Administrative System of the Marathas c11: Chapter II. Revenue and Finance
Administrative System of the Marathas c11
- Language
- English
Contents
- c11.s1 2. Annaji's Survey — 56 parts
- c11.s2 4. Principle of Assessment — 22 parts
- c11.s3 5. Revenue Divisions and Revenue Officers — 22 parts
- c11.s4 6. Mints and Coins — 27 parts
Chapter II. Revenue and Finance
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Ranade was not the only scholar to point out that "Like the first Napoleon, Shivaji in his time was a great organiser, and a builder of civil institutions."¹ Scott-Waring, writing in the first decade of the 19th century, observes "while Sevajee carried on his predatory warfare, he was not inattentive to the growing interests of his state. The lands in the Kokun were secured and defended."² That was not all. The lands were secured and defended and suitable measures were taken for the extension of cultivation and improvement of agriculture. Jervis tells us that according to the popular traditions, Shivaji's subjects enjoyed plenty though not peace. "In the midst of all this confusion, warfare, and general disloyalty, the state of the revenue and population is said to have prospered."³ The reason is not hard to find out; Shivaji introduced a flexible system that long survived his dynasty's overthrow, and as Mr. Pringle Kennedy says "The peasant knew what he had to pay and he seems to have been able to pay this without any great oppression."⁴
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¹ Ranade, R. M. P., p. 115.
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² Scott-Waring, History of the Mahrattas, p. 96.
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³ Jervis, p. 93.
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⁴ Kennedy, History of the Great Moghuls, Vol. II, p. 125.
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It is certainly creditable to the great Maratha soldier that his subjects, inspite of his constant wars, should have enjoyed plenty and increased in number. But all that Shivaji had to do was to follow in the foot-steps of another great man. It is true that Shivaji cannot claim originality. But originality is not an indispensable factor in statesmanship. All that is expected of a practical statesman is that he should discern the needs of his time and adopt suitable measures to meet them. Whether these measures are his own or not does not matter. Akbar, one of the greatest of Indian rulers, frequently revived the long forgotten measures of some of his less known predecessors and with what effect is known to us all. Shivaji also had the keen discernment of a statesman and he could appreciate the good points, as he was fully aware of the defects of the existing government. He found that Malik Ambar's revenue system, with a few slight modifications, would suit his country best and he revived it without any hesitation.⁵ What Todar Mall did for the north, Malik Ambar did for the south.
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⁵ Bombay Gazetteer, Poona Volume.
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The great foreigner, who had served his adopted country so well, had to work almost under the same circumstances as Shivaji. While defending his master's tottering kingdom against the Mughal onslaughts, the great Abyssinian had to recognise its exhausted resources. He worked with an open mind and adopted the revenue system of his enemies. On the eve of its fall the Nizamshahi kingdom enjoyed a set of excellent regulations, but there was no one after Malik Ambar to work them out. Like Todar Mall he divided the arable lands into four separate classes according to fertility and ascertained their produce, roughly it is true, and fixed the assessment once for all. He, however, did not want the peasants to pay in kind. While a fixed permanent assessment was made, a commutation or money price was also fixed for ever. After fixing a money rent Malik Ambar turned his attention to the collecting agency. With one stroke of his pen he did away with the intermediate revenue agency which had been gradually assuming the character of a farming system. He then made the Patils and other revenue officers hereditary, but at the same time made them responsible for the full realisation of the government dues.⁵ Such in short was Malik Ambar's revenue system and as some of Shahaji's jagirs had previously formed part of the Nizamshahi dominions, the people there were not unfamiliar with it. Nor was there any lack of officials who had seen it in its actual working. Dadaji Konddev, when he reclaimed the waste lands of his master's jagir, did nothing but revive the wise regulations of the great Abyssinian.⁷
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⁵ See Bombay Gazetteer, Poona Volume and Jervis, pp. 66-68.
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⁷ Bombay Gazetteer,—Poona Volume.
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But Shivaji was no blind imitator. He was, if anything, a lover of strict method; and Malik Ambar's system, in certain respects, lacked it. While therefore, accepting its principles, Shivaji did not commit himself to all its details. Malik Ambar had not carefully surveyed the land, and the survey work was fraught with many difficulties, more or less serious. There were different standards and units of measurement and Shivaji had to find out a standard unit before he could order a systematic survey.⁸ Then again accurate measurement was impossible with a rope. The length of a rope was liable to slight variations in different seasons. So the measuring rope had to be rejected. Some Muhammadan rulers had substituted the rope by the *tenab* or measuring chain. But Shivaji replaced it by a *kathi* or a measuring rod.⁹ The *kathi* was to be five cubits and five fists (*muthis*) in length. The length of the regulation rod was fixed in *tasus* also. Twenty rods square made a *bigha*, and one hundred and twenty *bighas* a *chavar*. The unit of measurement being thus fixed, Shivaji ordered a survey settlement and the work of surveying the Konkan was ¹⁰ entrusted to no less able an officer than the celebrated Annaji Datto, Shivaji's Sachiv.
