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State and Government in Ancient India c18: Chapter XI: Village Administration

State and Government in Ancient India c18

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Chapter XI: Village Administration

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Since earliest times, the village has been the pivot of administration in India. Its importance was naturally very great in an age when communications were slow and industrialisation unknown. Town played a relatively unimportant part in ancient Indian life; the Vedic hymns frequently pray for the prosperity of villages¹, but rarely for that of towns and cities. While describing the prosperity of a kingdom, Jātakas proudly give the large number of prosperous villages included in it, but are altogether oblivious to the existence of towns and cities that may have flourished in it. In the Vedic age, as shown already, states were small and this circumstance further enhanced the importance of the village. In later times, even when kingdoms became large, there was no change in the situation, because the village was the natural pivot of administration in a rural society. In modern times, governors often convene a conference of collectors to discuss important questions of administrative policy; in ancient times kings like Bimbisāra used to convene a meeting of village headmen for similar purpose.² There is no doubt that villages were the real centres of social life and important units in the country's economy. They sustained the edifice of national culture, prosperity and administration.

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¹ *R. V.*, I. 114. 1; I. 44. 10

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² *Mahāvagga*, V. 1

The Village Headman

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The village government was usually carried under the supervision and direction of the village headman. He is called *grāmaṇī* in the Vedic literature and figures frequently in the Jātakas. The *Arthaśāstra* attests to his important part in the administration and inscriptions of almost all the provinces¹ refer to him during the first millennium of the Christian era. He was called *grāmika* or *grāmeyaka* in northern India,² and *mununda* in the eastern Deccan³ in the early centuries of Christian era and *grāmukūṭa* or *paṭṭakila* in Mahārāshṭra, *gāvunda* in Karnatak and *mahattaka* or *mahantaka* in U.P.⁴ between *c.* 600 and 1200 A.D.⁵

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¹ Very often government used to alienate village revenues in favour of military captains or Brāhmaṇa scholars. The alienees in such cases were often called *grāmabhoktṛis* or *grāmapatis*. The village headman is not to be confounded with such alienees of government revenues.

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² *E. I.*, I. p. 387; *I. A.*, V. p. 155; *C. I. I.*, III. p. 256

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³ *E. I.*, IX. p. 58; *I. A.*, XVIII. pp. 15-7; *E. I.*, II. pp. 359-61

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⁴ A. S. Altekar, *Rāshṭrakūṭas*, p. 189

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⁵ *I. A.*, XVIII. pp. 15-17; *XIV.* pp. 103-4; *XII*; p. 271, etc.

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Normally speaking there was only one headman for each village.⁶ His post was usually hereditary, government having the right to nominate another scion of the family if the succession of the son was not approved. By caste, he was usually a non-Brāhmaṇa. He was the leader of the village militia, and therefore he may have often belonged to the Kshatriya caste. Sometimes Vaiśyas too aspired for and obtained the office.⁷

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⁶ Sometimes we come across more than one village headman; some villages in Karnāṭak had as many as six or even twelve headmen (*Rāshṭrakūṭas*, pp. 189-90). This was probably due to the necessity of accommodating the claims of the nemuerous branches of the original family. Usually, however, claims were adjusted by alloting the office to each branch by rotation.

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⁷ *T. S.*, II. 5.4.4. shows that the office of the *grānmaṇī* as often the goal of the ambition of a Vaiśya.

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The headman was the most important officer of the village administration. His order was represented on the council of *ratnins* in the Vedic period and he appears almost like a village king in the Jātakas. He figures at the head of the village officers mentioned in the inscriptions of the first millennium of the Christian era. Gāhaḍawāla rulers are often seen⁸ consulting the village headman when making land grants.

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⁸ *E. I.*, II. p. 395-61

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Defence of the village was the most important duty of the village headman; he was the officer in charge of its militia⁹

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⁹ See Kulāvaka and Kharassara Jātakas for the early period; for the later period, compare;—

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यथा स्वसैन्येन सह ग्रामाध्यक्षादिसैन्यं सर्वाध्यक्षस्य भवति ।
*Sāṅkhyattvakaumudī*, p. 54 (Jha's ed.)

