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War in Ancient India c10: Chapter VII: Aerial and Naval Warfare

War in Ancient India c10

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Chapter VII: Aerial and Naval Warfare

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AERIAL WARFARE

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No question can be more interesting in the present circumstances of the world than India’s contribution to the science of aeronautics. There are numerous illustrations in our vast Purāṇic and epic literature to show how well and wonderfully the ancient Indians conquered the air. To glibly characterize everything found in this literature as imaginary and summarily dismiss it as unreal has been the practice of both Western and Eastern scholars until very recently. The very idea indeed was ridiculed and people went so far as to assert that it was physically impossible for man to use flying machines. But to-day what with balloons, aeroplanes and other flying machines¹ a great change has come over our ideas on the subject.

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¹ See in this connexion Golikere: *Through Wonderlands of the Universe* (1933), esp. ch. vi ff.

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The use and value of air forces is not hard to assess. Their chief use lay until recently in the rapidity and skill with which the men flying did the scouting and reported to headquarters. They located the position of the enemy, which enabled them to direct the attack. We know from modern history that the French were the first to use balloons for this purpose. The discovery of aeroplanes has revolutionised the realm of strategy and tactics. The present War has demonstrated that before the air arm everything else pales into insignificance.

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Turning to Vedic literature, in one of the *Brāhmaṇas* occurs the concept of a ship that sails heavenwards. The ship is the Agnihotra of which the Āhavanīya and Gārhapatya fires represent the two sides bound heavenward, and the steersman is the Agnihotrin who offers milk to the three Agnis.² Again in the still earlier *Ṛg Veda Saṃhitā* we read that the Aśvins conveyed the rescued Bhūjya safely by means of winged ships.³ The latter may refer to the aerial navigation in the earliest times.

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² *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa*, II, 3, 3, 15.

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³ *Ṛg Veda*, I. 117. 14 and 15. Here ‘wings’ may be ‘sails’.

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In the recently published *Samarāṅgaṇa Sūtradhāra* of Bhoja, a whole chapter of about 230 stanzas⁴ is devoted to the principles of construction underlying the various flying machines and other engines used for military and other purposes. The various advantages of using machines, especially flying ones, are given elaborately. Special mention is made of their attacking visible as well as invisible objects, of their use at one's will and pleasure, of their uninterrupted movements, of their strength and durability, in short of their capability to do in the air all that is done on earth. After enumerating and explaining a number of other advantages, the author concludes that even impossible things could be effected through them. Three movements are usually ascribed to these machines,—ascending, cruising thousands of miles in different directions in the atmosphere and lastly descending. It is said that in an aerial car one can mount up to the Sūryamaṇḍala, ‘solar region’ and the Nakṣatra maṇḍala (stellar region) and also travel throughout the regions of air above the sea and the earth. These cars are said to move so fast as to make a noise that could be heard faintly from the ground.⁵ Still some writers have expressed a doubt and asked ‘Was that true?’ But the evidence in its favour is overwhelming.

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⁴ Ch. 31. (Gaekwad Oriental Series).

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⁵ Samar. Ch. 31, 45-79.

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The make of machines for offence and defence to be used on the ground and in the air is described. Some of these are water machines, musical instruments, doorkeeper machines, streets, houses and pillars by means of ‘yantra’ or machine, and other varieties. These require separate study. Considering briefly some of the flying machines alone that find distinct mention in this work, we find that they were of different shapes like those of elephants, horses, monkeys, different kinds of birds, and chariots. Such vehicles were made usually of wood. We quote in this connexion the following stanzas so as to give an idea of the materials and size, especially as we are in the days of rigid airships navigating the air for a very long time and at a long distance as well.

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यन्त्राणामाकृतिस्तेन निर्णेतुं नैव शक्यते ।
यथावद्वीजसंयोगः सौश्लिष्ट्यं श्लक्ष्णतापि च ।
अलक्षता निर्वहणं लघुत्वं शब्दहीनता ।
शब्दे साध्ये तदाधिक्यमशैथिल्यमगाढता ॥
वहनीषु समस्तासु सौश्लिष्ट्यं चास्खलद्गति ।
यथाभीष्टार्थकारित्वं लयतालानुगामिता ॥