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⁸ Jervis enumerates the following—The gochurma or oxhide of land, the turub or plough land, secondly the khundee of land, the moora, the mun, the karika and so forth, that in lands requiring a khundee, moora, mun, karika and so forth of seed to sow them by which rule the produce was estimated and the government share fixed, Jervis, pp. 36-37.
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⁹ See Sabhasad, p. 32. Sen, Sivachhatrapati, p. 36.
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¹⁰ Whether a map was also prepared we do not know. Everything depends on the interpretation of *dhurang jhad* (Sabhasad, p. 32). The word is unintelligible and Rao Bhahadur Sane gives *durang jod* as an alternative reading. If we accept this second reading the sentence may mean that a bicolour map was drawn. But in those days paper was so scarce that it does not seem possible. I have no knowledge of any map or chart of Shivaji's time coming down to us. For a sensible suggestion about the meaning of the passage see *Vividha Dnyanvistar*, p. 69 (1921).
2. Annaji's Survey
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It can be safely asserted that the survey work was done with the utmost care. Annaji Datto refused to rely on irresponsible government officials, whose lack of local knowledge and necessary energy disqualified them for the work. He issued a circular letter to village officers urging them to undertake this important work with the co-operation of some of their co-villagers, whose interests were directly involved. A copy of this old circular¹¹ letter has come down to us, and has been deciphered and published by Mr. V. K. Rajwade. As this is the only document that tells us how the bighaoni survey of the Konkan was conducted by Annaji, it is a pity that this important paper has not escaped mutilation, and the sad ravages of time have made it impossible for Mr. Rajwade to decipher all the words. Many gaps have yet to be filled up mainly by conjecture. But it appears from what has been read, that the estimate of these village officers was not accepted without a proper examination. Annaji Datto himself revised their work. In every district, he visited at least one village of each description, estimated its yield, and then compared his own figure with that submitted by the village officers. It was the interest of these villagers not to over-estimate the possible revenue; consequently, the king alone was the only losing party if any error in these estimates remained undetected. This circular letter was issued in 1678, only two years before Shivaji's death. It is, therefore, clear that this survey settlement could not be finished in his life time and had, in all probability, commenced late in his reign.
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¹¹ V. K. Rajwade. M. I. S. Vol. XV, pp. 368-370. For an English translation of this letter see Appendix, C. pp. 119-122. It may be noted in this connection that Annaji was by no means the only officer charged with the work of survey settlement. Mention is made of similar work being done with regard to Shirval by Moro Pingle, the Peshwa. See Rajwade, M. I. P., Vol. XX, pp. 94-96.
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3. *Cesses and Abwabs* :
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In those days people had to make numerous contributions to the state, to the village communities, and even to those criminal tribes whose protection or neutrality the commercial and agricultural classes considered necessary to purchase. An ordinary peasant, for instance, had to pay his share of the land revenue to the state, at the harvest time he had to give a certain measure of grains to the village officers including the artisans, and when he brought the green vegetables of his garden for sale at the market place, the Patil and the Kulkarni (the village headman and the village scribe) took a handful in pursuance of a very old practice. To appreciate properly the revenue reforms of Shivaji, it is essential to have a clear idea of the taxes and cesses that a peasant or an artisan had to pay. Elphinstone has given us a list of taxes and cesses that prevailed in the Peshwa period but unfortunately no such list is available for the preceding period. This deficiency can however be made up by a careful scrutiny of the Sanads or grant deeds published in Mr. V. K. Rajwade's *Marathyanchya Itihasanchi Sadhanen*, Mawji and Parasnis's *Sanads and Letters* and the Transactions of the Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Mandal of Poona. These papers mention no less than fifty taxes, cesses and abwabs (extra duties), a formidable list indeed. But it should be remembered that some of these taxes were levied probably once in a life time, others were collected on special occasions, while some of them were undoubtedly confined to a particular locality. About their nature and incidence the Sanads hardly enlighten us. They simply enumerate all customary cesses, taxes and obligations from which the grantee is exempted. It is clear that all the taxes mentioned below were not exacted by the state, nor did they all prevail in the same revenue area and never was the same man in any locality subjected to all the taxes, cesses and other financial obligations of his native Pargana.
