Chandragupta Maurya and His Times c13.s2: Equipment: Greek account
Chandragupta Maurya and His Times c13.s2
- Language
- English
Equipment: Greek account
c13.s2.1
Details regarding the equipment of the Infantry may be derived from a variety of sources. According to Arrian, “the foot soldiers carry a bow of equal length with the man who bears it. This they rest upon the ground and pressing against it with their left foot, thus discharge the arrow, having drawn the string far backwards; for the shaft they use is little short of being three yards long and there is nothing which can resist an Indian archer’s shot—neither shield nor breastplate nor any stronger defence, if such there be. In their left hand they carry bucklers of undressed ox-hide, which are not so broad as those who carry them but are about as long. Some are equipped with javelins instead of bows, but all wear a sword which is broad in the blade, but not longer than three cubits, and this, when they engage in a close fight (which they do with reluctance) they wield with both hands to fetch down a lustier blow.”
c13.s2.2
**Account of Kautilya.** Kauṭilya, however, gives a complete account of weapons and military engines then in use. These he classifies according to their uses whether in battles, in the construction or defence of forts or in the destruction of cities or strongholds of enemies There were some machines which were immovable (*sthita-yantrāṇi*); others that were movable (*chalayantrāṇi*) like *Chakra*, *Triśūla*, *Mudgara*, *Gadā* etc; there were also weapons with piercing sharp edges (*halamukhāni*) such as *Śakti*, *Prāsa*, *Kunta*, etc. There were varieties of bows according to their make whether of bamboo, wood, or horn, as also of bow strings and of arrows tipped with iron, bone or wood so as to cut, rend or pierce. Three kinds of swords are mentioned, with a crooked point or with curved blade, sharp and long; their handles were made of the horns of the rhinoceros, buffalo, or of the tusks of elephants or of wood etc. There are also razor-like weapons such as *paraśu*, *kuṭhāra* etc. Some machines are for hurling stones.
c13.s2.3
There were also varieties of armour or coat of mail for the whole body such as *loha-jāla* (complete armour and helmet), *loha-jālikā* (armour without helmet), *loha-paṭṭa* (armour without arms), *loha-kavacha* (coat of mail with breast-plate and back cover), *sūtra-kaṅkaṭa* (dress of woven threads), and different armours of skins of rhinoceros, elephant, alligator etc; and shields for various parts of the body such as helmets (*śirastrāṇa*), collars (*kaṇṭhatrāṇa*), arm-guards (*kūrpāsa*), head-covers (*hastikarṇa*), belts (*peṭī*), all manufactured by skilled artisans [II. 18].
c13.s2.4
Soldier in Sculpture. The literary evidence, Greek or Indian, as to the arms and weapons of Ancient India is confirmed by the available evidence of old Indian art. A nearly life-size figure of an infantry soldier armed as described by Megasthenes appears among the sculptures of Bharhut which are generally taken to date from the age of Asoka. The most accurate description, however, of the early Indian arms may be obtained from the sculptures of Sanchi and other topes of the first century A.D. described by Cunningham and Fergusson. "In one of them," says Cunningham, "there is the representations of a siege....the soldiers wear a tight-fitting dress and kilt; the arms are a sword and bows and arrows. The swords are short and broad and tally exactly with the description of Megasthenes," given above. The bas-reliefs represent nearly all the foot-soldiers as archers, which is in accord also with the statement of Megasthenes. Some of them, Megasthenes states, use darts instead of arrows. This is also confirmed by one of the bas-reliefs showing a soldier covered by a shield and holding a dart horizontally, ready to launch it forward. The same dart is placed in one of the porter's hands at the western gate. The most usual shield represented in the bas-reliefs is also long and narrow and rounded at the top, as described by Megasthenes. The shields of the cavalry were, according to Megasthenes, smaller than those of the infantry. This is also the case throughout the bas-reliefs in which the horse-man's shield is always about 2 ft. in length.
c13.s2.5
The arms represented on the Bhilsa topes are bows and arrows, dagger, sword, spear with triangular head, axe, battle-axe, trident, infantry and cavalry shields.
