and that not only as substantive (esa JāCo. II. 6²⁴, eso JāCo. II. 7¹⁸) but also as adjective (esa JāCo. II. 10⁸, eso Sn. p. 102). The stem-form is etam- which appears, for instance, in etamkāraṇā ‘for this reason’ Vin. I. 57³⁵. Eso too, like so, is used in connection with other pronouns. Thus esāham (=eso aham) D. I. 110²³, or ayam eso Mhvs. 1. 42; or yāni etāni (yānāni) DhCo. IV 6⁷.—2. The Pron. ena (=Skr. enad) is found to occur only in the forms enam and enena ¹. Enam occurs as Acc. masc. in Sn. 981, 1114, M. III. 5⁷ etc., and as Acc. fem. in Jā. III. 395⁵ (changed into ena for sake of metre), as Acc. neut. in Sn. 583, Dh. 118, 313. The combination tam-enam occurs in M. II. 248¹¹, III. 5⁷, JāCo. I. 350⁶ etc., and as fem. in Vv. 21 4. The Sandhi-form of ena is na which is very common (cf. § 66 1, p. 107, with f-n. 2). The form nam in Sg. Acc. masc.-fem.-neut. is very well attested, as well as Dat.-Gen. nassa Jā. V. 203²¹; Pl. Acc. ne Vin. I. 42³⁵, S. I. 224²², JāCo. I. 99²⁶, 201¹⁷; Pl. Dat.-Gen. nesam Sn. 293, Thl. 130, Th2. 277, JāCo. I. 153¹⁰ etc.—3. Quite an isolated form is tyamhi Jā. VI. 292²¹, which might belong to the pronominal stem tya = Ved. tya, mentioned by Moggallāna ². The Comm. explains tyamhi by tamhi. The reading however is not quite certain.—4. Finally we have to mention the pronominal stem tuma of the third person which belongs to the two oldest periods of the language and which may be connected with the Ved. tman ³.

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¹ On Pkr. ena see Pischel, § 431.

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² R. O. Franke, PGr. p. 35f.

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³ This according to Oldenberg, KZ. 25. 319, while Johansson, Monde Oriental 1907-8, p. 99f. refuses to recognise any connection between the two words.

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The following forms of it are found to occur: Sg. Nom. tumo Sn. 890, Vin. II. 186³¹, A. III. 124¹⁰, 125⁶ and the Sg. Gen. tumassa Sn. 908.

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§ 108. The Demonstrative Pronoun ayam ‘this’ (stem-form idam, cf. idappaccaya D. I. 185²⁷).

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| | Sg. masc. | Sg. fem. | Pl. masc. | Pl. fem. |
| Nom. | ayam | ayam | ime | imā, (imāyo) |
| Acc. | imam | imam | ime | imā, (imāyo) |
| Instr. | iminā, (anena) | imayā | imehi | imāhi |
| Abl. | imasmā, imamhā, (asmā) | imāya | (ehi) | (imāhi) |
| Dat.-Gen. | imassa, assa | {imissā(-ssāya), (imāya), assā, (assāya)} | {imesam, (imesānam), (esam, esānam)} | {imāsam, (-sānam) (āsam)} |
| Loc. | {imasmim, imamhi, (asmim)} | {imissam, -ssā, (imāyam), (assam)} | {imesu, (esu)} | imāsu |

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The Neuter has in Sg. Nom.-Acc. idam, imam; Pl. Nom.-Acc. imāni. Otherwise as in masc.

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Notes: 1. The pronominal stem a-, ana- is gradually supplanted by the stem ima- in course of the development of the language. It made its way also into Nom.-Acc. Sg. neut.¹ Thus we have imam as Nom. neut. in Milp. 46⁷ and as Acc. neut. in S. IV. 125¹⁹, JāCo. I. 307⁸, DhCo. II. 29⁴, 31¹², Mhvs. 5. 157. Examples of forms of the a-, ana-stem: Sg. Instr. anena Mhvs. 5. 55; Abl. asmā Dh. 220, Th1. 237; Loc. asmim ² Dh. 168 f., 242, Sn. 634, 990; Pl. Gen. masc. esam M. II. 86² and esānam M. II. 154², III. 259⁴, fem. āsam Jā. I. 302⁴ (Comm. = etāsam). The two forms assa and assā of Sg. Dat.-Gen. masc. and fem. have been retained and are frequently used enclitically also in the post-canonical literature. Of the rarer forms of the stem ima- I should mention here imāyo Pl. Nom. fem. Sn. 1122 and Acc. Mhvs. 15. 20. Instead of the Sg. Gen. masc. imassa there also occurs, imissa JāCo. I. 333² in analogy with the fem. form imissā, and instead of iminā there is aminā in the compound tad-aminā ‘thereby, therefore’ S. I. 88¹⁸, M. II. 239⁹¹⁵, D. III. 83²¹ (beside tad-iminā M. II. 239²³).

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¹ In Pkr. the process has gone further still. Here we find also Sg. Nom. masc. ime, fem. imā; Pischel, § 430.

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² The reading ath' asmim rukkhe JāCo. III. 208¹⁷ is probably wrong. Of. the var. lec.