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1. *Beth Begari*—Forced labour.
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2. *Farmasi*—"Fruit, vegetables, etc., furnished on occasions to Rajas and public officers, on the authority of their order upon the villages; any petty article or trifling work exacted from the ryots by Government or a public officer."—Molesworth.¹² “An occasional contribution in kind; often paid in commutation of service.” Elphinstone.
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¹² This tax is mentioned in a document dated 1675. See M. I. S., Vol. XV, p. 173 It therefore seems probable that all these cesses were not abolished and the state demands consolidated as Jervis asserts.
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3. *Belekati*—A tax exacted on the commencement of the harvest. (*Balkati*, cutting ears of corn) Thomas, *Revenue Resources of the Moghal Empire*, p. 19.
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4. *Paiposi*—Cannot be positively identified; probably a tax paid in kind by the shoemakers. The shoe-makers claimed the special right of paying their dues in kind.¹³
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¹³ Rajwade, M. I. S. Vol. XX, p. 12.
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5. *Mejbani*—literally dinner tax.¹⁴
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¹⁴ It is not, however, clear who paid the cess and on what occasion.
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6. *Mohimpati*—Expedition cess; a similar tax is mentioned by Kautilya, but we need not go to such a remote age, a tax like this was levied by the Portuguese in their Indian Estate.
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7. *Karchapati*—Cannot be identified.
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8. *Telpati*—Oil cess; perhaps levied for illumination on festive occasions.
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9. *Tup*—A tax in kind levied perhaps on manufacturers of *ghi*.
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10. *Faski*—A toll levied on green vegetable-sellers.
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11. *Sadilvar*—A comprehensive term for any contingent charge.
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12. *Tutpati*—Literally means a tax to cover losses. It might be similar to ‘Kasar’ charged from Khots in Janjira to cover the loss in any deficiency of measurement. Prof. Pissurlencar thinks that it was similar to *but patti* of Portuguese India.
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13. *Idsubrati*—Jervis thinks it was a tax in kind paid by oilmen for illumination on the occasion of Id.
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14. *Toranbheti*—Arches for receiving distinguished guests.
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15. *Ut*—A cess levied on transport camels.
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16. *Ambe*—A tax levied on the produce of mango trees.
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17. *Karujati*—Cannot be identified. Has it any relation to Karus, artisans?
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18. *Hejib*—Probably means the perquisites of an insignificant village officer of the same name. Hejib is mentioned in an old document published in the *Itihas Sangraha*, *Aitihasik Charitren*, pp. 22-23.
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19. *Pathevari*—The meaning is uncertain; is it Patwari, a tax levied for village officers?
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20. *Ashvajakati*—A duty on sale of horse. This tax is mentioned by many Portuguese authors including Barros.
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21. *Setsara*—A tax on arable land.
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22. *Barhad Taka*¹⁵—Probably similar to *bharad* tax of Portuguese India.
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¹⁵ Taka literally means an aggregate of sixteen Shivarai pice: also an aggregate of four pice, an anna.—Molesworth. Barhadghar—The house in which a wedding is celebrated, Molesworth. Is it a tax or cess on nuptials and analogous to Lagan pati?
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23. *Sel Bail*—A duty on transport cattle.
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24. *Jangampati*—A jangam is a lingayat. A tax on the Jangams or Saiva lingayats; see Book III.
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25. *Peshkasi*—Same as the Paishkush of the Mughal period.
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26. *Patisike Humayun*—Sike means a seal. This tax must be analogous to Batchhapai of the Peshwa period.
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27. *Kar-i-Humayuni*—A tax levied for celebrating the royal birth day.
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28. *Thanebhet*—In Portuguese India the villagers had to feed small bands of sepoys visiting the locality. Probably a similar obligation existed in some parts of Shivaji's kingdom.
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29. *Dasrapati*—Is it a cess levied on the occasion of Dasra? We know that under the Peshwa regime the Patil received some presents in kind, *e.g.*, a goat on the Dasra day. Sleeman noticed a somewhat similar practice in Central India. "In the first place, they (Thanadars) levy a fee of one rupee from every village at the festival of the Holi in February, another at that of the Dasehra in October," *Rambles and Recollections*, Vol. II, p. 217. The Ramoshi, Sarnaik also was entitled to the present of a goat from the neighbouring villages on the Dasra day. See Mackintosh, *Origin and present condition of the Tribe of Ramoossies*, p. 58.