c13.s2.6
On another of the bas-reliefs at Sanchi is represented a legend of Prince Siddhārtha shooting an arrow which pierced an iron target. In the foreground of the picture are three warriors armed with Parthian bow and short straight sword of Roman shape, carried over the right shoulder; they also wear cross-straps for carrying their quivers. Drums and pipes accompany them.
c13.s2.7
**Indian Soldiers fighting in Europe.** It may be noted that the valour of the Indian Army was known beyond the bounds of India in very early times. As early as 480 B.C. the army of Xerxes which invaded Greece comprised an Indian contingent clad in cotton garments (probably *sūtra-kaṅkaṭa* referred to by Kauṭilya, as mentioned above) and armed with cane bows and iron-tipped cane arrows.
c13.s2.8
**Parade.** The infantry had to take a regular drilling and training. The king himself was to hold a review of troops every day at sunrise and witness their military manoeuvres (*Śilpadarśanaṁ kuryāt, Śilpayogyāḥ kuryuḥ*) [V. 3].
c13.s2.9
Strong points. One point of the infantry's superiority to the other arms of the military is stated by Kauṭilya to be that the infantry is capable of taking up arms (*śastravahanam*) and of military exercises (*vyāyāma*) on all kinds of soil or ground (*sarvadeśa*) and in all weathers, dry or wet (*sarva-kāla*). The horses, elephants, and chariots cannot operate in all weathers or on swampy soil [X. 4].
c13.s2.10
Address to Soldiers. By way of encouraging the infantry in the field of battle, Kauṭilya suggests the delivery of the following inspiring speeches to them. The king should address his soldiers as follows: "I am a paid servant like yourselves; this country is to be enjoyed (by me) together with you; you have to strike the enemy specified by me (*Tulyavetanosmi; bhavadbhissaha bhogyamidaṁ rājyaṁ; mayābhihitaḥ parobhihantavyaḥ*) [X. 3].
c13.s2.11
His Minister and Priest should encourage the army by saying thus: "It is declared in the Vedas that the destiny which is attained by sacrificers properly performing their sacrifices is the very destiny which lies in store for the brave" (*Vedeshvapyanuśrūyate—'samāptadakshiṇānām yajñānāmavabhritheshu sā te gatir yā śūrāṇām iti'*) [*Ib.*]
c13.s2.12
Again: 'Beyond those places which Brāhmaṇas desirous of getting into heaven attain by their sacrifices and practice of penance are the places which brave men, losing their lives in righteous battles, are destined immediately to attain" (*yān yajñasaṁghais tapasā cha viprāḥ svargaishiṇaḥ pātrachayaiśchā yānti* |
c13.s2.13
*Kshaṇena tānapyatiyānti śurāḥ prāṇān suyuddheshu parityajantaḥ* ||).
c13.s2.14
“A soldier on the other hand is destined to go to hell and shall not receive the courtesy of proper funeral rites being performed at his death if he does not fight in return for the subsistence he owes to his master (*Navamṁ śarāvaṁ salilasya pūrṇaṁ susaṁskṛitaṁ darbhakṛitottarīyam* | *tat tasya mā bhūnnarakaṁ cha gachchhed yo bhartṛipiṇḍasya kṛite na yuddhyet* ||).
c13.s2.15
Astrologers and other followers of the king should infuse spirit into his army by pointing out the impregnable nature of its array and phalanx and they should also frighten the enemy (*Vyūhasampadā kārtāntikādiśchāsya vargaḥ sarvajñadaivasaṁyogākhyāpanābhyāṁ svapakshaṁ uddharshayet*| *parapakshaṁ chodvejayet* |).
c13.s2.16
Soothsayers and court-bards should describe heaven as the destination of the brave and hell for the timid. They should also extol the caste, corporation, family, deeds and character of the soldiers (*sūtamāgadhāḥ śūrāṇāṁ svargamasvargaṁ bhīrūṇāṁ jātiṣaṁghakulakarmavṛittastavaṁ cha yodhānām varṇayeyuḥ*).