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240ª with var. lec.).—2. The pron. *ayam* appears again in combination with other pronouns. Thus with the relative: *yāyam* (=*yā ayam*) Thl. 124; (=*yo ayam*) Dh. 56; *yam-idam kammam* ... *tam* M. II. 220¹¹; *yān’ imāni alāpūni* Dh. 149. With the interrogative pron.: *ko nu kho ayam bhāsati* ‘who is speaking there?’ A. IV. 307²⁵. On the connection with *so* see § 106. 1 c.—3. When repeated, *ayañ-ca ayañ-ca* signifies ‘this and that’ and stands for an indefinite person or thing: *ayañ-ca ayañ-ca amhākaṃ rañño silācāro* ‘such and such are the virtues of our king’ JāCo. II. 3²³; *idañ-c’ idañ-ca kātuṃ vaṭṭati* ‘it is proper to do this and that’ JāCo. II. 4²⁸.

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§ 109. The Demonstrative Pronoun *asu*, *amu* ‘that’.

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| | Sg. masc. | fem. | Pl. masc. | fem. |
| Nom. | *asu*, *amu* | *asu* | *amū* | *amū*, (*amuyo*) |
| Acc. | *amuṃ* | *amuṃ* | *amū* | *amū*, (*amuyo*) |
| Instr. | *amunā* | *amuyā* | | *amūhi* |
| Abl. | *amusmā*, *amuhā* | *amuyā* | | *amūhi* |
| Dat.-Gen. | *amussa* | *amussā*, (*amuyā*) | | *amūsaṃ*, (*-sānaṃ*) |
| Loc. | *amusmiṃ*, *amumhi* | *amussaṃ*, (*amuyam*) | | *amūsu* |

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The Neuter has Sg. Nom.-Acc. *aduṃ*, Pl. *amū*, *amūni*. Otherwise as in Masc.

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Notes: 1. The stem *amu* has made its way also into Sg. Nom. masc.¹ (We have, e.g., *amu* M. II. 206²⁹, 223³⁰, Mhvs. Ṭī. 118² and *asu* M. III. 275⁷, S. IV. 315⁶, 398¹⁴). It is found also in Pl. Nom. Instr. Abl. Dat.-Gen. Loc. masc. neut. (as against Skr. *amī*, *amibhis* etc.), so that in Pāli masc. and neut. have coincided with fem. The neut. *aduṃ* occurs in S. IV. 315⁸, Jā. I. 500¹⁸, JāCo. I. 500²³.—2. When repeated twice, this Pron. signifies ‘the one. . . the other’. Cf. D. II. 200⁷. It is in apposition with the Rel. Pron., e.g., in *yaṃ vā aduṃ khettaṃ aggaṃ* ‘that field which is valuable’ S. IV. 315⁸.—3. The pronouns *amuka* and *asuka* are derived from the stems *amu* and *asu*, and like Lat. *quidam* they are used for indefinite person or thing: *amukasmiṃ gāme* ‘in the village so and so’ D.I. 193¹³ (cf. S. IV. 46⁷);

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¹ As also Pkr. *amū*; beside it AMāg. *aso* = *asu*, Pāli *asu*. Pischel, § 432. In Pkr. also Nom. Acc. neut. *amuṃ*.

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‘this much’ Milp. 316²⁵, DhCo II. 15⁸ etc. and tattaka DhCo. II. 16¹¹ etc. From the same stem is derived the Adv. kiltāvatā ‘how far?’ Vin. I. 3¹, M. I. 14², S. IV. 38³² etc.

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§ 112.1. The Possessive Pronoun for all three persons is sa=sva (‘property’; Instr. sena Jā. II. 22²³, Pl. sāni M. I. 366⁵) and saka=svaka (Sg. Instr. sakena dārena Vv. 83. 20, Abl. sakamhā gāmā D. I. 91²⁵, cf. samhā raṭṭhi Jā. VI. 502³⁴, Loc. samhī āsane D. II. 225¹⁷. Pl. Acc. sake ‘one’s own people’ Jā. VI. 505¹⁶ etc.). The Poss. Pron. of the first person madiya (in Childers, PD.)=Skr. madiya seems to be unattested. The Adj. māmaka, fem. -ikā=Skr. māmaka signifies ‘lovable, valuable’ Iv. 112¹⁵; at the end of a compound it signifies ‘loving, worshipping’ JāCo. III. 182¹⁰, 183¹².