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30. *Huzur Bhet*
31. *Halpati*
32. *Ahisthan*
33. *Virahisthan*
34. *Mohatarfa*—A tax on shop-keepers. Many cesses fall under this general heading.
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35. *Thaljakati*—Custom duties levied on goods while in transit through land.
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36. *Palbhara*—May be a tax on green vegetables.
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37. *Ulphapati*¹⁶—A religious cess.
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¹⁶ *Ulpha* literally means unhusked grain given in alms to mendicants. It seems therefore probable that the cess was levied for charitable purposes.
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38. *Bakrid*¹⁷—Cannot be identified.
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¹⁷ May be one of the numerous cesses levied for the expense of popular festivals, either Hindu or Muhammadan.
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39. *Sardesmukhpati*—Same as Sardesmukhi 40. *Mashahira*—Same as *Rasad* of the Mughal Rulers.
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41. *Gaonkhandi*—Cannot be identified.
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42. *Dani*—A tax in grain.
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43. *Teji Bheti*—Cannot be identified.
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44. *Jhadjhadoda*—A cess in kind levied on the fruits of village trees, generally collected at the rate of one per hundred mangoes or tamarinds.
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45. *Bargujar*—"Tax on the fields near the city where Paun is cultivated." Jenkins, *Report on the Territories of Rajah of Nagpore*, p. 228.
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46. *Inampati*—An occasional tax imposed in times of exigency on Inamdars.
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47. *Akhduldivani*—Cannot be ascertained.
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48. *Kar Imarati*—A tax to meet building expenses.
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49. *Vihir huda*—An extra tax on lands watered from wells.
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Mention is made of another *abwab*, *Sinhasanpati* or coronation tax, levied on the watandars at the time of Shivaji's coronation.¹⁸ Most of these taxes do not appear in Elphinstone's list and had been abolished in the interval.
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¹⁸ Rajwade, M.I.S. Vol XVI.p. 12.
4. Principle of Assessment
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Annaji Datto had fixed the rent at 33% p. c. of the gross produce, but Shivaji afterwards demanded a consolidated rent of 40% p. c.¹⁹ when all the taxes and extra cesses had been abolished.²⁰ Neither *tagai* nor the *istawa* principle was unknown in his time. "Cattle should be given to the new rayats that may come. Grain and money for (buying) seeds should be given. Grain and money should be given for their maintenance and the sum should be realised in two or four years according to the means of the debtor."²¹ In this way, says Sabhasad, new settlers were encouraged to come and settle in Shivaji's dominions. Rent-free land was granted for founding a market town by Shivaji's minister Moro Pingle.²² It is also certain that though extra cesses had been abolished, the customs duties were retained. No one could travel without a passport from a competent authority and Fryer mentions a customs officer stationed at Kalyan.²³
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¹⁹ This statement is based on Sabhasad Bakhar and Major Jervis's Konkan, but as I have already pointed out in a previous note, some of these dues continued to be levied till Shivaji's death and a few certainly survived him; but, as we do not know for certain whether they were state dues or perquisites of village officers or cesses levied by village communities, we cannot challenge the accuracy of this assertion without further investigation.
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²⁰ Jervis, p. 93.
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²¹ Sabhasad, p. 32. Sen, Sivachhatrapati, p. 37.
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²² Rajwade, M.I.S., Vol. XX, p. 98.
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²³ "Till on the right, within a mile or more of Gullean they yield possession to the neighbouring Seva Gi, at which City (the Key this way into that Rebel's Country) Wind and tide favouring we landed at about nine in the morning, and were civilly treated by the Customer in his Choultry; till the Havaldar could be acquainted of my arrival." Fryer, p. 123.