c13.s2.17
Spies, carpenters, and astrologers should proclaim promptly the success of their own operations and the failure of those of the enemy (*Satrikavardhaki mauhūrtikāḥ svakarmasiddhimasiddhiṁ pareshāṁ*).
c13.s2.18
**Rewards.** Lastly, the Commander-in-chief used to declare the rewards and honours graded according to the value of the feats performed or the triumphs achieved. These were 100,000 (*paṇas*) for slaying the hostile king, 50,000 for slaying his Commanderin-chief and heir-apparent, 10,000 for the chief of the brave, 5000 for the commander of an elephant or a chariot-division, 1000 for the commandant of a cavalry division, 100 for the leader of the infantry (*patti-mukhya*), 20 for bringing a head and twice the pay in addition to whatever is seized [X. 3].'
c13.s2.19
Cavalry. The special work of cavalry in a battle is stated by Kauṭilya to be the supervision of the discipline of the army, lengthening its line, protection of its sides, first attack, turning the movement of the army, pursuit and the like [X. 4].
c13.s2.20
Superintendent of Horses (*Aśvādhyaksha*). Horses were so necessary and important for Chandragupta's army that there was a department of Government to look after their recruitment and proper training. The Superintendent of horses had to keep a register of horses; classify them according to their breed, age, colour, and size etc; to provide for their stabling, fix their diets, arrange for their breaking and training and the treatment of their diseases by veterinary surgeons.
c13.s2.21
Recruitment. The horses of Chandragupta's cavalry, considering its numerical strength, had to be recruited from various places which are thus named by Kauṭilya [II. 30]: Kamboja [Afghanistan, the Kaofu of Hiuen-Tsang], Sindhu (Sind) Āraṭṭa (Panjab), Vanāyu (Arabia), Balhīka [Balkh], Sauvīra (Sind or Indus delta), Pāpeya, and Tāitala (unknown). 'Western horses' in general are highly prized in the *Mahābhārata*, but those of Sindhu and Kamboja are most mentioned [*Mbh.* III. 71, 12]. Equally famous were the steeds from Balhi [*Mbh.* I, 221, 51; v. 86, 6., etc.]
c13.s2.22
**Stabling.** The mettle of horses was tested by certain measurements of parts of its body as stated by Kauṭilya. Stables were built in conformity to the rules of hygiene and health. There were also strict regulations governing the horse's diet under different conditions.
c13.s2.23
**Training.** War-horses received special and regular training in the various movements required on the battle field.
c13.s2.24
**Veterinary Surgeons.** The Superintendent had to report the diseases of horses. The Veterinary Surgeons had not only to treat those diseases but also to see that the physical growth of the animal was harmonious. Errors in treatment were punished [II. 30].
c13.s2.25
**Greek Account of Equipment.** The equipment of the cavalry has been thus described by Arrian [*Indica*, Chap. XIV]: "The Indians do not put saddles on their horses nor do they curb them with their bits, but they fit on, round the extremity of the horses' mouth, a circular piece of stitched row ox-hide studded with pricks of iron or brass pointing inwards but not very sharp. Within the horse's mouth is a piece of iron like dart to which the reins are fastened." This, however, contradicts the statement of Megasthenes [McCrindle, Frag. XXXX] who says that "it is the practice of Indians to control their horses with bit and bridle and to make them move at a measured pace, and in a straight course. They neither, however, gall their tongue by the use of spiked muzzles nor torture the roof of their mouth." Megasthenes is also supported by the Sanchi sculptures which show how perfect was the headgear of the horses at the time.
c13.s2.26
The War-chariots. These were important factors of the army. Their functions in war are thus described by Kauṭilya [X, 4]. "Protection of the army; repelling the attack made by all the four constituents of the enemy's army; seizing and abandoning (positions) during the time of battle; restoring a broken array or phalanx, breaking the compact array of the enemy's army, frightening, inspiring awe by magnificence and sound" (*Svabalarakshā chaturaṅgabalapratishedhaḥ saṁgrāme grahaṇaṁ, mokshaṇaṁ bhinnasandhānaṁ abhinnabhedanaṁ trāsanam audāryam bhīmaghoshaś-cheti' rathakarmāṇi*).