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—2. The oblique cases of attan ‘soul, self’ (§92) are used as reflexive pronoun: attānaṃ damayanti subbatā Thl.. 19; attānaṃ nāsesi JāCo. I. 510¹¹; attana kataṃ pāpaṃ Dh. 161. Cf. attadutiya ‘with one companion’ D. II. 147²¹; attasattama ‘in group of seven’ Smp. 320⁵, attaṭṭama ‘in group of eight’ VvCo. 149¹⁷ etc.—3. From pronominal stems are derived: yāvant ‘how big, how much’ (Pl. Nom. yāvant’ ettha samāgatā Dh. 337; retained also in the conjunctions yāva or yāvaṃ, yāvatā, correlative tāva, tāvatā) and yāvataka ‘how big, how much’ (Sg. Nom. neut. -kaṃ S.IV. 320²³, 321⁷; Pl. Acc. masc.-ke Vin. I. 83²⁷), tāvataka ‘so big, so much’ (Sg. Nom. neut. -kaṃ S. IV. 320²³, 321⁷, Instr. -kena DhCo. III. 61¹⁴, Milp. 312⁹; Pl. Acc. masc. -ke Vin. I. 83²⁸), as well as the frequent formations with -di, -disa,-risa,-dikkha,-rikkha=Skr.-dṛś, -dṛśa,-dṛkṣa (cf. § 43. 1): mādisa, mārisa ‘such as I’ (cf. Pl. Nom. iem. mādisiyo DhCo. II. 17¹²); amhādisa ‘such as we’ (Pl. Acc. masc. -se Mhvs.5. 128); tādisa ‘such as you’ JāCo. I. 445²³; tumhādisa ‘such as you (pl.)’ (DhCo.II. 39¹⁹, III. 235⁹); yādisa(ka) ‘of what sort’ and tādi, tādisa(ka), etādisa(ka) ‘of that sort’ (Sn. 522, S. I. 227²⁷ (verse), D. II. 109¹³, DhCo. II. 16⁹, PvCo. 10²⁵ (verse); Thl. 201, Vv. 84. 54, D. II. 157⁴ (verse), S.I. 202⁹ (verse)); īdi, īdisa(ka), īdikkha, īrisa ‘of this sort’ (Mhvs. 10. 54, 14. 13, JāCo. I. 60³³ (verse) ); edisa(ka), erisa ‘of this sort’ (Sn. 313, Vin. I. 195¹¹); kidi, kīdisa, kirisa ‘of what sort?’ (Sn. 836, 1088, JāCo. I. 496²¹, II. 3²³; kimdisa S. I. 34¹⁰ (verse) ); yādisakīdisa ‘of whatever sort’ (Jā. I. 420⁷).

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§ 113. The following are pronominal adjectives: 1. sabba ‘all, whole, every’ = sarva. It is inflected like the Rel. Pron. Cf. Pl. Nom. masc. sabbe Sn. 179, M. III. 61¹², JāCo. I. 280¹, Gen. masc. sabbesaṃ Sn. 1030, M. II. 201⁷, JāCo. II. 352¹⁷ and sabbesānaṃ M. III.

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60³⁴; Gen. fem. *sabbāsam* S. I. 17²⁷; Sg. Loc. fem. *sabbāya* Vin. I. 165³⁷.—2. *vissa* ‘all’=*viśva* is archaic and quite rare. We have the Sg. Acc. masc. *vissam* (*dhammam*) Dh. 266. The Comm. however explains the word by *visamam*.—3. *añña* ‘another’ =*anya* is inflected like *sabba*. Cf. Pl. Nom. masc. *aññe* Sn. 201 etc., Gen. *aññesam* Sn. 213, JāCo. I. 254²¹ etc. But an *i*-vowel appears in the stem in Sg. Dat.-Gen. and Loc. fem.: Dat.-Gen. *aññissā* Vin. I. 15¹⁰, Loc. *aññissā* (*guhāya*) JāCo. II. 27¹⁸. When repeated, *añño... añño* signifies ‘the one...the other’ JāCo. I. 456⁸. In *aññamañña* ‘one another’ only the last component is inflected: *aññamaññassa* D. I. 56²⁹, *aññamaññamhi* D. I. 20¹⁷, *aññamaññehi* Sn. 936, Thl. 933.—4. *aññatara* ‘one of two’ D. I. 228², M. I. 62³⁵ or ‘any one’ Vin. I. 23⁴, D. I. 62³⁴. The Sg. Gen. fem. is *aññatarissā* S. I. 140²⁰.—5. *aññatama* ‘any one’ Mhvs. 38. 14.—6. *itara* ‘another’ too is inflected like *sabba*: Pl. Nom. masc. *itare* DhCo. IV. 40¹³, Dat.-Gen. fem.-*rāsam* JāCo. II. 27¹⁹. ‘The one...the other’ is expressed by *eko... itaro* VvCo. 149⁷, or *itaro...itaro* Mhvs. 25. 62; *itaritara* signifies ‘the one and the other, everyone, any one’ Thl. 230, Jā. I. 467²⁸ (Comm. =*yassa kassaci*), M. II. 6¹, A. V. 91⁶ (*itaritarena* ‘reciprocally’ Vv. 84¹¹, likewise *itaretarehi* Attanāgaluvs. 10.5).—7. Also *para* and *apara* ‘a different one’ are inflected like *sabba*: Pl. Nom. masc. *pare* Sn. 762, Vin. I. 5⁴, D. I. 2³³, *apare* JāCo. III. 51²⁵; Dat.-Gen. *paresam* Thl. 743, 942, Vv. 80. 6, D. I. 8⁹; *paro...paro* ‘the one...the other’ D. I. 224¹³. As for *param* Adv. ‘beyond, later’ and Prep. ‘after’, as well as for *aparāparam* Adv. ‘from one side to the other, up and down,’ see Childers, PD. and D. Andersen, PGl. under the words.—8. *pubba* ‘the fore part, eastern’, *uttara* ‘the upper part, northern’, *adhara* ‘the lower part’ are said to be inflected like *sabba*. Of *pubba*, however, only the Sg. Loc. *pubbe* ‘earlier, formerly’ is attested, the other forms occurring only at the end of compounds. Of *uttara* we have the Loc. Sg. fem. *uttarāya* (*disāya*) D. I. 74²³ beside *uttarassam disāyam* S. I. 148⁴ (verse), Adv. *uttarena* ‘to the north’ and *uttarato* ‘from the north’.—9. Of *ekacca* ‘one, any one’ (Adj. Vin. I. 183²⁹, Subst. S. III. 243¹⁴) the Pl. Nom. is *ekacce* ‘some’ S. IV. 102¹, Sn. p. 101, JāCo. III. 126¹⁷, Dat.-Gen. *ekaccānam* Vin. I. 45¹⁸, III. 20¹²; *ekacco...ekacco* signifies ‘the one...the other’ S. IV. 305¹⁰⁻¹¹, Vin. I. 88³⁰⁻³¹, DhCo. II. 12⁸⁻⁹; *ekaccam... ekaccam* ‘partly...partly’ D.I. 17¹². Its derivative is *ekacciya* ‘individually’: Sg. Nom. masc. *ekacciyo* Jā. I. 326⁸, Vin. I. 290¹, Acc. *-yam* Vin. I. 289², Nom. fem. *ekacciyā* (*itthī*) S. I. 86¹² (verse); Pl.