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इष्टकालेऽर्थदर्शित्वं पुनः सम्यक्त्वसंवृतिः । अनुलवणत्वं ताद्रूप्यं दाढ्यैमसृणता तथा ॥ चिरकालसहत्वं च यन्त्रस्यैते गुणाः स्मृताः । एकं बहूनि चलयेद् बहुभिश्चालयेदपरम् ॥ सुश्लिष्टमलक्षत्वं यन्त्राणां परमोगुणः । अथ कर्माणि यन्त्राणां विचित्राणि यथाविधि ॥ नविस्तरात्प्रक्षेपात् साम्प्रतं संप्रचक्ष्महे । कस्यचित् सा क्रिया साध्या कालः कस्यापि कस्यचित् ॥ शब्दः कस्यापि चोच्च्रायो रूपस्पर्शौ च कस्यचित् । क्रियास्तु कार्यस्य वशादनन्ताः परिकीर्तिताः ॥ तिर्यगूर्ध्वमधः पृष्ठे पुरतः पार्श्वयोरपि । गमनं सरणं पात इति भेदाः क्रियोद्भवाः ॥ कालो मुहूर्ताष्टाद्यैर्भिन्नो भेदैरनेकधा । शब्दो विचित्रः सुखदो रतिकृत्मीषणस्तथा ॥ उच्च्रायस्तु जलस्य स्यात् क्वचिद्भुजेऽपि शस्यते । गीतं नृत्यं च वाद्यं च पटहो वंश एव च ॥ वीणा च कांस्यतालश्च तुमिला करटापि च । यत्किञ्चिदन्यदप्यत्र वादित्रादि विभाव्यते ॥ समस्तमपि तद् यन्त्राज्जायते कल्पना वशात् । नृत्ये तु नाटकं चोक्षस्ताण्डवं लास्यमेव च ॥ राजमार्गश्च देशी च यन्त्रात् सर्वं प्रसिध्यति ॥ तथा जात्यनुगाश्चेष्टा विरुद्धा यास्तु जातिकः । ताः सर्वा अपि सिध्यन्ति सम्यकयन्त्रसाधनात् । भूचराणां गतियौन्नि भूमौ व्योमचरागमः ॥ चेष्टान्यपि मर्त्यानां तथा भूमिसृशामिव ।

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जायन्ते यन्त्रनिर्माणाद् विविधान्दीप्सितानि च । दुष्करं यद्यदन्यच्च तत्तद् यन्त्रात् प्रसिध्यति ॥ 31. 45-79.

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An aerial car⁶ is made of light wood looking like a great bird with a durable and well-formed body having mercury inside and fire at the bottom. It has two resplendent wings, and is propelled by air. It flies in the atmospheric regions for a great distance, and carries several persons along with it. The inside construction resembles heaven created by Brahmā himself. Iron, copper, lead and other metals are also used for these machines. All these show how far art was developed in ancient India in this direction. Such elaborate descriptions ought to meet the criticism that the vimānas and similar aerial vehicles mentioned in ancient Indian literature should be relegated to the region of myth.

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King Śatrujit was presented by a Brahman Gālava with a horse named Kuvalaya which had the power of

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6. लघुदारुमयं महाविहङ्गं दृढसुश्लिष्टनुं विश्राय तस्य
उदरे रसनयन्त्रमादधीत ज्वलनाधारमधोऽस्यचाग्निपूर्णम् ॥
तत्रारूढः पुरुषस्तस्य पक्षद्वन्द्वोच्चालप्रोञ्जितेनानिलेन ।
सुप्तस्यान्तः पारदस्यास्य शक्त्या चित्रंकुर्वन्नम्बरे याति दूरम् ॥
इत्थमेव सुरमन्दिरतुल्यं सञ्चलत्य लघुदारुविमानम् ।
आदधीत विधिना चतुरोन्तस्तस्य पारदभृतान् दृढकुम्भान् ॥
अथ:कपालाहितमन्दवह्निप्रतप्तकुम्भुवा गुणेन ।
व्योम्नो झगित्याभरणत्वमेति सन्तसगर्जद्रसराजशक्त्या ॥
वृत्तसन्धितमथायसयन्त्रं तद् विधाय रसपूरितमन्तः ।
उच्चदेशविनिधापिततप्तं सिंहनादमुरजं विदधाति ॥ *Ibid.*, 95-99.

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conveying him to any place on the earth.⁷ If it had any basis in fact it must have been a flying horse. There are numerous references both in the Viṣṇupurāṇa and the Mahābhārata where Kṛṣṇa is said to have navigated the air on the Garuḍa.⁸ Either the accounts are imaginary or they are a reference to an eagle-shaped machine flying in the air. Subrahmaṇya used a peacock as his vehicle and Brahmā a swan. Further, the Asura, Māya by name, is said to have owned an animated golden car with four strong wheels and having a circumference of 12,000 cubits, which possessed the wonderful power of flying at will to any place. It was equipped with various weapons and bore huge standards. And in the battle between the Devas and the Asuras in which Māya took a leading part, several warriors are represented as riding birds.⁹

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⁷ Mārkaṇḍa Purāṇa, ch. 20.

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⁸ Viṣṇu Purāṇa, IV, ch. 30, 64-66; Harivamśa, ch. 44.

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⁹ Harivamśa, ch. 43.