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We know, from many published documents, how much the peasant had to pay for each bigha he cultivated, during the Peshwa period. No such document of Shivaji's time has come down to us. Major Jervis has quoted exact figures in his work on the Konkan, but from what sources we do not know. It will not, however, be improper to quote these figures here, and the reader may accept them for what they are worth. Says Jervis, — "It is commonly believed indeed, that he (Shivaji) measured and classified all the lands, and then ascertained the amount of their produce from one or two villages in each Muhal of the Ouchitgurh, Rajpooree, Rygurh, Soowurndroog, Unjunvel, Rutnagiri and Veejydroog districts, for three successive years, from which data he established the rates, half in kind, half at a fixed commutation rate differing in each Talooka, to be paid by the beegah of each sort of land. The classification of the rice lands mule or dhemp, under 12 heads; the four first still retaining their former well known distinctions. *Uvul*, first and best sort; *Doom* or *Dooyoom* second sort; *Seem* third sort; *Charoom* or *Charseem* fourth sort. The first was assessed at 12½ muns; the second at 10, the third at 8, the fourth at 6¼ muns......... The remaining eight descriptions of land went by the following names, discriminating their respective qualities, and were assessed at the annexed rates. Ist, Raupal, on which small stunted brush wood grows; 2nd, Kharwut, lands in the neighbourhood of the sea or rivers, sometimes called salt bhatty lands; 3rd Bawul, rocky soil; 4th Khuree, stony soil; 5th Kuriyet or Toorwut, lands cultivated with pulse hemp, etc. 13 (sic) Manut, lands with the roots of large trees still uncleared, as near Indapur and Goregaon.
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| Raupal | ... | 8 maunds | per | beegah. |
| Kharwut | ... | 7½ | " | " |
| Bawul | ... | 6¼ | " | " |
| Khuree | ... | 6½ | " | " |
| Kureyat Irst sort | ... | 6¼ | " | " |
| Ruho | ... | 5 | " | " |
| Toorwut or } | ... | 5 | " | " |
| Katahnee } | | | | |
| Manut | ... | 5 | " | " |
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Subsequently the wretched cultivators have planted small spots on the most rocky eminences, wherever a little water lodged, and the least portion of soil favoured the growth of rice; this is frequent about Unjunvel and Rutnagiri Talookas, and have been classed under two heads, both called *sirwut*, the former assessed at 3¾ maunds, the latter the half of that; the produce of the first kind, would be about 16 bushels per beegah.²⁴
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²⁴ For these figures see Jervis, pp. 94-97.
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Special rates were fixed for other harvests. Vajat jamin or uncultivable waste lands were generally excluded when a village was assessed.²⁵ But as cultivation spread, there was a greater demand for arable plots, and waste lands of all sorts were gradually brought under the plough. At first they were exempt from assessment, but ultimately these were also taxed at a moderate scale. Jervis says that these *warkus* or dongur lands were assessed by the hal, nangar or plough and not by the bigha. In some instances six or seven bighas of such lands were counted as one for revenue purposes. The rent of such lands varied not only with their fertility but also with the nature of the crops raised. Major Jervis gives us the following scale:
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²⁵ Rajwade, M. I. S., Vol. XX., p. 94.
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Nachni was assessed at 3¾ maunds per *nangar* in superior soil and 3 maunds in inferior soil.
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Wari at 3 maunds and 2½ maunds.
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Harik at 3 maunds.
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Other kinds of inferior produce at 1¼ maunds.
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Besides the principal harvest the peasants often raised a second crop on the first class lands. These second crops were also assessed at a special rate according to their nature and deteriorating effect on the land. Jervis gives the following figures:
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Turmeric—Five maunds per bigha, each bigha being ¾ actual measurement.
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Hemp—Five maunds per bigha, each bigha being ¾ actual measurement.
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Sugarcane cultivation assessed from 6¼ maunds to 3⅛ of raw sugar per bigha.²⁰
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²⁰ Jervis, pp. 94-97.
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Special consideration was made by the Peshwa government for such costly plantations as those of sugarcane, cocoanut and betelnut. The planter had to wait long for any profit and so did the government. This was the common practice in the Deccan during the Peshwa regime, and I believe the principle existed also in Shivaji's time.
5. Revenue Divisions and Revenue Officers
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The provinces under Shivaji's rule were styled Swarajya to distinguish them from Mughlai or provinces under other (generally Muhammadan) rulers. The Swarajya was, for revenue purposes, divided into a number of Prants consisting of two or more Districts. There were in all 16 provinces under Shivaji's government according to Ranade.²⁷ They were:
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²⁷ Ranade, H. M. P., pp. 117-118.
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1. Maval.
2. Wai.
3. Satara.
4. Karad.
5. Panhala.
6. South Konkan.
7. Thana.
8. Trimbak.
9. Baglan.
10. Wanagad.
11. Bednore.
12. Kolhar.
13. Shrirangapatan.
14. Karnatik.
15. Vellore.
16. Tanjore.
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But we get a larger number in a jabta²⁸ drawn in the earlier years of Chhatrapati Shahu. The document, written partly in Persian and partly in Marathi, is supposed to be in the handwriting of Shankraji Malhar. It gives the boundary and divisions of the Swarajya as understood in Shahu's time. The following are the provinces enumerated in Shahu's jabita Swarajya :
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²⁸ Mawji, Jabita Swarayya, J.B Br.R.A.S., Vol. XXII, pp. 36-89.