c13.s2.27
Superintendent of Chariots: (*Rathādhyaksha*). As pointed out by Megasthenes, there was a separate Department of the War Office charged with the duty of maintaining the efficiency of the chariot as an element of the army. The Head of the Department was called the Superintendent of chariots (*Rathādhyaksha*) whose functions have been detailed by Kauṭilya [II. 33]. He had primarily to attend to the construction of the chariots according to standard sizes corresponding to seven different kinds of chariots then in use. The war-chariots (*sāṁgrāmika* or *parapurābhiyānika*) were ten *purushas* (probably =7½ ft) in height and 6 *hastas* or 9 ft. in width. The chariot manufacturers had to be adequately paid. The next important duty of the Superintendent was to maintain the efficiency of the training of the chariotmen in shooting arrows, hurling missiles and darts, charioteering, controlling the steeds, and, generally fighting from the chariot [*Ib.*].
c13.s2.28
Defeat of Poros. Poros depended largely upon his chariots in his resistance of Alexander and the following description of his chariots by Curtius [VIII. 14] is very interesting reading: "Each chariot was drawn by four horses and carried six men, of whom two were shield-bearers, two archers posted on each side of the chariot, and the other two charioteers as well as men at arms; for when the fighting was at close quarters they dropped their reins and hurled dart after dart against the enemy."
c13.s2.29
Kauṭilya [II. 33] also requires the chariot warriors to be skilled in the art of shooting arrows (*ishu*) and hurling clubs and cudgels (*astrapraharaṇa*).
c13.s2.30
But, "on this particular day," continues Curtius, "the chariots proved to be scarcely of any service, for the rain had made the ground slippery and unfit for horses to ride over, while the chariots kept sticking in the muddy sloughs and proved almost immovable from their great weight."
c13.s2.31
Thus the cause of the defeat of Poros was the unsuitability of the ground for the chariots which, according to Kauṭilya, would work best on the land which is free from mounds and wet lands and which affords space for turning (*Toyāśayāśrayavatī nirutkhātinī kedārahīnā vyāvartanasamartheti rathānāmatiśayaḥ* [X. 4]. The time also was unsuitable, for chariots work best in the dry season (*Varshati maruprāyam*) [IX. 1]. The space and time suitable for chariots are also indicated in the *Mahābhārata* (*apaṅka-garta-rahita rathabhūmiḥ praśasyate*) [*Śānti P.* XXIV].
c13.s2.32
**A Vyūha of Chariots.** It may be noted that a Vyūha of chariots or a regiment of charioteers which may be taken to be the unit of this branch of the army is stated by Kauṭilya [X. 5] to comprise 45 chariots, each of which was drawn by five horses. Thus besides the chariots, this section of the army is calculated to consist of 225 horses, 675 warriors, and another 675 servants (*pādagopa*).
c13.s2.33
It is also calculated that there should be three men or foot soldiers to oppose a horse (*pratiyuddha*) and 15 soldiers to oppose one chariot. Five horses are again to be pitted against one elephant while there will be required 15 servants for attending the horse, chariot, and elephant [*Ib.*]
c13.s2.34
**The Chariot in Sculpture.** The representations of old Indian chariots appear on the Sanchi bas-reliefs which show the car on two wheels, with sixteen spokes to each wheel, with a cubicle body open behind and drawn by two horses. There is also one long pole in the middle, curving upward near the neck of the horses with two short shafts on the sides reaching only as far as the flanks but there is no yoke. There is barely accomodation in the car for two persons to stand or sit side by side. The car in the sculpture, however, is used for religious purposes. The whip is also delineated at Sanchi and is shown as a stiff leather, though attached to a short handle.