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Nom. masc. *ekacciyā* Jā. I. 326⁷ (Comm. = *ekacce*), S. I. 199²⁰ (verse).

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III. Numerals

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1. Cardinal Numbers.

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§ 114. The numbers one and two. 1. *eka* ‘one’ is inflected like *añña* (§ 113. 3). Thus Sg. Dat.-Gen. masc. *ekassa* Sn. 397, DhCo. II. 23¹⁵, but fem. *ekissā* Vin. II. 38²⁶, JāCo. I. 151³; Loc. masc. *ekasmim*, but fem. *ekissā* M. III. 65¹⁵, JāCo. VI. 32²⁰ or *ekissam* DhCo. III. 346⁶. The Pl. *eke* signifies ‘some’ D. I. 12²⁹; when repeated, *eko...eko* signifies ‘the one...the other’ D. I. 181¹, Mhvs. 5. 103; *ekameko* is ‘everyone separately, individually’ D. II. 171¹, Mhvs. 4. 52. On *ekacca*, *ekacciya* see § 113. 9.—2. *dvi* ‘two’ (in compound also *di-*, cf. *diguṇa* ‘double’) has the following forms for all three genders: Nom. *dve* (masc. DhCo. II. 9¹⁴, JāCo. I. 151⁵, fem. Sn. p. 102, neut. JāCo. IV. 137¹⁶) and *duve* (masc. Th1. 245, fem. Sn. 1001); Acc. *dve* (masc. JāCo. II. 27²⁰, DhCo. II. 4¹⁴, fem. DhCo. II. 42⁴) and *duve* (masc. Mhvs. 5. 213, neut. Mhvs. 10. 47); Instr. *dvīhi* (masc. JāCo. I. 338⁶, II. 153¹⁴, fem. M. I. 78², II. 162⁶); Dat.-Gen. *dvinnam* (masc. Mhvs. 24 19, JāCo. II. 154²², DhCo. II. 12⁸, fem. M. I. 65²³, JāCo. II. 27¹⁹) and *duvinnam*; Loc. *dvīsu* (masc. Mhvs. 6. 25, neut. JāCo. I. 338⁶, DhCo. II. 8⁸). Similar is the flection of *ubho* ‘both’: Nom.-Acc. *ubho* Dh. 74, Sn. 582, JāCo. I. 510²⁶, Vin. I. 10¹⁵ etc. (and *ubhe*); Instr.-Abl. *ubhohi* D. II. 176²², JāCo. IV. 142¹⁰ (and *ubhehi*); Dat.-Gen. *ubhinnam* Jā. I. 353¹⁴, JāCo. I. 338¹⁰, Mhvs. 2. 25; Loc. *ubhosu* Sn. 778, JāCo. I. 264¹⁸, VvCo. 275¹⁷ (and *ubhesu*). The Sandhi-form *vubho* occurs in Jā. VI. 509²⁴. The word *ubhaya* ‘both’ is used both in Sg. and Pl.: thus *puññe ca pāpe ca ubhaye* ‘both in virtue and sin’ Sn. 547; *ubhayena samyamena* ‘through both (kinds of) self-control’ PvCo. 11²; *gihīhi ca anāgārehi ca ubhayehi* ‘with both the laity and the priests’ DhCo. IV. 174¹; *candimasuriyā ubhay’ettha* (= *-yā ettha*) *dissare* ‘both sun and moon are visible here’ Vv. 83. 4. Cf. DhCo. I. 29¹³ (verse). In Voc. we have *ubhayo nisāmetha* ‘listen to me, you two!’ Th2. 449 (cf. 457); *ubhayam* ‘both’ Dh. 404. In the same way *dubhaya* is used in the Gāthā-language, of which the initial *d* might be derived from *dvi*: *dubhayam outūpapātam* ‘both degeneration and regeneration’ Sn. 51;

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*dubhayāni paṇḍarāni* ‘both kinds of intelligence’ Sn. 526; *Todeyya-Kappā dubhayo* ‘the two (the pair)’ T and K.’ Sn. 1007, 1125; Acc. *dubhayam lokam* ‘both worlds’ Jā. III. 442⁴. Cf. *dubhato* Jā. VI. 497⁴, which is explained in the Comm. by *ubhato*.