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1. Subha Ramnagar including Ghandevi.
2. " Jawhar Prant.
3. " Prant Bhiwadi (12 Talukas).
4. " Kalyan (20 Talukas).
5. " Cheul (6 Talukas).
6. " Rajpuri (12 Talukas).
7. " Javali (18 Talukas).
8. " Dabhol (11 Talukas).
9. " Rajapoor (18 Talukas).
10. " Kudal (15 Talukas).
11. " Prant Bhimgad (5 Talukas).
12. " Prant Phonde (5 Talukas).
13. " Prant Akole (5 Talukas).
14. " Poona (6 Talukas).
15. " Baramati.
16. " Indapur.
17. " Prant Mawal (13 Talukas).
18. " Prant Wai (4 Talukas).
19. " Prant Satara (6 Talukas)
20. " Prant Kurhad (9 Talukas)
21. " Prant Khatao excluding Kasba Khatao (11 Talukas).
22. " Prant Man (4 Talukas).
23. " Prant Phaltan Mahal.
24. " Prant Belgaum.
25. " Sampgaon.
26. " Gadag.
27. " Laxmeshwar.
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28. Subha Nawalghund.
29. " Kopal.
30. " Halyal.
31. " Betgiri.
32. " Malkapur (4 Talukas).
33. " Prant Panhala (10 Talukas).
34. " Tarle (5 Talukas).
35. " Ajera (51 Talukas).
36. " Prant Junnar (24 Talukas).
37. " Kolhapore.
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Some of these may be later additions, but this list, we think, fairly represents the division of Shivaji's kingdom. Sambhaji had no mind to improve the administration and Rajaram had no leisure. It is not, therefore, probable that many changes had been made in the territorial division of the kingdom before the accession of Chhatrapati Shahu.
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Shivaji had done away with the agency of such old hereditary officers as the Patil and the Kulkarni in the village and the Deshmukh and the Deshpande in the district. They were left in the enjoyment of their old dues but the work of revenue collection was entrusted to new officers directly appointed by the king. The country had been divided by the Muhammadan government for revenue purposes into Mauja, Pargana, Sarkar, and Subhas; Shivaji abolished, or to be more accurate, modified these old divisions. In his time the country was divided into Maujas, Tarfs and Prants. The officer in charge of a Tarf was styled as Havaldar, Karkun or, in some rare instances, Paripatyagar. The officer in charge of a Prant was variously designated as Subhedar, Karkun or Mukhya Deshadhikari. Over several Prants was sometimes placed an officer called Sarsubhedar, to supervise the work of the Subhedars. These officers, like the Kamavisdars and the Mamlatdars of the Peshwa period, had to look after all the branches of the administration. The Subhedar's staff consisted of the usual complement of eight officers, viz.
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1. The Dewan.
2. The Mazumdar.
3. The Fadnis.
4. The Sabnis.
5. The Karkhanis.
6. The Chitnis.
7. The Jamadar.
8. The Potnis.
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The Subhedar usually had an annual salary of four hundred Hons a year, including the palanquin allowance. While his Mazumdar's pay varied from one hundred to one hundred and twenty-five Hons a year. The Mazumdar also enjoyed the proud privilege of carrying a sun-shade²⁹ on public occasions and a small allowance was sanctioned by the government for its upkeep. A
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²⁹ Abdagir,
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Havaldar in charge of a small village had often to be contented with a paltry allowance of three to five Hons only a ye ar.³⁰
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³⁰ Sabhasad, p. 31. Sen, Siva Chhatrapati, p. 35.
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The Kamavisdar and the Mamlatdar under the Peshwa regime, though appointed for a short term, were generally allowed to retain their office for life, and to transmit it to their heirs. No public office was hereditary under Shivaji's administration, and like the Magistrates and Commissioners of British India, his Karkuns, Havaldars, and Subhedars were, as a rule, transferred from district to district and province to province. This can be clearly proved by a list of officers carefully compiled by Mr. Bhashkar Vaman Bhat³¹ from the official letters and documents published in the 15th, 16th, 17th, 18th and 20th volumes of Mr. Rajwade's *Marathyanchya Itihasanchi Sadhanen*.
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³¹ Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Mandal, Tritiya Sammelan Vritta pp. 128-131.