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In the Rāmāyaṇa when Rāvaṇa was flying with Sītā in his aerial car to Laṅkā, Jaṭāyu, a giant bird, charged him and his car and this led to a duel between the bird and the Rākṣasa king. Golikere draws attention to a number of instances where fierce duels have been fought between man and bird of prey resulting in the damage of the aeroplane and its inmates, in some cases leading to a forced landing.¹⁰ Again, the Rākṣasa Droṇamukha offers his services to Rāvaṇa in his encounter with the vānara hosts to fight them either on the sea or in the sky or in subterranean regions.¹¹ After the great victory of Rāma over Laṅkā, Vibhīṣaṇa presented him with the Puṣpaka vimāna which was furnished with windows, apartments, and excellent seats. It was capable of accommodating all the vānaras besides Rāma, Sītā and Lakṣmaṇa.¹² Rāma flew to his capital Ayodhyā pointing to Sītā from above the places of encampment, the town of Kiṣkindhā and others on the way. Again Vālmīki beautifully compares the city of Ayodhyā to an aerial car.¹³

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¹⁰ Through the Wonderlands of the Universe, pp. 124-126.

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¹¹ Yuddha, ch. 8.

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¹² Ibid., ch. 123.

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¹³ Bāla., ch. 5.

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The above allusions to the use of flying machines are not connected with actual warfare. The aerial wars mentioned in ancient literature belong to the daiva form, as distinguished from the mānuṣa. An example is the encounter between Śumbha and the goddess Durgā. Śumbha was worsted and he fell headlong to the ground. Soon he recovered and flew up again and fought desperately until at last he fell dead on the ground.¹⁴ Again, in the famous battle between the celestials and the Asuras elaborately described in the Harivaṃśa, Māya flung stones, rocks and trees from above, though the main fight took place in the field below.¹⁵ The adoption of such tactics is also mentioned in the war between Arjuna and the Asura Nivātakavaca,¹⁶ and in that between Karṇa and the Rākṣasa¹⁷ in both of which, arrows, javelins, stones and other missiles were freely showered down from the aerial regions. In the Vikramaurvaśīya, we are told that king Purūravas rode in an aerial car to rescue Urvaśī in pursuit of the Dānava who was carrying her away. Similarly in the *Uttararāmacarita* in the fight between Lava and Candraketu (Act VI) a number of aerial cars are mentioned¹⁸ as being employed and it is further said that the flags and chowries with which these cars were bedecked were set fire to and destroyed. News of this reached Rāma who flew immediately in his car Puṣpaka and alighted on the spot. Knowing Lava to be a tried and resolute soldier, Rāma requested him to withhold his missiles, to which he nobly agreed. There is a statement in the *Harṣacarita*¹⁹ of Yavanas acquainted with aerial machines. The Tamil work *Jīvakacintāmani* refers to Jīvaka flying through the air.²⁰

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¹⁴ Mārkaṇḍa Purāṇa, ch. 90.

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¹⁵ Harivaṃśa, ch. 56.

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¹⁶ Vana, ch. 172. Cp. Rāma, V. 47.5, 33: VI. 50.51.

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¹⁷ Droṇa, ch. 176, 50.

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¹⁸ *Uttararāmacarita*, Act. VI.

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¹⁹ Daṇḍopanatayavana nirmitena Nabhastalayāyinā yantrayānena: VI ucchvāsa.

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²⁰ XIII. 2614. (5).

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But it has to be inferred that being very costly, their use was more or less the exclusive privilege of kings and aristrocrats. Another reason why they did not become common is in the following lines from the *Samarāṅganasūtradhāra*:

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यन्त्राणां घटना नोक्ता
गुप्त्यर्थं नाज्ञतावशात्
तत्र हेतुरयं ज्ञेयो व्यक्ता नैते फलप्रदाः
कथितान्यत्र बीजानि यन्त्राणां घटना न यत् *Ibid.*

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This supplies a certain clue to the right understanding of the decline of this art. The make and construction of these contrivances were usually kept secret lest others should get a knowledge of them and use them for wrong ends.

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But to the common people and even to the military officials, the use of carrier-pigeons was of the utmost importance. There is enough to show that their use was well known to ancient peoples. Pliny relates that Brutus sent these pigeons, at the siege of Modena in 43 B.C., to his friends for help. Again, we find that they were used in 1167 A.D. as a means of communication between Syria and Bagdad. The letters were usually fastened to the wings. Despite the improved methods of communication by post and telegraph, even to-day they have their value. For when wars break out, there is every possibility that postal and telegraphic communication will be cut off or otherwise interrupted to the great detriment of the belligerent parties. But no one can prevent these birds from carrying information to the desired destination. Therefore even to-day in some countries in Europe the shooting and hunting of these birds is treated as an offence and severely punished.²¹ Coming to our own country, Kauṭalya also makes a side reference to pigeon houses that served as military stations, an indication of the use of the birds in early days. This is perhaps why we find them among the several presents given to kings.²²

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²¹ Hildebrandt, *Airships Past and Present*.

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²² Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, p. 399.