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and watch and ward. Life was much more unsettled in ancient times, and owing to slow communications the help of the Central Government could not be always expected at the nick of time when there were sudden raids of bandits and robbers. The villagers therefore had to be self-reliant in defence.¹ We often come across the headman and members of the village militia laying down their lives while defending their village.²

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¹ *Arthaśāstra*, Bk. II. Chap. I

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² *Saptaśatī*, VII, 31; *E. C.*, VIII, Sorab No. 445; *I. A.*, VII. p. 104; *S. I. E. R.*, Nos. 479 and 753 of 1915

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The collection of the government revenue was the next important duty of the village headman. He was the custodian of the necessary records and used to carry out the work of collection in consultation with the village council. The headman was also the ex-officio president of this body and used to guide its deliberations and activities in the various spheres of the village government and life. He was usually remunerated by rent-free land and could also get a number of petty dues in kind, which the villagers had to pay to the government.

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The village headman was the most influential person in the village. The *Śukranīti*'s observation that he was like the father and the mother to the villagers is substantially true.³ Though responsible to the central government, he was generally a man of the people and keen to protect their interests. He was as much indispensable to the people as to the government.

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³ II. 343

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The village office had to keep records of rights and transfers of the village lands, as also papers connected with the government dues and their realisation. Correspondence had to be carried on with the district authorities and central government and the decisions and resolutions of the village council had to be duly recorded. All this work was entrusted to another village officer, known as village accountant. His post also was hereditary in most provinces and he also was paid rent-free land. In Tamil country, however, he was appointed by the village assembly.⁴

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⁴ In some cases the Assembly reappointed the accountant annually; No. 89 of 1932, *S. I. E. R.*, 1932

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The village headman and the accountant were the two usual officers of the village government. The *Śukranīti* refers to four more, *sāhasādhipati* or magistrate, *bhāgahara* or revenue collector, *śulkagrāha* or toll collector and *pratīhara* or the gate-keeper. They are not however referred to in other Smṛitis or mentioned in inscriptions. Possibly they may have existed in big villages, their functions being performed by the headman and the accountant in smaller ones.

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Probably all respectable householders were entitled to become the members of the Primary Assembly of the village. We have rather vague evidence on this point about early times and about northern India. There are, however, some indications showing that in Mahārāshṭra, the Primary Village Assembly consisted of all the householders.¹ There can be no doubt that such was the case in Karnāṭak and Tamil country from *c.* 600 A.D. Numerous inscriptions from Karnāṭak show that the number of the Mahājanas (Great Men of the village) was very large, sometimes 200, sometimes 420, sometimes 500, and sometimes even 1002.² There is clear evidence to show that they included all the village householders.³ All villagers were invited by the beat of the drum for the meeting of the Village Assemblies in Tamil country.

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¹ *E. I.*, XIV. p. 150

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² *I. A.*, IV. p. 274; *E. I.*, p. 274; XIII. pp. 33-4

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³ A. S. Altekar, *Rāshṭrakūṭas*, pp. 199-201

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All respectable householders of the village had thus an inherent right to become the members of the Primary Village Assembly. It is interesting to note that the different terms by which they were known, *mahattamas* in U. P., *mahattaras* in Māhārāshṭra, *mahājanas* in Karnāṭak and *perumakkāl* in Tamil country, all mean the same thing, Great Men of the Village.⁴

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⁴ The term *mayahara* in Prākrit has a similar significance

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Great Men of the Village, being so large a body, could obviously have carried on the administration only through an executive committee or council, which was known as Village Panchāyat in later times. Let us now see what was its constitution.

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Jātakas inform us that neither the village headman nor the village accountant ruled over the village community according to the their sweet will. They were both of them guided in the administration by the opinion of the village public, which made itself felt through the village elders, who formed a kind of informal council since very early times. We have shown already how the *sabhā* of the Vedic period was both a village social club as well as a village council ; at its meetings, the members discussed social topics, played indoor games and also transacted the business of the village government.¹ Jātakas inform us that villages transacted their business themselves.² They do not attest to the existence of any regular council or standing committee evolved for this purpose. Initiative was usually left with the headman, but if he acted unreasonably or against the the established customs of the locality or realm, the village elders could set the matter right by pointing out his mistake to the headman.³ In the Mauryan period villages used to organise works of public utility and recreation, settle the disputes between their residents and act as trustees for the property of minors.⁴ But they had not yet evolved regular councils ; for the *Arthaśāstra* refers to village elders acting as trustees, and not to any village council⁵ or its sub-committee.

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¹ *Ante*, Chap. VII.

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² Kuṇāla Jātaka.

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³ Pānīya Jātaka. Here the headman cancels his order prohibiting the sale of strong drinks and slaughter of animals, when the villagers pointed out to him how these were time-honoured customs of the village.