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§ 115. The numbers three to ten¹: 3. *ti* ‘three’ (in compound *ti-*, cf. *tiguṇa* ‘three times’, *tipiṭaka* ‘collection of three baskets’): Masc. Nom.-Acc. *tayo* Sn. 311, JāCo. III. 51²⁵, DhCo. II. 4¹⁴ etc. (*tayas-su* Sn. 231); Instr.-Abl. *tihi* Dh. 391, S. IV. 175²⁶; Dat.-Gen. *tiṇṇam* Th1. 127, S. IV. 86¹⁹, DhCo. II. 46²⁰ and (the later form) *tiṇṇannam*² Milp. 309⁸, Mhvs. 15. 34; Loc. *tisu* DhCo. II. 27⁴. Fem. Nom.-Acc. *tisso* Th1. 24, JāCo. II. 33¹⁶; Instr.-Abl. *tihi* Th2. 11, S. I. 166³⁰ (verse), Sn. 656; Dat.-Gen. *tissannam* D. II. 66¹⁷, S. IV. 234²⁸; *tisu* Sn. 842, DhCo. II. 25⁹. Neut. Nom.-Acc. *tīṇi* Th2. 134. Mhvs. 6. 25; for the rest as in masc.—4. *Catu* ‘four’ (in compound *catu-*, *catur-*, cf. *catukkaṇṇa* ‘quadrangular’ A. 1. 141³⁰ (verse), *caturassa* ‘quadrilateral’ Jā. VI. 518²⁹, *catugguṇa* ‘four times’ JāCo. I. 422²⁷): Masc. Nom.-Acc. *cattāro* D. I. 91²⁹, DhCo. II. 9¹⁶, JāCo. IV. 139³ and *caturo* (Nom. Sn. 84, Acc. Sn. 969); Instr.-Abl. *catūhi* Sn. 231, DhCo. II. 3⁹, *catuhi* JāCo. I. 279³¹ and (only archaically) *catubbhi* Sn. 229, Jā. III. 207¹⁴ (*catubbhi ṭhānesu* Vv. 32. 7); Dat.-Gen. *catunnam* D. 1. 91³⁰, DhCo. II. 15¹⁴; Loc. *catūsu* DhCo. II. 42¹⁰, IV. 56¹² and *catusu* JāCo. I. 262⁹. Fem. Nom.-Acc. *catasso* Vv. 78. 6, S. III. 240¹⁷, JāCo. I. 262¹⁰ (Acc. *caturo disā* Vv. 6. 10); Instr.-Abl. *catūhi* JāCo. I. 339⁴ and *catuhi* D. I. 102²; Dat.-Gen. *catunnam* D. I. 116¹¹ and *catassannam*; Loc. *catūsu* and *catusu* JāCo. III. 46²⁰. Neut. Nom.-Acc. *cattāri* Sn. 227, Th2. 171, DhCo. II. 24¹⁵; for the rest as in masc.—5. *Pañca* ‘five’, *cha* ‘six’, *satta* ‘seven’, *aṭṭha* ‘eight’, *nava* ‘nine’, and *dasa* ‘ten’ are inflected in all three genders in the following manner: Nom.-Acc. *pañca*, *cha* etc.; Instr.-Abl. *pañcahi*, *chahi* Dh. II. 28⁵ etc. [with protraction *aṭṭhāhi* Jā. III. 207¹⁴, archaic: *dasabhi* Vin. I. 38²² (verse)]; Dat.-Gen. *pañcannam* S. IV. 173¹⁵, *channam* Sn. 169, A. I. 22³¹ etc.; *sattānam* beside *°annam* M. III. 81²³; Loc. *pañcasu*, *chasu* and *chassu* Sn. 169, *sattasu* Ud. 65¹⁷ etc In compound these numerals appear in the form *pañca-* etc. given above. On *cha-* *chaḷ-* cf. § 67, 72. 1.

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¹ For parallels in Pkr. cf. Pischel, § 438 f.

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² On this double-formation cf. R. O. Franke, PGr. p. 13.