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To conclude, the flying vimāna of Rāma or Rāvaṇa was set down as but a dream of the mythographer till aeroplanes and zeppelins of the present century saw the light of day. The mohanāstra or the “arrow of unconsciousness” of old was until very recently a creature of legend till we heard the other day of bombs discharging poisonous gases. We owe much to the energetic scientists and researchers who plod persistently and carry their torches deep down into the caves and excavations of old and dig out valid testimonials pointing to the misty antiquity of the wonderful creations of humanity.²³

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²³ *Introduction to Indian Architecture*, Vol. III.

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In Kauṭalya *Arthaśāstra*²⁴ the admiralty figures as a separate department of the War Office; and this is a striking testimony to the importance attached to it from very early times. In the *Ṛg Veda Saṃhitā* boats and ships are frequently mentioned. The classical example often quoted by every writer on the subject is the naval expedition of Bhūjya who was sent by his father with the ship which had a hundred oars (*aritra*.)²⁵ Being ship-wrecked he was rescued by the twin Aśvins in their boat. The writer in the Cambridge History of India, however, is of opinion that the Vedic Indians did not take part in ocean shipping, and bases his conclusion on the negative evidence that the rudder, anchor and sail are not mentioned in the Vedas.²⁶ This *argumentum silentii* does not however prove anything. Though it cannot be asserted from the meagre evidence available that naval battles were fought in the Vedic period, yet the foreign trade of India from prehistoric times cannot for a moment be doubted. This extensive commercial intercourse of India with foreign countries, including the Mediterranean lands and the African continent,²⁷ naturally led to piracy on the waters. There then arose the need for the protection of sea-borne trade, and we are told that " at the outset the merchant vessels of India carried a small body of trained archers armed with bows and arrows to repulse the attacks of the pirates, but later they employed guns, cannon and other more deadly weapons of warfare with a few wonderful and delusive contrivances."²⁸ These were probably the beginnings of the ancient Indian navy.

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²⁴ Bk. II. ch. 28.

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²⁵ *Ṛg Veda*, I, 116.5; X, 101.2; cp. *Vājasaneyisaṃhitā*, xxi, 7, *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa*, IV, 2.5.10.

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²⁶ *Cambridge History*, I, p. 101.

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²⁷ See Dr. W. Vincent, Bk. IV: *The Commerce and Navigation of the Ancients*, pp. 457 ff. and *JMS.*, Vol. viii, pp. 77f.; Warmington: *A History of Ancient Geography* (Indian Ed. revised by M. Cary).

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²⁸ *Ibid.*, pp. 78-79.

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In the Śānti Parvan of the *Mahābhārata* it is said that the navy is one of the angas of the army.²⁹ Examples of ships being used for military purposes are not lacking. When Vidura scented danger to Kunti's five sons, he made them escape to the forest with their mother, crossing the Ganges in a boat equipped with weapons having the power of withstanding wind and wave.³⁰ This may perhaps be put down as river navigation. But in the Dig Vijaya portion of the Sabhā parva, it is said that Sahadeva crossed the sea and brought many islands under his sway after defeating the Mlecchas and other mixed tribes inhabiting them. If this be an historical fact the inference is irresistible that he could not have effected his conquest without the use of boats and vessels.³¹ We read in the *Rāmāyaṇa* that Durmukha, a Rākṣasa who had been fired by the impulse of anger at the deeds of Hanumān, offered his services to Rāvaṇa even to fight on the sea. There is testimony enough of the use of a fleet for war purposes, without which fighting on the sea would not be possible.³² There are other references here and there to ships in the *Rāmāyaṇa*. When Hanumān was crossing the ocean to Laṅkā, he is compared to a ship tossed by winds on the high seas.³³ Sugrīva speaks of Sumatra, Java and even the Red Sea,³⁴ when sending forth his monkey hosts in quest of Sītā. The *Amarakośa* mentions a number of nautical terms which stand for ship, anchorage (naubandhana), the helm of the ship (naukaraṇa), the helmsman (nau-karaṇadhara).³⁵ That there were ship-building yards in different parts could be inferred from a significant term nāvātakseṇī occurring in a copper plate grant of Dharmāditya dated 531 A.D.³⁶

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²⁹ Ch. 59, 41.

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³⁰ *Mhb.*, Ādiparva, ch. 143.

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³¹ *Ibid.*, Sabha., 31.

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³² अस्मिन्मुहूर्ते हत्वैको निवर्तिष्यामि वानरान् । प्रविष्टसागरं भीममम्बरं वा रसातलम् ॥ *Yuddha*, 8.8.

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³³ Sundara., 1, 68; *Ibid.*, 25.14.

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³⁴ *Kiṣkindha*., ch. 40.

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³⁵ Cp. Varāhamihira, *Bṛhat Saṃhitā*: chh. V and VII.

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³⁶ *Ind. Ant.*, XIX. 198.