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⁴ *Arthaśāstra*, Bk. III. Chap. 10

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⁵ प्रयोजकासंनिधाने ग्रामवृद्धेषु स्थापयित्वा। Bk. III. Chap. 12

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The village councils appear to have evolved into regular bodies in the Gupta period at least in some parts of India. They were known as *pañchamaṇḍalīs* in Central India and *grāmajānapadas* in Bihar. A large number of the sealings of the different village councils (*jānapadas*) have been discovered at Nālandā, which doubtless sealed the letters sent by them to the administrators of the Nālandā University.⁶ It seems almost certain that the village councils in Bihar had developed into formal bodies, meeting regularly to transact administrative business and communicating their decisions to outsiders in formal and sealed communications.

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⁶ *M. A. S. I.*, No. 66, pp. 45 ff.

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Village elders known as *mahattaras* functioned in the Pallava¹ and Vākāṭaka² kingdoms (*c.* 250-550 A.D.), but we do not know whether they had developed a regular council. Inscriptions from Gujarat and Deccan,³ however, show that from *c.* 600 A. D. the village elders used to appoint a formal executive committee of their own, variously known as *mahattarādhikārins* or *adhikārimahattaras*, either expression meaning 'village elders in office or power'. Inscriptions show a similar development in contemporaty Rajputana also, where the executive of the Village Assembly was known as *pañchakula*; it worked under the guidance of a headman known as *mahanta*.⁵ It was undoubtedly a very important body, for donations made even by royal personages were announced in its formal meetings.⁶ Gāhaḍawāla records often refer to the village elders, described as *mahattaras* or *mahattamas*⁷; but we do not know whether they had developed a regular executive council of their own.

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¹ *E. I.*, VIII. p. 145

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² *E. I.*, XIX. p. 102

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³ सर्व्वानेव राजसामन्त....ग्राममहत्तराधिकारिकान् । *I. A*, XIII. p. 177 सर्व्वानेव राष्ट्रपतिग्रामकूटायुक्तकानियुक्तकाधिकार्ारकमहत्तरादीन् । *I. A.*, XIII. p. 15 See also, A. S. Altekar, *Village Communities in Western India*, pp. 20-1

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⁵ *E. I.*, XI. p. 56

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⁶ *E. I.*, XI. pp. 49-50

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⁷ *I. A.*, XVIII. pp. 34-5 ; *E. I.*, III. pp. 206-7

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Inscriptions of the Chola dynasty (*c.* 900-1300 A.D.) enable us to present a more detailed picture of the constitution and functions of the Village Assemblies and their executive committees in Tamil country.⁸ The Primary Assembly of the villages was known as *ur* in the case of ordinary villages and *sabhā* in the case of *agrahāra* villages, mostly tenanted by learned Brāhmaṇas. Sometimes both these Assemblies are seen functioning in the same village ; this probably happened when the new Brāhmaṇa colony was a small one.¹

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⁴ *E. I.*, XI. p. 58; B. G., I. 1. pp. 474-5

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⁸ See K. A Nilkantha Sastri, *The Cholas*, Chap. XVIII. K. A. Nilkantha Sastri ; *Studies in Chola History and Administration*, pp. 73-163 S. K. Aiyangar, *Administrative Institutions in South India*, Chap. V.

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¹ Such was the case with Tiruverumbūr (Nos. 112 and 123 of 1914), Tiraimur Nos. (201 and 216 of 1917), etc.

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As observed already, the Primary Village Assembly of the Tamil country consisted of all the village residents. Its meeting was usually summoned by the beating of drum.² One of the most important work of the Assembly was to elect the village executive ; it was chosen after obtaining the consent of all the villagers assembled at the *ur* ;³ but how exactly this was done we do not know. The consent was probably given in an informal manner by the villagers expressing their approval of the proposals made by the influential members of the village community. The executive body was known as *āḷuṅgaṇam*, the ruling group, but its numercial strength is not known.

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² *S. I. E. R.*, Nos. 553 of 1921, 85 of 1896, 72 of 1914, 103 of 1897.

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³ *Ibid*, No. 89 of 1932.

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The information which we get about the constitution and functions of the Village Assemblies (*sabhās*) and their executive is much more detailed and complete in the case of the *agrahāra* villages, mostly consisting of Brāhmaṇa residents. These constituted the most cultured and educated section of the community and the residents of some of these *agrahāras* have immensely helped the historian of ancient India by describing in detail the constitution of the executive of their Assemblies. The most detailed picture of the working of the executive committees of the Village Assemblies (*sabhās*) is to be obtained from the famous inscriptions at Uttaramerur, a village still flourishing in Chingleput district with only a slightly changed name, Uttaramallur.⁴

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⁴ For the text of the inscriptions, see K. A N. Sastri, *Studies in Chola History*; see also *A. S. I. A. R.*, 1904-5, pp. 131-145.