c13.s2.35
**The Elephants-of-war.** The elephant force was of great importance for on that depended the victory of kings and the destruction of the enemy's army as stated by Kauṭilya (*hastipradhāno vijayo rājñām* [II. 2]; *hastipradhāno hi parānīkavadha iti*) [VII. II]. This is also echoed by Megasthenes in his reference to elephants 'turning the scale of victory.'
c13.s2.36
**Strong points.** The special work of the elephants in war has been thus stated by Kauṭilya: "Marching in the front (*Puroyānam*); marching where there are no roads (*akṛitamārga*), places of shelter or landing places along rivers; protecting the flanks; crossing the rivers; penetrating into places rendered inaccessible by bushes and shrubs; breaking through the phalanx of the enemy's army (*sambādha*); setting fire to the enemy's camp and quenching it in one's own; capable of achieving victory by itself without the help of other limbs of the army (*ekāṅgavijaya*); restoring the broken phalanx and breaking through that of the enemy (*bhinnasandhānām abhinnabhedanam*); protection against danger (*vyasane trāṇam*); trampling down the enemy forces (*abhighāta*), terrorising the army (*vibhīshikā*); inspiring terror (*trāsanam*); giving an imposing appearance to the army (*audāryam=sainyamahatvam*); capturing (*grahaṇam*) the enemy's soldiers and releasing (*mokshaṇam*) one's own; destruction of ramparts (*sāla*), gates (*dvāra*), towers (*aṭṭālaka*) and the rooms over them; - and carrying treasure" [X. 4]. In another passage [II. 2], Kauṭilya points out that elephants being of stupendous bodies (*atipramāṇaśarīrāḥ*) are capable of breaking through the enemy's phalanx (*parānīkavyūhapramardanam*), destroying his fortifications (*Durga*) and his capital (*Skandhāvāra*), besides other destructive feats.
c13.s2.37
**Time of Operation.** The time suitable for the operation of elephants was all seasons of the year except the hot season when "elephants profusely perspire causing injury to their skin and leprosy (*kushṭhino*). When they cannot have bath in water and cannot profusely drink water, they are consumed by an inner heat (*antaravakshārāḥ*) and become blind (*andhībhavanti*) [IX. I]. Therefore, the elephants should be employed on expeditions in a well-watered country (*prabhūtodake deśe*) and when it rains (*varshati*).
c13.s2.38
**Place.** As to the place suitable for the operation of elephants, Kauṭilya [X. 4] prescribes as follows: "Accessible hills (*gamyaśaila*), low-lying swamps (*nimnavishamā*) and uneven ground with trees which can be pulled down, with plants that can be uprooted, and which is not boggy and broken into holes and pits (*paṅkabhaṅgavadaraṇa-hīnā*); also that which is full of dust (*pāṁśu*), mud (*kardama*), swamps, grass, and weeds, and free from the obstruction of the branches of big trees [X. 4].
c13.s2.39
**Superintendent of Elephants** (*Hastyadhyaksha*) [II. 31, 32]. The training and efficiency of elephants as a fighting force were looked after by a special branch of the War Office, as pointed out by Megasthenes. The Department was presided over by an official called the Superintendent of Elephants (*Hastyadhyaksha*) assisted by a regular staff of subordinate officers who attended to the manifold duties and operations necessary for the rearing up of an adequate elephant force for the State.
c13.s2.40
**Recruitment.** Firstly, there was the work of recruiting the elephants from various places and keeping the wild animals in specially appointed forests or preserves. Elephants came from the following places: (1) Kaliṅga, (2) Aṅga, (3) Prāchya (eastern India), (4) Chedi, (5) Karūśa, (6) Daśārṇa, (7) Aparānta (western India), (8) Surāshṭra and (9) Pāñchanada (Panjab).
c13.s2.41
**Superintendent of Elephant forests** (*Nāgavanādhyaksha*) [II. 2]. The elephant-forests or preserves were under the control of the superintendent called the *Nāgavanādhyaksha* with staff of assistants called the *Nāgavanapālas* who controlled the approaches to and from the forests.