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About 517 B.C. according to Herodotus, Darius launched a maritime expedition under Skylax of Caryanda to the Indus Delta, and during Alexander's time, again, we read of the people of the Punjab fitting out a fleet. We have the testimony of Arrian to show that the Xathroi (Kṣatri), one of the Punjab tribes, supplied Alexander during his return voyage with thirty-oared galleys and transport vessels which were all built by them.³⁷ Writing on the house of Euthydemos, Prof. Rapson remarks: “The Bactrian and Indian coins of Antiochus with their types of ‘Poseidon’ and ‘Victory’ must refer to a naval triumph; and it is difficult to explain the allusion except on the supposition that this king had won a victory on one of the great Indian rivers—the Indus or the Jhelum.”³⁸ From this period down to the invasion of the Muhammadans to India the people of the Indus region showed their nautical skill in piracy, so that the Persians built no city worth the name on their sea-coast.³⁹

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³⁷ *India and Its Invasion by Alexander*, p. 156.

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³⁸ *Cambridge History of India*, Vol. I, p. 54.

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³⁹ *Contra*. Robertson: *Disquisition*, p. 160.

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Further, it is said that Śūra Asura hid himself in the sea afraid of Subrahmanya, the god of war. The latter met and vanquished him.⁴⁰ Again, the Kālakeya Asuras secreted themselves under the sea during day time after killing the Brahmanas during the night.⁴¹ If these instances are not due to the flight of the imagination of the Purāṇa writer and if any modern construction could be put upon them, they point to the use of submarines or of ships on the high sea in which they took shelter. It is open to future research to settle the question one way or the other.

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⁴⁰ See *Skanda Purāṇa* for details.

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⁴¹ *Mhb.*, *Vana.*, Ch. 102.

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Mānavadharmaśāstra refers to sea fights and attests to the use of boats for naval warfare.⁴² The sailor is called naukākarmajīva.⁴³ Thus in Vedic, Epic and the Dharmaśāstra literature we find that naval warfare is mentioned as a distinct entity, attesting a continuous naval tradition from the earliest times.

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⁴² *Manu.*, VII, 192.

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⁴³ *Ibid.*, X. 34.

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Passing on to the other literary evidence, we find in the *Raghuvamśa* frequent reference to boats and ships. Raghu in the course of his digvijaya conquered Bengal which was protected by a fleet (nausādhanotyatān).⁴⁴ In another place it is mentioned that Raghu marched on Persia through the land route, and not by the sea route, thereby showing that the latter was the more common route.⁴⁵

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⁴⁴ *Raghu*., IV. 36.

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⁴⁵ See Mallinātha's Comment. *Ibid*., 4. 60.

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As has been already stated, the *Kauṭalīya Arthaśāstra* makes express mention of the Admiralty as a department of administration. There was a superintendent (adhyakṣa) over this department. His jurisdiction included vessels bound for commerce also. Kauṭalya distinguishes ocean routes (*samudra samyānapatha*) from river routes and routes for coastal traffic (*kulapatha*).⁴⁶ Among the sea-going vessels men of war also figure, bound for the enemy's country (*amitra-viṣyatigah*).⁴⁷ That Aśoka continued to maintain a fleet is evident from the wide diplomatic relations which the emperor had with distant powers like the Hellenistic monarchies of the Mediterranean. That the early Andhras had a fleet of their own is borne out by the more reliable evidence of coins. The coins belonging to the reign of Pulumāyi (and also of Yagñaśri) bear the figure of a two-masted sailing ship.⁴⁸ The coins were apparently issued to commemorate a naval victory.⁴⁹ During the epoch of the imperial Guptas a naval force was maintained by the State, as is evident from the inscriptions. The Allahabad praśasti of Samudragupta refers to his conquest of several islands.⁵⁰ There is a reference to Jīvita Gupta II’s army, which included a fleet of war boats.⁵¹ Later, Harṣa the emperor is credited with possessing a fleet consisting of boats.

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⁴⁶ Book II, sec. 28.

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⁴⁷ See Dikshitar: *Mauryan Polity*, pp. 367-68.

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⁴⁸ See Rapson's *Catalogue of Indian Coins*, p. 22.

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⁴⁹ *See I.H.Q.*, VI, pp. 649-50.

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⁵⁰ *Corpus, Ins. Ind.*, III, p. 14.

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⁵¹ *Ibid.*, p. 217.

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The *Yuktikalpataru* of Bhoja, a medieval work of value, mentions two classes of ships. One is of the ordinary kind found in inland waters, of which ten varieties are distinguished. Of these, two divisions dīrghā and unnatā are mentioned according to the size. Among the dīrghā or lengthwise vessels figure ten boats. These are dīrghikā, taraṇī, lolā, gatvarā, gāminī, tarī, janghālā, plāvinī, dhārinī and veginī. Unnatā boats are five in number; ūrddhvā, anūrddhvā, suvarṇamukhī, garbhiṇī and mantharā.⁵² Of these the class of ships which went by the name of Agramandira was utilised for naval warfare (raṇe kāle ghanātyaye).⁵³

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⁵² *R. G. Bhandarkar Comm. Volume*, pp. 451-53.