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The Government of this village was carried on by five sub-committees of the *sabhā*. All members worked in the honorary capacity and held office for one year. They could, however, be removed earlier, if found guilty of misconduct. It was felt that all experienced and qualified residents of the village should get an opportunity to serve on the various subcommittees ; one of the rules, therefore, provided that a member who had served once on a sub-committee was not to be re-appointed to it during the next three years. Persons whose character was loose, or who had been found guilty of mis-appropriation of public funds, were debarred from member-ship as also their near relatives. The bar against the latter was obviously intended for increasing the volume of public opinion against those who were guilty of defalcation of public funds. Members were to be neither too young nor too old ; their age was to be above 35 but below 70. These negative qualifications, however, were not sufficient. Candidates were required to own a house and at least ¼ *vēli* (about two acres) of tax-paying land. It was felt that those who deal with public funds should be persons above need. But the property quali-fications were halved in the case of those who were good scholars either of the Vedic learning, or of Smṛitis, or of *bhāshyas* (philo-sophy). It was but natural that an *agrahāra* community should be anxious that its representatives on the different village com-mittees should be, as far as possible, well-to-do scholars, of good character and known rectitude. It is worth noting that no government officers were included in these committees. *Mahattarādhikārins*, who formed the village council in the Deccan, are also sharply distinguished from regular government officers in the inscriptions hailing from that province.

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It is not to be supposed that these rules about the quali-fications of members were of rigid and universal application even in the case of the *agrahāra* villages. The village *sabhās* had gradually evolved out of popular gatherings of the earlier periods which discussed social, religious and political matters indiscriminately at their meetings, as there was hardly any dis-tinction made in such matters at that time. In the light of ex-perience gained, rules were gradually framed in the course of time. Inscriptions begin to refer to them only from about the end of the 8th century A. D. Each *sabhā* had as a rule its own constitution, though of course, it did not very widely differ from the normal type. Thus, for instance, in some cases the minimum age qualification for members was 35, in others 40. In some cases meinbers became re-eligible for election after three years, in others after five or even ten years. Some assemblies held that even the near relatives of persons once elected should not be permitted to seek re-election for the next five years.¹ The number and functions of the sub-committees also differed according to the needs of the situation and the locality.

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¹ *S I. E. R.*, 1927; II. 28; No. 500 of 1925

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Each *sabhā* was usually the architect of its own constitution. The earliest known constitution, that of the *mahāsabhā* of Mānanlainallūr, was framed by that body itself at a special meeting of villagers convened by a beat of drums.² When amendements became necessary in the constitution, they also were usually considered and passed by the *sabhā* itself. Sometimes we find the *sabhās* amending their rules in less than two months' time.³

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² Sastri, *Studies in Chola History*, p. 82

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³ *S. I. E. R.*, Nos. 240 and 241 of 1922

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At Uttaramerur members of the different sub-committees were selected by drawing lots. Several nominations were made for each of the thirty wards of the village, the name of each nominee being put on a separate ticket. All the tickets for each ward were put in a pot and a young child, who was quite innocent of what it was called upon to do, was asked to pick up one ticket. That person was declared elected for each ward whose name was on the ticket so taken out. There was no room for canvassing or party politics.

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Thirty persons who were thus selected were later assigned to different sub-committees. The first sub-committee was in charge of village gardens and orchards; the second supervised the village tank and the distribution of its water; the third discharged the important function of settling disputes. The fourth committee was known as the gold committee; its function was to assay gold for all people impartially. This subcommittee naturally consisted of experts in the art There was no standard state coinage and so gold that was offered for taxes or prices had to be certified about its fineness. A special procedure was laid down for the selection of the expert members of this committee. The fifth sub-committee was known as *pañchavāra* committee; its functions are not clear.

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When members, who had once served on a sub-committee, became eligible for re-election after the lapse of the prescribed number of years, they were usually transferred to a different sub-committee. This was intended to ensure a wide administrative experience in the different members.

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In addition to these five sub-committees, there was a general committee of supervision known as Annual Committee (*saṁvatsara-vāriyam*). Only experienced elders, who had previously served on other sub-committees, were eligible for the membership of this body.