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In Mr. Bhat's list, we find that the following officers were in charge of the several districts for the years marked against their names:
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*Havaldar.*
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| Nimb | ... | Yesaji Ram | ... | 1676 A.D. |
| Haveli | ... | Amaji Kanho | ... | 1676 A.D. |
| Koregaon | ... | Bhimaji Malhar | ... | 1676 A.D. |
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Tarf Satara ... Kukaji Bayaji ... 1675 A.D. " " ... Mahadaji Anant ... 1676 A.D. " " ... Tukaji Prabhu .. 1677 A.D.
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We are not in possession of a complete list of Havaldars, and we do not know whether in other districts also officers were changed so often as in Satara. Our information about Subhedars and Sarsubhedars is, however, more satisfactory and the working of the principle of a short term appointment and occasional transfer can be very conveniently proved by the following instances from Mr. Bhat's list:
Subhedars
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Wai Prant ... Yesaji Malhar ... 1676 A.D. " " ... " " ... 1679 A.D. " " ... " " ... 1687 A.D. " " ... " " ... 1690 A.D. " " ... " " ... 1696 A.D. " " ... Anaji Janardan ... 1697 A.D. Jawli ... Viroram ... 1664 A.D. " ... Viththal Datto ... 1671-1672 A.D. " ... Ambaji Mordeu ... 1676 A.D. " ... Gopal Rayaji ... 1677 A.D. " ... Kashi Rangnath ... 1680 A.D. Prant Kol ... Ganesh Jogdeu ... 1672 A.D. " " ... Venkaji Rudra ... 1677 A.D. Prant Puna ... Tryambak Gopal... 1679 A.D. " " ... Vinayak Umaji ... 1681 A.D.
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It is also certain that this principle survived Shivaji and continued down to the first decade of the 18th century so far as the appointment of Mudradharis was concerned. In support of this view Mr. Bhat has produced the following list of Mudradharis or officers in charge of Sajjangad :
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| Jijoji Katkar | ... | 1676 A.D. |
| Do | ... | 1682 A.D. |
| Makaji Katkar | ... | 1689 A.D. |
| Barhanji Mohite | ... | 1692 A.D. |
| Do. | ... | 1699 A.D. |
| Girjoji Bhonsle | ... | 1708 A.D. |
| Do. | ... | 1709 A.D. |
| Yesaji Jadhava, from | | |
| 11th Falgun | ... | 1709 A.D. |
| Satbaji Daval | ... | 1712 A.D. |
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Mr. Bhat further points out that Ambaji Mordeu, who was Subhedar of Jawli in 1676, occupied the office of the Subhedar of Satara from 1683-1685. Mahadji Shamraj, Subhedar of Jawli from 1706-1708, was formerly in charge of Prants Satara and Mawal.
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From the multiplicity of their duties these officers were liable to corruption. Public opinion in those days was not offended if a Havaldar went out of his way to take a small present from a traveller for granting his passport, or from an aggrieved petitioner for redressing his grievances. Dr. Fryer, who visited the Maratha dominions towards the close of Shivaji's career, has left a quaint account of such an occasion. "When I came before the Governor," says the Doctor,³⁹ "I found him in State, though under an Hovel; where were many *Brachmins* with Accompt Books, writing at some distance; nearer, his Privy council, with whom he seemed to advise: I was placed on his Left hand, and desired my Interpreter to acquaint him my Errand, withal intreating his Favour for my secure passing the Hill: He made it a piece of difficulty, and told me I must return to *Bimly* for Orders, to whose *Havaldar* he was accountable, not to him of *Gulleon*; which was within half a day's journey from whence I set forth. Hearing this I bore myself as sedately as I could, having been informed of the advantage they take of a disturbed Countenance; and sweetened him with his own Authority being sufficient, telling him of his Master's Kindness to the *English*, and their friendship towards him: which worked him to a yielding Temper; yet he scrupled my *Canister*, or Trunk, might be lined with Pearl, my Horse sold to the Enemy, hoping to suck somewhat out of me; I replying, What I had brought were at his liberty to search, and that I went only on an amicable account to Cure a Sick Person and should be as ready to serve him, if required, his Fury was quite pawled but perceiving an hungry look to hang on them all, and suspecting lest they should serve me some Dog-trick, I made a small Present, and he signing the Pass, dismissed me with a Bundle of *Pawn* the usual Ceremony at Parting." 'The hungry look' and the weakness for presents are perhaps pardonable, but another charge that the English Doctor brought against Shivaji's revenue officers is too serious to be overlooked.