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⁵³ p. 228.

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Dr. R. K. Mookerjee quotes from Elliot’s *History of India*⁵⁴ a long account of a naval fight between two fleets in the eleventh century. It took place during the seventeenth expedition of Sultan Maḥmūd to India. Arriving at Multan, Maḥmūd ordered 1480 boats to be built each with three iron spikes, one on the prow and the other two on its two sides, so that whoever came into contact with it could be destroyed. Every ship was furnished with two archers with bows and arrows and also naphtha throwers. This force was opposed by the Jats who sent their families to the islands and launched, according to some, 4,000 boats, and, according to others, 8,000 boats manned and equipped for immediate engagement. Both fleets met and fought desperately. Every boat of the Jats was broken and capsized, resulting in the drowning of several men. Others who were left behind in the boats were all cruelly put to the sword.

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⁵⁴ Vol. II. 478.

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Turning to the history of South India, we have evidence to show that the country had trade and culture contacts with foreign countries like Rome in the west and the Malay Archipelago and Indo-China in the east. Yavana ships laden with articles of merchandise visited the west coast of India very frequently. There was active foreign trade between Tamil India and the outer world at least from about the time of Solomon, i.e. about 1000 B.C. Roman historians refer to the commercial intercourse that existed between Rome and South India.⁵⁵ In the first century before Christ we hear of a Pāṇḍyan embassy to Augustus Caesar.⁵⁶ The Sangam classics point to the profession of pearl-diving and sea-fisheries on a large scale. We hear of shipwrecks of the early Tamils saved now and then by Maṇimekhalai, the goddess of the sea. These instances are illustrative of the commercial relations between South India and foreign countries. We have the account of a Cēra king conquering the Kaḍamba in the midst of sea waters.⁵⁷ The Cēra king Senguṭṭuvan had a fleet with which he defeated the Yavanas who were punished with their hands being tied behind their back and the pouring of ghee and oil on their heads.⁵⁸

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⁵⁵ See P. T. Srinivasa Aiyangar: *History of the Tamils*, ch. XVIII.

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⁵⁶ For other activities about this period see the Periplus translated by Schoff, p. 46.

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⁵⁷ Padirruppattu. V.

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⁵⁸ S. K. Aiyangar: Contributions of South India, p. 330.

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From the evidence of the Mahāvaṃśa as well as from a few inscriptions we are able to gather some information regarding the diplomatic relations that existed between India and Ceylon. We have the story of Vijaya and his followers occupying the island about 543 B.C. Vijaya was a prince of North India who was banished from the kingdom by his father. Passing through the southern Maghada country he sailed to Ceylon, according to the Rājāvali, in a fleet carrying more than 700 soldiers, defeated the Yakṣas inhabiting it, and settled there permanently. This story is illustrated in the Ajanta frescoes.

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According to the Kāśikuḍi plates, Simhaviṣṇu, the father of Mahēndravarman, led an expedition to Ceylon and completely defeated its king who was proud of the strength of his arms.⁵⁹ During the days of Narasimhavarman I the confused politics of Ceylon made Mānavamma seek the help of the Pallava king, who in recognition of the help given by the Ceylonese prince in his conquest of Pulakēśin II, twice supplied Mānavamma with an army to invade Ceylon. The second expedition was marked by signal success, as a result of which Narasimhavarman occupied Ceylon. According to the Kāśikuḍi plates, the conquest of Ceylon by Narasimhavarman excelled the glory of Rāma's conquest of that island.⁶⁰ Nṛpatunga appears to have helped the Pāṇḍya king Śrī Māra in the latter's expedition to Ceylon.⁶¹ According to the Vāyalūr pillar inscription, there seems to be an indirect but certain reference to the conquest of the Laccadive islands by Rājasimha.⁶² Negapatam and Māmallapuram appear to have served as naval bases during the days of the Pallavas; and during that period culture and commercial contacts continued to be maintained in the Far East. This is evidenced by the Nandikkalambakam and the Takuapa inscription.⁶³ The ship type of coins of the Pallavas is another evidence of their naval activities.

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⁵⁹ SII., Vol. II. pt. 5; p. 356.

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⁶⁰ *Ibid.*: Mahāvaṃśa, ch. 47.

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⁶¹ *Ep. Ind.*, xviii, p. 13.

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⁶² *Ibid.*, p. 152.

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⁶³ See, for example, stanzas 46, 54 etc.: *J.O.R.* VI, pp. 300 ff.