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The number and functions of the sub-committes naturally varied according to the needs and circumstances of each village. A land survey committee is disclosed by one record;¹ its function must have been to survey and clasify lands and see to it that the government assessment was fair and equitable. A temple committee is referred to in another.² Some *agrahāra* villages had their own colleges; they probably had an education committee.

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¹ *S. I. E R.*, No. 262 of 1913

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² *Madras Epigraphy Report for 1915-6*, p. 115

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We have shown already how the village assemblies had developed a regular council in Bihar, Rajputana, Central India, Mahārāshṭra and Karnāṭak at least in the Gupta and the post-Gupta periods. Neither Smṛitis nor inscriptions, however, enlighten us as to the manner in which it was constituted. The committee was reconstituted annually in Tamil country, as shown above; in an inscription from Bhinmal in Rajputana, (dated 1277 A.D.), we find the members of the local committee making a religious grant and observing that though they have made the donation, its merit will belong to all those who may happen to become members of the council in future.³ This suggests that the members of the village councils used to be periodically changed in the north as well. We, however, have no information about the duration of the tenure of their office. At Uttaramerur, the selection was by lots. It does not seem that election of the modern type giving rise to party jealousies and rivalries was prevailing aynwhere. Persons were periodically elevated to the council by the consensus of public opinion as expressed in a general meeting of all the respectable householders of the village. Caste consideration did not sway in the selection of the council members. Many non-Brāhmaṇas worked on it in the Gupta age ; on the judgments of many village Panchāyats in the Maratha period appear the signatures of not only non-Brāhmaṇas but also of untouchables.

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³ यस्मात्पञ्चकुलः सर्वो मंतव्य इति सर्वदा । तस्य तस्य तदा श्रेयो यस्य यस्य यदा पदम् । *E. G.*, I. I. p. 480

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The division of the village council into sub-committees, which prevailed in Tamil country, was unknown to Karṇāṭak. Numerous inscriptions from this province show that the Great Men of the village (*mahājanas*) used to manage schools, construct tanks, build resthouses, raise subscriptions for public purposes and act as trustees and bankers, guaranteeing for all time to come the proper utilisation of the trust funds entrusted to their care. One naturally expects that the Great Men should have appointed sub-committees to supervise these different activities, but the inscriptions never refer to thein.³ It would appear that the village *mahājanas* of Karṇāṭak used to make only informal arrangements for the discharge of these various duties and responsibilities through their executive council, which is seen to consist sometimes of three and sometimes of five members.⁴ The members of the council may have taken the help of other influential citizens of the village community according to the needs of the situation.

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³ *Ibid.*, p. 202

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Sub-committees of the Chola type did not probably function in northern India as well. Here the village council consisted of five members only ; it is expressly called a *pañchamaṇḍalī* in a Gupta inscription⁴ and *pañchakuli*, in several medieval records.¹ Sub-committees of a small body of five members were obviously impracticable.

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¹ *Aitihāsika Lekhasaṃgraha*, XVI, p. 55

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² A. S. Altekar, *Rāshṭrakūṭas*, p. 203

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⁴ *C. I. I.*, III. p. 31

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¹ *E. I.*, XI. pp. 49-56 ; *B. G.* I. i. pp. 474 ff

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Let us now briefly survey the functions of the village council. Several records from south India make it quite clear that the ultimate responsibility for collecting the land revenue was fixed upon the village council. It was this body which negotiated with government for concessions in the usual demand in the case of famine and similar calamities. But when the acount was once settled, the village council had to collect the dues from the land-owners and even proceed to auction their land, if they were in default for a long time. The council had even the power to exempt a piece of land from the taxation of the central government, if its owner deposited with it the capitalised value of the annual tax. The tax was of course paid by the council itself out of the interest of the capitalised fund.

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It is doubtful whether the village councils in Karnāṭak, Mahārāshṭra and northern India enjoyed such considerable powers concerning the collection and remission of land revenue, as were possessed by the Chola councils. At any rate inscriptions are silent upon the point.