c13.s2.42
Elephant-Trainers. Secondly, there was the capture and training of wild elephants requiring another set of officers having special knowledge and experience of that difficult work. These were elephant-drivers (*Hastipaka*), boundary-guards (*Saimika*), foresters (*Vana-charaka*), those who slip nooses round the legs of the elephant (*Pāda-pāśika*), and the elephant-trainers (*Anīkastha*) [II. 2]. The trainers had to perform the important initial function of discriminating between elephants which were worthy of capture and those which were not so for disease or other defects such as extreme youth (*vikka*), disease (*vyādhita*), pregnancy or having young ones to suckle (*garbhiṇī* and *dhenukā*) and the smallness (*mūḍha*) or absence of tusks (*matkuṇa*) [II. 31].
c13.s2.43
Capture of Elephants: Khedda. Female elephants were used in the capture of elephants (*Hasti-bandhakī*) which were pursued by the traces of their dung and urine, their foot marks, the places of rest or the damage caused by them in their course (*kūlapātoddeśena*). The mode of capture has been described by Megasthenes: it was to place a few female elephants in an enclosure with a surrounding deep trench into which the wild animals found their way by a bridge to be subsequently withdrawn.
c13.s2.44
Stabling Staff. Thirdly, there were the stabling arrangements requiring a special stabling staff which included among others the physician (*Chikitsaka*), the trainer (*Anīkastha*), the mahout expert (*Ārohaka*) or ordinary (*Ādhoraṇa*), the groom (*Hastipaka*), the attendant (*Aupachārika*), the cook (*Vidhāpāchaka*), the grass-supplier (*Yāvasika*), the guard (*Kuṭīrakshaka*) and those who look after the animal at night (*Aupaśāyika*) [II. 32]. These regulated the diet and the daily necessities (such as bathing exercise, training and rest) of the animals.
c13.s2.45
Military Training: Fourthly, there was the important work of giving the State elephants, especially those meant for war (*sānnāhya*), a proper training for which regular expert assistance was needed. They had to be trained in all the movements necessary in war (*sāṁgrāmika*) such as rising, bending or jumping (*upasthāna*), turning (*saṁvartana*), killing or capturing (*vadhāvadha*), fighting with other elephants (*hastiyuddha*) and even assailing forts and cities (*nāgarāyaṇam*) [II. 31; 32].
c13.s2.46
Riders. According to Megasthenes [Frag. XXXV], the war elephant, "either in what is called the tower, or on his bare back, in sooth, carries three fighting men of whom two shoot from the side while one shoots from behind. There is also a fourth man who carries in his hand the goad wherewith he guides the animal much in the same way as the pilot and captain of a ship direct its course with the helm."
c13.s2.47
Thus quite a variety of officers co-operated for the rearing up of a good breed of elephants to serve in war. The contribution of the elephants to the fighting force of the empire under Chandragupta was not inconsiderable.
c13.s2.48
Eastern India Home of Elephants. From a comparison of the contemporary armies of India which we have referred to above, it is evident that the army under Chandragupta was an advance upon them in respect of elephants, in the recruiting and training of which the east, i.e. Magadha, had the pre-eminence, according to the unanimous testimony of the Indian records (Rhys Davids, *Buddhist India*, p. 266]. We may recall in this connection the mention by Kauṭilya of *Prāchya* (the east) as the region which supplied the best elephants, and also a passage of the *Mahābhārata* [XII. 101] which, in comparing the military skill attained by different peoples, points out the pre-eminence of the *Prāchyas* at elephant-fighting. With this we may also compare the statement ascribed to Megasthenes [*Ancient India*, p. 118] that the largest elephants in all the land were those called the *Praisian* i.e., of the land of the Prasii or eastern people, the Māgadhāns.