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The Pāṇḍyan kings had close relations with Ceylon. Śrī Māra's expedition to Ceylon has been referred to earlier. In the wars of Rājasimha with Parāntaka he was helped by the Ceylonese king. When there was a dispute between Parākrama Pāṇḍya and Kulaśekhara, regarding the succession to the Pāṇḍyan throne the Ceylonese ruler sent, on request from the former, a naval brigade under Laṅkāpura Daṇḍanāyaka, who after defeating Kulaśekhara erected a pillar of victory. Incidents like these show that the kings of the south as well as the ruler of Ceylon had each a well equipped fleet.

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Likewise the Chālukyas had a strong navy. The Nilguṇḍa Plates of Vikramāditya VI say that king Maṅgaliśa of the early Western Chālukyas fitted out a naval expedition against the island of Revati and captured it.⁶⁴ The Aihole inscription credits Pulakeśin II with the reduction of Pūri with a fleet of 100 vessels,⁶⁵ while the Keṇḍūr plates of Kīrtivarman II state that Vinayāditya, the grandson of Pulakeśin II, subjugated Ceylon with war boats.⁶⁶

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⁶⁴ *Ep. Ind.*, XII, p. 151.

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⁶⁵ *Ibid.*, VI, No. 1.

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⁶⁶ *Ibid.*, IX, p. 205.

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The Choḷas also maintained a strong fleet with which they not only invaded and subjugated Ceylon frequently but also undertook oversea expeditions. Parāntaka invaded Ceylon, but his attempt was not a success. Likewise during the days of Sundara Choḷa there was an unsuccessful expedition against Ceylon. Among the conquests of Rājarāja, Ceylon was one and his invasion of that island finds expression in the Tiruvālaṅgāḍu plates⁶⁷ where it is described as follows:

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⁶⁷ *S.I.I.*, iii, p. 421.

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‘ Rāma built, with the aid of the monkeys, a causeway over the sea and then slew with great difficulty the king of Laṅkā by means of sharp-edged arrows. But Rāma was excelled by this (king) whose powerful army crossed the ocean in ships and burnt the king of Laṅkā.’

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Rājarāja also sent an expedition against the Twelve Thousand Islands, obviously a reference to the Laccadives and Maldives.⁶⁸ Friendly embassies were also sent by the Choḷa king to China.

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⁶⁸ *Ibid.*, ii, p. 48.

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The oversea expeditions of Rājendra are more striking. He conquered Ceylon and took the crown of the king and the more beautiful crown of his queen. The greatest feat of arms performed by Rājendra was the conquest of Kaḍāram and other places across the sea. Numerous ships carried the troops of Rājendra to Śrī Vijaya and its dependencies which he conquered. Among the places conquered were Pannai (Pani or Panei on the east coast of Sumatra), Malaiyur (at the southern end of the Malay Peninsula), Ilaṅgāśokam (in the Malay Peninsula), Māppappālam (a place in the Talaing country of Lower Burma), Talaittakkolam (modern Takkola in the west coast of the Malay Peninsula), Mudammālingam (a place facing the gulf of Siam), Ilāmurideśam (the country in the northern part of the island of Sumatra), Nakkavāram (the Nicobars).⁶⁹ Besides, active trade was carried on between South India and China during the period. At the end of the 10th century the Chinese emperor sent a mission to the Choḷa king with credentials under the imperial seal and provisions of gold and piece-goods to induce the foreign traders of the South Sea and those who went to foreign lands beyond the sea for trade to come to China.

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⁶⁹ For other names and identification see the learned article by M. Coedes in the *Bulletin de l' Ecole Française d' extreme Orient*, 1918.

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During the reigns of the successors of Rājendra there were frequent wars between the Choḷas and the Ceylonese with whom the Pāṇḍyas were often in league. In 1077 Kulottunga I sent an embassy to the Chinese court for trade purposes. The men who visited the court were given 81,800 strings of copper cash, i.e., about as many dollars in return for the articles of tribute comprising glassware, camphor, brocades (called Kimhwa in the Chinese text), rhinoceros horns, ivory, incense, rose water, putchu asafoetida, borax, cloves, etc.⁷⁰ About 1090, the king of Śrī Vijaya sent an embassy to the court of Kulottunga I after having built a vihāra at Śolakulavalli Paṭṭinam, probably the modern Negapatam. The facts clearly show that the Choḷas maintained supremacy over the sea and kept a strong and powerful navy which was useful not only for carrying on extensive commerce with foreign countries but also for conducting military expeditions.

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⁷⁰ See K. A. Nilakanta Sastri: The Coḷas, II, pp. 25-26.

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During the days of the Kākatīyas of Wārangal, Moṭupalle (Guntur District) was the chief port on the east coast. Gaṇapatideva, the Kākatīya ruler, extirpated piracy on the sea and made the sea safe for commerce with foreign countries like China and Zanzibar. This policy was pursued by Rudrāmbā, his daughter.