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The ownership of the village waste lands was vested in the village councils. In the Gupta period the Central Government could dispose of them only with the sanction of the local bodies.² Numerous Chola epigraphs record the sale of land by the village councils ; probably in many cases these were pieces of waste lands brought under cultivations.³

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² *E. I.*, XV. p. 130

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³ *S. I. E. R.*, Nos. 312, 319 and 329 of 1910

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The settlement of the village disputes was one of the most important functions of the village councils.⁴ In the first instance, family elders or the guild to which the disputants belonged tried to settle the case ; but if they failed, the village council used to decide the dispute. Serious crimes were naturally excluded from the jurisdiction of the village council ; sometimes capital punishment had to be imposed upon the criminals and it was naturally felt that the highest court of the state should be called upon to decide the momentous issue. Cases of accidental homicides not amounting to murder were, however, often settled by the Tehsil councils in the Chola period.¹

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⁴ They discharged this function as early as the Vedic period ; *sabhāchara* seen connected with the sacred law in the Vedic literature

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¹ Nos. 64 and 77 of 1900; No. 223 of 1903; Nos. 257 and 352 of 1909

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There was, however, no limit to the jurisdiction of the village council as far as civil cases were concerned; disputes involving rights to properties worth several thousands could be settled by them.

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The theory of some early writers that the village councils or Panchāyats owed their judicial powers to the prevailing anarchy,² no court of the king being available, is completely disproved by the evidence of the Smṛitis, inscriptions and Maratha records. Smṛitis, observe that the decisions of the village councils, duly arrived at, must be enforced by the state because it has duly invested them with the judicial powers.³ Several documents of the Maratha period have been found showing how kings like Shivaji, Rajaram and Shahu would refuse to entertain a suit, if directly brought to them; they would invariably refer it to the village Panchāyat concerned.⁴ Even Muslim Kings of Bijapur used to do the same. A suit involving the right to the post of the headman of the village of Masur was decided against one Bapaji Musalman by the Masur Panchāyat, and the decision was confirmed by the Tehsil or Taluka Panchāyat of Karad. Bapaji Musalman then appealed direct to the King Ibrahim Adil Shah, complaining that he had not received proper justice owing to communal prejudice. The emperor refused to entertain the suit in his own court, but ordered its retrial by the Hindu Panchāyat of the famous holy place of Paithan. When this Panchāyat also refused to reverse the lower decisions, Ibrahim Adil Shah declined to take any further action. These cases will show clearly that it was the considered and deliberate policy of the state to invest the village Panchāyats with extensive judicial powers. Parties to a dispute had no alternative but to submit the case to their decision.

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² Maine, *Village Communities in East and West*, p. 68

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³ तैः कृतं यत्स्वधर्मेण निग्रहानुग्रहं नृणाम्। तद्राज्ञाऽप्यनुमंतव्यं निसृष्टार्था हि ते स्मृताः॥ *Yājñavalkya*, II, 30

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⁴ A. S. Altekar, *Village Communities*, pp. 45-6 Parasnis, *Aitihāsika Lekhasamgraha*, XVI. No. 82

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In the light of this later but overwhelming evidence, we may well conclude that the village courts, called Pūga by Yājñavalkya, were functioning during the first millennium of the Christian era in the same way as in later centuries. It is really unfortunate that we should get no evidence about their functioning from contemporary literary or epigraphical sources. The assignment of minor fines, imposed upon the criminals in the village, to the donees of villages in numerous grants, however, suggests that these cases were tried locally and by the village Panchāyats.¹

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¹ For the working of the village Panchāyat courts, see Altekar, *Village Communities*, pp. 42-51

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In many cases temples had their own separate management committees. When, however, such was not the case, the village councils or one of its sub-committees would supervise the temple administration with a view to see that worship was duly arranged, funds properly utilised and repairs to the temple diligently carried out.²

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² *I. A.*, XII. p. 258 ; *E. I.*, p. 275

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South Indian inscriptions show that the village councils used to transact business as bankers as well. They used to receive perpetual deposits and guarantee the utilisation of their interest according to the desires of the donors.³ They used to capitalise the value of the government tax of a particular land and make it tax-free on receiving its capitalised value, arranging to pay the tax out of the interest annually accruing. It was always understood that the obligations undertaken on such occasions were binding on the *sabhā* in its corporate capacity, though its membership may change. We have an interesting case of the temple authorities at Uttaramerur demanding in 1215 A.D. the fulfilment of certain of obligations, which the *sabhā* had undertaken three centuries earlier, but which had not been carried out for some time. The *sabhā* readily recognised its responsibility and gave fresh undertaking to meet its obligation, though on a somewaht reduced scale.¹

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³ *I. A.*, XII. p. 120; p. 256 ; *E. I.*, VI. pp. 102 and 253

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¹ *Mad. Ep. Rep.*, 1899-1900, p. 20

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In the case of calamities like famines, they used to raise a public loan by mortgaging the common lands at least in the Chola period; we have an instance of one village council mortaging 8·33 *velis* of common land in order to secure a loan of 1011 *kalañjus* of gold and 464 *palams* of silver in order to distribute relief to the famine stricken population.² The creditor in such cases was usually the village temple, which used to own extensive properties in most cases.