c13.s2.49
**Admiralty: Superintendent of Shipping** (*Nāvādhyaksha*). We have now dealt with the main divisions of the army and shall close our account by a reference to the Board of Admiralty which, according to Megasthenes, was a department of the War-Office of Chandragupta. The evidence on the Mauryan Navy is rather scanty. According to Kauṭilya, the Admiralty was the portfolio of an officer called the Superintendent of ships and boats who had to deal with all matters relating to war. The use of vessels in war first shows itself in the campaigns of Alexander who effected his passage across the Indus [V. A. Smith, *Early History of India*, p. 55.] and the Hydaspes [*Ib.*] by means of his flotilla of boats. Arrian notes (my *History of Indian Shipping*, p. 102] the construction of dock-yards and the contribution of galleys of 30 oars and of transport vessels by the tribe called Xathroi. The construction of ships was the monopoly of the State but the ships were let out on hire (Strabo, XV. 46). This is confirmed by Kauṭilya [II. 28]. It was the duty of the Admiralty to pursue and destroy piratical boats and ships (*hiṁsrikāḥ*) as well as those from an enemy's country (*amitravishayātigāḥ*). The Admiralty in fact policed the rivers and sea-shore. They had also to collect all tolls levied at ferries, harbour, dues, and customs, but they were bound to offer free passage to "men who were engaged to carry things (provisions and orders) to the army" [*Ib.*]. Thus boats were needed not so much for actual fighting as for purposes of transport of arms and provisions for the army along water-ways.
c13.s2.50
**Policy.** The vast military resources of the empire were to be applied with reference to a policy aiming at two objectives called (1) *Śama*, enjoyment in security of results achieved by (2) *Vyāyāma* or effort [VI. 2].
c13.s2.51
These two aims, again, depended upon the six-fold Policy called *Shāḍguṇyam* comprising (1) *Sandhi* or *Paṇabandha*, agreement between States with pledges or guarantees; (2) *Vigraha* or *Apakāra*, war; (3) *Āsana* or *Upekshaṇa*, neutrality; (4) *Yāna* or *Abhyuchchaya*, expedition based on a collection of materials of war preparation; (5) *Saṁśraya* or *Parārpaṇam*, seeking a shelter of a more powerful king by surrendering money or hostages; (6) *Dvaidhībhāva*, making peace with one and war with another [VII. 1.].
c13.s2.52
The results to follow from this six-fold policy are the three conditions for the State: *Kshayaḥ* or decline, *Sthānam*, stationary state; and *Vṛiddhi*, expansion.
c13.s2.53
The condition of the State will depend upon its policy, good (*naya*) or bad (*apanaya*), and also upon luck (*daiva*), good (*aya*), or bad (*anaya*).
c13.s2.54
The ideal king must aim at *Vṛiddhi*, expansion of his territory, which he must achieve as a conqueror, (*Vijigīshu*).
c13.s2.55
His success (*Siddhi*) will depend upon his strength (*Śakti*).
c13.s2.56
*Śakti* is of three kinds: that of (1) Wisdom (*jñānabalam*) and counsel (*mantraśakti*), (2) Resources, material and military (*kośadaṇḍabalam prabhu-śakti*) and (3) Determination (*vikramabalam utsāha-śaktiḥ* [VI. 1].
c13.s2.57
The sphere of application of the sixth-fold policy is what is called the Circle of States with which the king cultivates relations, friendly, or unfriendly (*Shāḍguṇyasya prakṛiti-maṇḍalaṁ yoniḥ*) [VI. 2].
c13.s2.58
These foreign relations are thus differentiated:
c13.s2.59
The neighbouring king is to be treated as the enemy. His neighbour is the friend. Other Powers will be the enemy's ally, and the allies of the king, or the conqueror's allies, and the allies of the enemy's allies.
c13.s2.60
There is also the *Madhyama* king between the conqueror and his enemy, who may help either.
c13.s2.61
And, lastly, there is the neutral (*udāsīna*) king.
c13.s2.62
The programme of conquest laid down is, first, to seize the enemy's territory and then that of the *Madhyama* and of *Udāsīna* [XIII. 4].
c13.s2.63
This is the first way of conquest (*eshaḥ prathamo mārgaḥ pṛithivīṁ jetum*).