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The Vijayanagar kings also claimed supremacy over the sea. Since the days of Harihara I the rulers of Vijayanagar took the title of the Lord of the Eastern, Western and Southern oceans; and there were 300 ports in the empire.⁷¹ According to Ferishta, the ruler of Ceylon kept ambassadors at the Vijayanagar court and sent rich presents to the king every year. Virūpākṣa the son of Harihara II is said to have conquered Ceylon and set up a pillar of victory in the island.⁷² ’Abd-ur-Razāk says that (Lakkaṇṇa) Daṇṇaik, the Prime Minister of Dēvarāya II, went on a voyage to the frontier of Ceylon.⁷³ Dēvarāya II is credited in an epigraph with having levied tribute from Ceylon (*Ilam tirai koṇḍa*).⁷⁴ Besides, Dēvarāya collected tribute from foreign countries like Pegu and Tenasserim.⁷⁵ Ludovico Varthema who visited the Vijayanagar kingdom in 1504 mentions that the Vijayanagar king was then waging a war with Tenasserim.⁷⁶ Kṛṣṇadēvarāya, Acyutarāya and Sadāśivarāya each claims to have invaded Ceylon.

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⁷¹ Elliot: History of India, IV, p. 103.

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⁷² S. K. Aiyangar: Sources, p. 53; E.I., iii, p. 228.

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⁷³ Sewell: A Forgotten Empire, p. 74.

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⁷⁴ 144 of 1916; Rep., p. 60.

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⁷⁵ Sewell, *op. cit.*, p. 302.

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⁷⁶ Varthema, *Itinerary*, p. 74.

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The activities of the Vijayanagar fleet on the west coast are also referred to by the Portuguese. Timoja who commanded the Vijayanagar fleet in 1506 "was entrusted with the task of waging perpetual war with the Goa" which was then the possession of the Bijāpūr Sultans.

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The Vijayanagar kings sent friendly embassies to foreign courts. Bukka I sent an embassy through his chief explainer to the court of Taitsu, the king Emperor of China, with tributes and large presents, among which was a stone which was valuable in neutralising poison.⁷⁷ These indicate in unmistakable terms that the Vijayanagar kings, as the Imperial Choḷas, continued to have a good navy and retained the command of the seas.

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⁷⁷ Bretschneider: *Med. Researches*, II, p. 211. *Ind. Ant.* XL, p. 140.

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But however interesting it may be, we have little information about the administration of the naval department and the building of ships. In the Vijayanagar days according to Rice the department appears to have worked under an officer called the *Nāviyaprabhu*. He was stationed at Mangalore and acted Admiral of the fleet. He seems to have worked under the supervision of the Prime Minister or the Commander-in-Chief.⁷⁸ There was a squadron stationed off Bhatkal, with Goa probably as headquarters.⁷⁹

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⁷⁸ E.C. viii, Sh. 468.

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⁷⁹ See *New Review*, Vol. XIV. Dec. 1941. Here B. A. Saletore examines the naval policy of the Marathas. Based on the writings of two Maratha authors Krishnaji Anant Sabbasad and Ramachandra Pant Amatya, the men-of-war are mentioned as the gurab, the galabat, the tarandi, the tarav, the shibad, and the pagar. The fleet is said to be under the command of a Subhedar or Sarsubha. There was a decline of the navy under the Peshwas.

c10.125

Some of the places where ships were built in South India were Calicut, Cochin, besides the Maldive Islands. Regarding the size of the Indian ships we have conflicting accounts, beginning with those of the Arab travellers in the ninth and tenth centuries and ending with Vasco da Gama in the sixteenth century. Sulaiman remarks that the people of the Maldives "built ships and houses and executed all other works with a consummate art".⁸⁰

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⁸⁰ Farrand, *Voyage*, p. 32.

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The description of ships by John of Montecorvino may be taken to be illustrative of Indian ships. He says: "Their ships in these parts are mighty, frail and uncouth with no iron in them and no caulking. They are sewn like clothes with twine. And so if the twine breaks anywhere there is a breach indeed. Once every year therefore there is mending of this more or less if they go to sea. And they have a frail and flimsy rudder, like the top of a table, of a cubit in width, in the middle of the stern, and when they have to tack, it is done with a vast deal of trouble, and if it is blowing in any way hard, they cannot tack at all. They have but one sail and one mast and the sails are either of matting or miserable cloth. The ropes are of husk." 81 Indian ships appear to have been small in size. Barbosa observes that the Moors built keeled ships of a thousand and a thousand two hundred *bahares* burden, which would be about 224 tons. 82 Varthema's account of the ships built at Calicut shows that the ships were generally 200 tons. 83 According to Nicolo dei Conti, the carrying capacity of the ships was estimated at 2,000 butts or about 60,000 cubit feet.

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In a large number of cases the merchant ships were converted into war vessels during times of war. Though the subject of Indian navigation is very interesting, it has been only very partially worked, as the material for the proper study of the subject is still scanty.

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⁸¹ Yule, *Cathay*, iii, pp. 66-67. 82 Vascoda Gama, *The First Voyage*, p. 128. 83 Varthema, *Travels*, p. 154.

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