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² *S. I. E. R.*, No. 67 of 1898

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The village councils used to organise several works of public utility. Efforts were made to bring forests and wastelands under cultivation in order to increase the wealth of the village.³ Construction, maintenance and repairs of irrigation tanks and canals engaged the serious attention of the village councils of the Chola period, and probably the same was the case in other provinces and centuries as well. Jātakas give us a vivid picture of how villagers used to repair the village roads,⁴ and a south Indian inscription shows how roads used to be repaired by village councils; sometimes they would even widen them by purchasing the adjoining lands.⁵ Wells for drinking water were also dug and kept under repairs. Occasionally public halls or rest houses were also built.

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³ *S. I. I.*, III. No. 11

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⁴ Vol. I. p. 199

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⁵ *S. I. E. R.*, No. 9 of 1898

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We should not, however, suppose that the village councils were interested in promoting only the material comforts and well-being of their residents. We often find them taking steps to promote cultural and intellectual progress as well. The *sabhā* of Uttaramerur gave three endowments on different occasions to promote the study of grammar, the *Bhavishyapurāṇa* and the Yajurveda.⁶ *Vedavṛittis* or grants for Vedic studies were given or procured by numerous village councils of south India.¹

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⁶ *S. I. E. R.*, Nos. 18, 29 and 33 of 1898 and No. 194 of 1923

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¹ *S. I. E. R.*, Nos. 481 and 487 of 1917

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Let us now see how the village councils used to finance these different activities. There is sufficient evidence that the Central Government used to permit the village council to spend a small percent of the revenues collected in the village for financing its own activities. Evidence of the Maratha period shows that the village council was permitted to utilise about 10 to 15 per cent of the village revenues for works of public utility and village defence.² Probably the same was the case in the Hindu period, though we have no direct evidence upon the point. Fines imposed by the village court upon the offenders were another source of revenue.³ Village councils had also the right to impose aditional taxes and cesses. The Assembly of Nalur in Tamil country borrowed 25 *kāsus* from a local temple in the 10th century A. D., and in return assigned to it the right of collecting certain rates from the stall in the bazars near the temple.⁴ The residents of Salotgi in Karnāṭak agreed to pay in 945 A.D. certain cesses at the time of marriage and other ceremonies for the maintenance of a local college.⁵ The same was done by the villagers of Patan in Khandesh for a similar purpose in 1069 A. D. Northern India also supplies numerous instances of such local cesses levied by the village communities and trade guilds for financing works of public utility.⁶

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² A. S. Altekar, *Village Communities*, pp. 70-72 H. Mann; *Land and Labour in a Deccan Village*, Vol. I. pp. 42-50

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³ *Arthaśāstra*, Bk. III. Chap. 10

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⁴ *S. I. E. R.*, No. 32 of 1910

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⁵ *E. I.*, IV. p. 66

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⁶ *I. A.*, XII. p. 87: *E. I.*, I. p. 188

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Religion also considerably helped the village councils by enumerating digging of wells and tanks and founding of poor houses and hospitals among the most approved methods of gaining religious merits. The *sabhā* of Uttarmerur had received two permanent endowments to meet the expenses of removing silt from its big tank.⁷ An endowment was also received by this village *sabhā* for digging a well for drinking water.¹ The instances given above are only typical and not exceptional ones.

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⁷ *S. I. E. R.*, Nos. 65A and 74 of 1898

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¹ *S. I. E. R.*, No. 75 of 1898

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The Central Government would also occasionally help the village councils by direct grant or by giving the requisite material free or at concession rates.² If a project was clearly beyond the means of the local body, it was entirely financed from the central revenues. Such, for instance, was the case with the famous dam at Girnar in Kathiawar.

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² *Arthaśāstra*, Bk. II. Chap. I

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A few words are necessary about the procedure followed at the meetings of the Primary Village Assemblies and their Executive Councils or Panchāyats and their sub-committees. The meeting place of the Primary Assemblies varied according to local conditions ; sometimes it was the hall of the Assembly, sometimes the pavilion of the local temple, sometimes even a tamarind or a banyan tree. All respectable householders were entitled to attend ; in actual practice about 200 or 300 persons generally participated in the meetings. The Primary Assemblies used to meet when the Village Council had to be constituted. In the Agrahāra villages of Tamil country the executive committees were usually constituted by drawing lots; in other places probably names were previously discussed informally by the leading residents, and when it was felt that they were generally acceptable, they were formally proposed in the Primary Assemblies and accepted by them. It is very unlikely that there was any regular voting as in modern times.