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§ 116. The tens, hundreds etc. 1. The numbers from 20 to 100 are: 20: visa, vīsaṃ, vīsā, vīsati = viṃsati.—30: tiṃsa, tiṃsaṃ, tiṃsā, tiṃsati = triṃśat. — 40: cattārīsa, -rīsaṃ, -rīsā; cattālīsa, -līsaṃ, -līsā; tālīsa, -līsaṃ, -līsā = catvāriṃśat.—50: paññāsa, -saṃ, -sā; paṇṇāsa = pañcāśat.—60: saṭṭhi = ṣaṣṭi.—70: sattati, sattari = saptati.—80: asīti = aśīti.—90: navuti = navati.—100: sata = śata.—200: dve satāni or dvisata.—300: tiṇi satāni or tisata etc.—1000: sahassa = sahasra.—2000: dve sahassāni etc.—100 000: lakkha.—10 millions: koṭi¹.—2. Intermediate numbers: 11: ekādasa, ekārasa = ekādaśa.—12: dvādasa, bārasa = dvādaśa.—13: terasa, telasa = trayodaśa.—14: catuddasa, cuddasa = caturdaśa.—15: pañcadasa, pannarasa, paṇṇarasa = pañcadaśa.—16: soḷasa, sorasa = ṣoḍaśa.—17: sattadasa, sattarasa = saptadaśa.—18: aṭṭhārasa, aṭṭhārasa = aṣṭādaśa.—19: ekūnavīsa, ekūnavīsati = ekonaviṃśati, ūnaviṃśati.—22: dvāvīsa, sati, bāvīsa, -sati; 23: tevīsa; 24: catuvīsa; 25: pañcavīsa, paṇṇavīsati, paṇṇuvīsa etc.—32: dvattiṃsa, battiṃsa; 36: chattiṃsa; 49: ekūna-paññāsa; 55: pañcapaññāsa; 56: chappaññāsa etc.²

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¹ The designations for higher numbers, such as abbuda etc. (see Abhp. 475, Dpvs. 3. 11 f.) are confined to lexicons.

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² On the numerals in Pkr. cf. Pischel, § 445 f.. 443 f.

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§ 117. The mode of using the numerals is unusually varied in character. 1. The numbers 1 to 18 are adjectives. Cf. dve vā tiṇi vā rattindivāni ‘two or three days and nights’ D. II. 327¹⁹; catunnaṃ māsānaṃ accayena ‘after the expiry of four months’ Sn. p. 99; soḷasannaṃ puggalānaṃ ‘of 16 individuals’ Milp. 310¹⁸. On the analogy of the tens, however, also the numeral compounds of dasa may take a final -ṃ and thus become substantives: nava satta dvādasañ-ca...pañcavīsaṃ dvādasañ-ca, dvādasañ-ca navāpi ca ‘9 and 7 and 12..., 25 and 12 and (again) 12 and 9 (kings)’ Mhvs. 2. 9.—2. Of the decades those in -ā are feminine substantives, of which the form in -āya (Instr. Dat.-Gen) actually occurs: ekassa pi dadāmi dvinnam-pi dadāmi ... dasannam-pi dadāmi vīsāya pi dadāmi tiṃsāya pi dadāmi cattārīsāya pi dadāmi paññāsāya pi dadāmi satassa pi dadāmi ‘I give (alms) to one, to 2,... to 10, to 20, to 30, to 40, to 50, to 100’ Sn. p. 86. The decades in -a may be declined, but are mostly left uninflected; those in -aṃ are used as nominatives and accusatives; those in -ti are fem. substantives and are inflected according to § 86 or remain undeclined. The numerals sata and sahassa are neuter.—3. When connected with substantives, the numerals from 20 upwards may be used appositionally in the same case as the substantive: Loc. *vīsatiyā yojanesu timsāya yojanesu* ‘at (the distance of) 20 (30) miles’ M. II. 162²⁰; Instr.

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*dvattimsāya mahāpurisalakkhaṇchi asītiyā anuvyañjanchi* ‘with the 32 major and 80 minor insignia of a Buddha’ VvCo. 323¹⁴; *ekūnapaññāsāya kaṇḍchi* ‘with 49 arrows’ JāCo. III. 220²¹; *chattimsatiyā sotchi* ‘with 36 streams’ DhCo. IV. 48¹⁶; Acc. *vīsatim-pi bhikkhū timsam-pi bhikkhū cattārisam-pi bhikkhū* ‘20 or 30 or 40 monks’ M. III. 79⁶; *vīsam-pi jātiyo timsam-pi jātiyo cattālisam-pi jātiyo paññāsam-pi jātiyo* ‘20 and 30 and 40 and 50 existences’ Iv. 99³; *aṭṭhacattārīsam vassāni* ‘48 years’ Sn. 289; Gen. *imesam tevīsatiyā buddhānam santike* ‘before these 23 Buddhas’ DhCo. I. 84⁸. In the following examples the decades remain uninflected: Nom. *paññāsa yojanā saṭṭhi yojanā* ‘50, 60 miles’ DhCo. III. 217⁹; *timsa rattiyo* D. II. 327¹⁰; *pañcapaññāsa vassāni...pañcavīsati vassāni* Th1. 904; *dvattimsa mahāpurisalakkhaṇāni* Sn. p. 102 (but *dvattimsā* mah- Sn. 1000); Acc. *ckūnapaññāsa jane* ‘49 people’ JāCo. III. 220²⁰; *sattasattari ñāṇavatthūni* ‘the 77 items of knowledge’ S. II. 59³⁴; Instr. *dvattimsa mahāpurisalakkhaṇchi* M. II. 135²¹.—3. Also *sata* and *sahassa*, as well as numerals with them as components, may be used in apposition with a substantive: Nom. *gandhabbā cha sahassāni* ‘6000 G.’s’ Th1. 164; *bhikkhuniyo sahassam* ‘1000 nuns’ Mhvs. 5. 187; Acc. *pañcasatāni Caṇḍālapurise* ‘500 Caṇḍālas’ Mhvs. 10. 91; *gāthā satam* ‘100 verses’ Dh. 102; Instr. *pañcasatehi therehi* ‘with 500 Theras’ Dpvs. 4. 6.