c13.s2.64
Where there is no *Madhyama* or *Udāsīna* State and the conqueror is left to deal with the enemy by himself, he is to attempt conquest by his own superior power being applied first to win over the enemy's Ministers and, later, his army, and then secure his treasury (*ariprakṛitīḥ amātyādīn sādhayet| Tata uttarāḥ prakṛitīḥ kośadaṇḍādikāḥ*). This is the second way of conquest.
c13.s2.65
Where there is no Circle of States (*Maṇḍala*) to be conquered, he should conquer his friend by his enemy or his enemy by his friend by a war between them so as to weaken both and conquer both. This is the third way.
c13.s2.66
Or he may, with the help of his ally, subdue his enemy, and, with his power doubled, subdue the second, and with power trebled, the third, king. This is the fourth way to conquest.
c13.s2.67
He must behave as a conqueror (*jitvā cha pṛithivīm*) by ruling by Dharma or Law [*Ib.*].
c13.s2.68
He is to ‘cover the defects of the conquered king by his own virtues and by doubling his own virtues by good administration, by concessions (*anugraha*), remissions (*parihāra*), gifts (*dāna*) and honours (*māna*), and thus contribute to the contentment and good of his new subjects (*prakṛitipriyahitāni anuvarteta*).’ He is advised to adopt the manners and customs (*śīla*), dress (*vesha*), language (*bhāshā*), and laws (*āchāra*) of the conquered peoples. He should respect their religion, social institutions (*samāja*) and festivals (*utsava*). His spies (*Satriṇaḥ*) will report to the leaders of the people in different localities (*deśa*), villages (*grāma*), castes (*jāti*) and corporations (*saṅgha*) on the injuries inflicted on the country (*apachāra*) by the enemy, and on his own power, affection for them, and measures for their welfare. He is to honour their gods, and reward the men of letters (*Vidyāśūra*), the orators (*Vākyaśūra*), the religious people (*Dharmaśūra*) by gifts of land, goods, and remissions of taxes. He should celebrate his conquest by a general gaol-delivery (*sarvabandhanamokshaṇam*) and sanction the maintenance of the destitute, the helpless and the diseased. He is to prohibit the slaughter of animals for half a month during the period of *Chāturmāsya* (July to September), for four nights at the time of full moon, and for a night on the day of the *nakshatra* marking the king's birth and his conquest of the country (*rājanakshatra*, and *deśa-nakshatra*, as explained by the commentator). He should, finally, adopt all measures necessary to ensure his safety and conquest in a new country by dealing effectively with all sources of mischief and discontent [XII. 5].
c13.s2.69
No better maxims and principles can be thought of for empire-building for an emperor like Chandragupta Maurya who had to deal with so many communities of different social systems and religions making up his vast empire comprising the foreigners or *Yonas* at its north-western end and, in the rest of the empire, within India proper, peoples in different stages of social evolution from the aboriginal peoples, forest-tribes (the *Āṭavikas*) and nomads, up to the cultured classes (the *Āryas*) brought up under the *Varṇāśrama-dharma* system at the top of the social structure. It was only a wide principle of synthesis and comprehension, as enunciated by Kauṭilya for the *Digvijayī* emperor, which could accommodate within its extensive range so many differences and such a large amount of diversity so as to reconcile them in a composite whole and weld them together as parts of a common political system or empire. Kauṭilya and Chandragupta thus rank as India's first empire-builders by virtue of both sound imperial theory and practice. They founded their empire on the stable and broad basis of complete cultural freedom for all its communities, respect for their differences in language, custom, and creed, and protection of all their rights, social, religious, and linguistic, which make up communal integrity.
Linked texts (6)
- Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra — Kauṭilya, Sanskrit
- Mahābhārata — Vyāsa, Sanskrit
- Ἰνδική — Λούκιος Φλάουιος Ἀρριανός, Ancient Greek
- Ἰνδικά — Μεγασθένης, Ancient Greek
- Sāñcī
- Bharhut