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Meetings of the Primary Assemblies were also probably convened when matters of unusual importance like the sale of public land to mitigate the miseries of famine were to be considered. Elderly members alone must normally have taken part in the discussion as in ancient Greece. Occasionally, however, persistent opposition was raised by mischievous persons ; for we have a rule made by one Tamil assembly prescribing a fine of five *kāsus* for persons guilty of this mischief.³

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³ *S. I. E. R.*, No. 423 of 1906

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It was also customary to convene a meeting of the whole Village Assembly, when donations were to be accepted on behalf of the community. In Karnāṭak in particular, it was customary for the assembly to assure the donor on such occasions that the donation would be used for the purpose intended. The convening of the Primary Assembly on such occasions was no doubt a suitable way of showing the community's grateful appreciation of the donor's action.

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Very little is known about the procedure of the meetings of the Village Council or the Panchāyat. Probably the village headman in Northern India and the Deccan and the *madhyastha* in Tamil country presided over the meetings, which were usually held in the village office (*chāvadi*). The village accountant must have kept a record of the proceedings in the village office, especially when grants were accepted or tax exemptions granted. Sometimes the important resolutions on such matters were got engraved on the walls of the village temple; that is how we happen to know about them after the lapse of ten centuries.

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We shall now consider the relations between the Central Government and the Village Council. No doubt some Smṛitis occasionally state that the Village Councils derive their power from the king or the Central Government.¹ This statement however, indicates the greater power of the Central Government, but is not historically true. Most of the dynasties in ancient India used to flourish for about two centuries. The village communities and councils were, on the other hand, of hoary antiquity and derived their powers from immemorial custom and not from any charter or delegation from the Central Government. When the Central Government became more organised and developed, it often sought to control and curtail the powers of the Village Councils. Sometimes king's officers are seen to be present, when the Primary Assemblies met to change their constitution;² sometimes the rules are stated to have received the approval of the king himself.³ These, however, were rather exceptional cases; it is not unlikely that king's officers might have been occasionally present because they happened to be in the village, and that the king may have accorded approval to proposals formally submitted to him by the Primary Assembly. A persual of the evidence, however, clearly sugests that usually the village Primary Assemblies themselves determined the constitution of their committees and not the Central Government. The same probably was the case in northern India as well. There the Village Council consisted of only about five persons, who were raised to that body by the general approval of the whole community. There was hardly any scope for the Central Government to dictate any constitution.

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¹ *Yājñavalkya*, II. 30

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² As a Uttaramerur in 919 A. D. *A. S. I. A. R.*; 1904-5, pp. 131-145

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³ No. 148 of 1927

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Numerous inscriptions from northern and southern India, giving king’s orders issued to the village headman and the Village Council, show that the Central Government used to have a general power of supervision and control over the village government. This control was exercised by the occasional summoning of the village headman to the district headquarters to explain and clarify matters, as also by the periodical despatch of inspection officers to villages to supervise their accounts and general administration. Periodical auditing of the village accounts by the inscpecting staff of the Central Government is frequently referred to in Chola records, and it must have been done in all other administration as well. Members of the council were removed for misconduct by the Assembly itself; but sometimes they were also fined by the Central Government.¹ If there was a dispute between two Village Assemblies, the case must have been normally referred to the Central Government; we have, however, an instance on record when such a case was referred to the arbitration of a third Village Assembly.²

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¹ *S. I. E. R.*, No. 192 of 1915; No. 268 of 1910

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² *Ibid.* No. 89 of 1932

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It will be thus seen that the Central Government exercised only a general supervision and control over the Village Assemblies and their Councils. It left the initiative to the Village Councils which enjoyed large powers. They made effective arrangements for the defence of the community, collected the taxes of the Central Government and levied their own, settled village disputes, organised works of public utility and recreation, functioned as trustees and bankers, raised public loans to mitigate the miseries of famines, organised schools, colleges and poor houses and arranged for their funds, and supervised the manifold religious and cultural activities of the temples. There can be no doubt that they exercised greater powers than those that are at present enjoyed by the local bodies in most countries, both of the east and of the west. They played an important and creditable part in defending the interests of the villagers and in promoting their material, moral and intellectual progress.

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