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The substantive in such constructions appears sometimes in the Sg., as in Acc. *aṭṭhasatam bhattam* (instead of *bhattāni*) ‘800 meals’ Milp. 88⁴. The numeral is treated as an Adj. in Nom. *pañcasatā vāṇijā*, fem. *pañcasatā yakkhiniyo*, Acc. *pañcasate vāṇije* JāCo. II. 128¹⁷⁻²².—4. The numerals may further be used in Sg. as abstracta and substantives may be connected with them as genitive attributes: *paro-sahassam bhikkhūnam* ‘over 1000 monks’ Th1. 1238 (but appositionally *paro-sahassam puttā* ‘over 1000 sons’ D. I. 89⁴); *sahassam-pi aṭṭhānam* ‘1000 things’ S. I. 229¹³; *vihārānam pañcasatam* ‘500 monasteries’ Mhvs. 12. 33; *saṭṭhim arahatam akā* ‘he made 60 Arhats’ Mhvs. 1. 14.—5. Finally, a numeral and a substantive may unite into a compound. Cf. *aṭṭhavassam sattamāsam rājā rajjam akārayi* ‘the king reigned for 8 years and 7 months’ Mhvs. 35. 46. The compound *vassasatam* of this type, signifying ‘hundred years’, is very frequently used. Compounds like the following are also very much in evidence: *satta manussatāni* ‘700 people’ JāCo. IV. 142³; *dvīsu vassatesu (atikkantesu)* ‘(after the expiry of) 200 years ' Mhvs. 33. 80; pañca-itthi-satehi ' with 500 women ' Mhvs. 14. 57, etc.

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2. Ordinals, Distributives, Fractional Numbers, Numeral Adverbs, Numeral Adjectives and Numeral Substantives

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§ 118. 1. The ordinals from 1 to 10 correspond to those of Skr.: 1. paṭhama = Skr. prathama.—2. dutiya (§ 23) = dvitīya.—3. tatiya (§ 23) = tṛtīya.—4. catuttha = caturtha.—5. pañcama = pañcama.—6. chaṭṭha (chaṭṭhama Sn. 101), saṭṭha = ṣaṣṭha.—7. sattama, fem. -mī Th2. 41 = saptama.—8. aṭṭhama (fem. aṭṭhamī ' the 8th day ' Th2 31) = aṣṭama.—9. navama = navama.—10. dasama (fem. dasamī ' the 10. day ' Mhvs. 19. 33) = daśama.—2. The same is the case with the decades, the only difference being that in the longer forms (excepting 60 and 80) it is not -tama, but only -ma that is attached to the basic form in -ti: 20. vīsati-ma or vīsa = viṃśatitama or viṃśa.—30. tiṃsatima or tiṃsa = triṃśattama or triṃśa.—40. cattārīsati-ma, -lisatima or cattārīsa, -līsa = catvāriṃśattama or catvāriṃśa.—50. paññāsati-ma = pañcāśattama.—60. saṭṭhitama = ṣaṣṭitama.—70. sattatima = saptatitama.—80. asītitama = aśītitama.—90. navutima = navatitama.—100. satama = śatatama.—3. The intermediate numbers from 11 to 19 agree on the one hand with Skr., and on the other with Pkr.¹: 11. ekādasama fem. -mī M. III. 255⁹ = AMāg. ekkārasama; or ekādasa. fem. ekādasī ' the 11. day ' = Skr. ekādaśa.—12. dvādasama, fem. -mī M III. 255¹⁰ = AMāg. duvālasama; or dvādasa, in fem. dvādasī ' the 12. day ' = Skr. dvādaśa.—13. terasama, fem. -mī M. III. 255¹¹ = AMāg. terasama; or terasa Mhvs. 16. 2. = Skr. trayodaśa.—14. cuddasama, fem. -mī M. III. 255¹³ = Pkr. coddasama; or cuddasa, fem. cuddasī ' the 14. day ' Mhvs. 19. 39; also cātuddasa Vin. I. 87³⁰, 132¹⁸, or -sī Th2. 31 = Skr. caturdaśa.—15. pañcadasama DhCo. III. 27¹¹; paṇṇarasama = AMāg. paṇṇarasama; or paṇṇarasa D. II. 207¹⁷, more frequently pannarasa Th1. 1234, D. I. 47⁶, Vin. I. 87³⁰ (pañcaddasī ' the 15. day ' Th2. 31) = Skr. pañcadaśa.—16. soḷasama = AMāg. soḷasama; and soḷasa, fem. -sī Dh. 70, Vv. 43.8, A. IV. 252⁹ = Skr. ṣoḍaśa.—17. sattarasama.—18. aṭṭhārasama = AMāg. aṭṭhārasama.—19. ekūnavīsati-ma = AMāg. egūnavisaīma.—Cf. further 21. *ekavīsati*ma; 22. *bāvīsati*ma; 23. *tevīsati*ma; 24. *catuvīsati*ma; 25. *pañcavīsati*ma; 26. *chabbīsati*ma, etc.—33. *tettiṃsati*ma; 36. *chattiṃsati*ma, etc.—4. On the use of the ordinals: In some isolated cases the ordinal number stands for the cardinal: *pañcamehi bandhanehi* ‘with 5 bonds’ S. IV. 201²², 202⁹. Worthy of notice are the compounds with *attan*, such as *attadutiya* ‘with one companion’ D. II. 147²¹ etc. Cf. § 112. 2.

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¹ Pischel, PkrGr. § 449

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§ 119. 1. The distributive numbers are expressed by repeating the cardinals or the ordinals as the case may be: *aṭṭhaṭṭha there ‘macce ca pesayi* ‘to each he sent 8 theras and court-officials’ Mhvs. 5. 249. Cf. DhCo. I. 89⁶⁻⁷.—*Addha*, *aḍḍha* ‘half’ is the fractional number. Like Skr. *ardha*, Pkr. *addha*, *aḍḍha*¹, it is compounded with the next higher ordinal number, as in German ‘dritthalb, vierthalb’: *aḍḍhatiya*, *aḍḍhateyya* JāCo. I. 450²¹, II. 93⁴ (cf. § 65. 2) is 2½; *aḍḍhuddha* Vin. I. 34¹⁰, DhCo. I. 87²¹ (= Pkr. *aḍḍhuṭṭha* out of *addha* + *tuṭṭha*, Skr. *ardhacaturtha*) is 3½. Cf. *saddhiṃ aḍḍhateḷaschi bhikkhusatehi* ‘with 12½ hundred monks’ Sn. p. 100, D. I. 47⁴; *aḍḍhanavamasahassāni* ‘8500 (persons)’ Mhvs. 15. 201. If on the other hand *addha*, *aḍḍha* stands after a cardinal number, it signifies half thereof: *dasaddha* is thus=5, Th1. 1244. ‘Thus *purisānaṃ dasaḍḍhehi satehi parivārito* ‘surrounded by 500 men’ Mhvs. 5. 122.—3. Numeral adverbs: ‘once’ is expressed by *sakiṃ*, *saki* (*sakid-* or *sakad-* in sandhi before a vowel, § 67, 72. 1) = *sakṛt*, or *ekadā* (*appekadā* ‘sometimes’ M. II. 7¹, A. V. 83¹⁸). These adverbs are formed moreover by affixing the formans *°khattuṃ* (§ 22) = *°kṛtvas²*: *tikkhattuṃ* ‘3 times’ Vin.I. 104²⁸; *catukkhattuṃ* ‘4 times’ Th2. 37, 169; *chakkhattuṃ* ‘6 times’ D. II. 198²⁴, DhCo. III. 196²⁰; *satakkhattuṃ* ‘100 times’ Th2. 519 etc. Also *katikkhattuṃ* ‘how many times?’ M. III. 125⁷. Moreover the Sg. or the Pl. Acc. *vāraṃ* and *vāre* is used to express ‘time’: *eka-vāraṃ* ‘once’ JāCo. III. 150 ²¹; *dve vāre* ‘twice’ DhCo. I. 47¹¹; *tayo vāre* ‘3 times’ DhCo. I. 48⁶; *navo vāre* ‘9 times’ Mhvs. 30. 52; *bahu-vāre* ‘many times’ JāCo. II. 88⁸. Cf. also *dvisu vāresu* ‘twice’ Mhvs. 6. 25; *tatiye vāre* ‘the third time, or the third chance’ Mhvs. 6. 26. Otherwise ‘the first time’, ‘the second time’ are simply *paṭhamaṃ*, *dutiyam*, etc. *Ekaso* = *ekaso* means ‘individually’.—4. Numeral adverbs in ‘times’ are constructed with *°dhā* = Skr. *°dhā*, Pkr. *°hā*: *sattadhā* ‘seven times, in seven parts or pieces’ D. I. 94²⁴, II. 234²³. Similarly *salad-hā*, sahassadhā —5. Numeral adjectives in ‘kinds, fold’ are constructed with °vidha = Skr. °vidha, Pkr. °viha, or with °guṇa = Skr., Pkr. °guṇa : anekavidha ‘of many kinds’ Dpvs. 6. 70; sattavidha ‘of seven kinds, seven-fold’ JāCo. I. 91³³, Milp. 102¹³; aṭṭhaguṇa ‘eight-fold’ Th2. 153. —6. As for numeral substantives, we have duka neut. ‘aggregate of two’, tika ‘aggregate of three’ DCo. I. 24²⁷ = Skr. dvika, trika, Pkr. duka or duya, tiya; catukka ‘aggregate of four’ (§ 62.2.) = Skr. catuṣka; sataka ‘aggregate of hundred’ JāCo. I. 74²² = śataka.

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¹ BR. sub voce; Pischel, PkrGr. § 450.

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² Pkr. AMg *khutto*, Māh. *huttaṃ*; Pischel, § 451.

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