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³⁹ Fryer, p. 127.
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Public officers in the 17th century whether Asiatic or European were not overscrupulous. But good kings, as a rule, exercised a strict control over them. Shivaji in particular was served by a very efficient intelligence department. It is an old practice in India to employ spies to watch over the conduct of government servants.³³ The work of District and Provincial officers was supervised by the Pant Amatya and the Pant Sachiv. Ranade tells us that "The district accounts had to be sent to these officers, and were there collated together, and irregularities detected and punished. These officers had power to depute men on their establishments to supervise the working of the district officers."³⁴ Shivaji, moreover, was very keen about the success of his government and wanted that his administration should compare favourably with that of his Muhammadan neighbours.³⁵ But all his cares and sound regulations were fruitless indeed if his revenue officers really worked as arbitrarily as Fryer says they did. "They are neither for Public Good or Common Honesty, but their own private Interest only: They refuse no Base Offices for their own Commodity, inviting Merchants to come and trade among them, and then rob them, or else turmoil them on account of Customs; always in a Corner getting more for themselves than their Master, yet openly must seem mighty zealous for their Master's Dues: So that Trade is unlikely to settle where he hath anything to do; notwithstanding his Country lies all along on the Sea-shore, and no Goods can be transported without his Permission; unless they go a great way about, as we are forced to do."
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³³ See Kautilya, Arthashastra translated by R. Shama Shastry, p. 35.
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³⁴ Ranade, R. M. P., p. 125.
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³⁵ Rajwade, M. I. S., Vol. VIII, p. 24.
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This is by no means the worst that the English traveller has to say against the Maratha officers. He continues—"It is a General Calamity, and much to be deplored, to hear the Complaints of the poor People that remain, or are rather compelled to endure the Slavery of Seva Gi: The Desies have Land imposed upon them at double the former Rates, and if they refuse to accept it on these hard Conditions (if Monied Men) they are carried to Prison, there they are famished almost to death; racked and tortured most inhumanly till they confess where it is: They have now in Limbo several *Brachmins*, whose Flesh they tear with pincers heated Red-hot, drub them on the Shoulders to extreme Anguish (though according to their Law it is forbidden to strike a *Brachmin*). This is the accustomed Sawce all *India* over, the Princes doing the same by the Governors, when removed from their Offices, to squeeze their illgot Estates out of them; which when they have done, it may be they may be employ'd again: And after this fashion the *Desies* deal with the *Combies*; so that the Great Fish prey on the Little, as well by Land as by Sea, bringing not only them, but their Families into Eternal Bondage."³⁶ Fryer was of opinion that even Bijapore rule was milder than that of Shivaji.
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³⁶ Fryer, pp. 146-147.
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If Fryer's account is borne out by facts, the state of the country was terrible indeed. But Fryer had made only a short trip through Shivaji's dominions and his stay there was by no means long. It does not appear probable that his account was based on personal experience or first hand knowledge of any other kind. Shivaji is still adored as an ideal king, and people referred to his institutions with admiration in days of anarchy and misrule. Traditions may be exaggerated, but they are never entirely baseless. Traditions attribute all sorts of good institutions to such good rulers as Alfred and Elizabeth, but legends have not hitherto paid any tribute to the memory of such bad kings as John and James II. It is a very important point that the memory of Shivaji* is still cherished by the people of Maharashtra as that of a great and good king. If he had really tortured his Brahman officers with red hot pincers and they in their turn had dealt out similar treatment to the Desais, Shivaji would not have been revered as an incarnation of Shri Shambhu Mahadev. We have already seen how the great Maratha had striven to liberate the poor peasants from the tyranny of the Deshmukhs and Deshpandes. It, therefore, seems improbable that he should allow his officers to force lands on the Desais at an exorbitant rate. Far from molesting any Brahman, Shivaji never offered any insult to holy men and holy places of his Muhammadan enemies. Although many temples and idols were defiled and desecrated by Muhammadan bigots, Shivaji never failed to send any copy of the Quran, he might come in possession of, to some of his Muslim officers. Even Khafi Khan, an inveterate enemy of the Maratha hero, paid him an unwilling compliment on that account.³⁷
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³⁷ Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VII, p. 260.
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Dellon, a French Physician, who visited the western coast about the same time as Fryer, remarks that "His (Shivaji's) subjects are pagans, like himself. But he tolerates all religions and is looked upon as one of the most politic princes in those parts."⁵⁸ Shivaji styled himself as *Go-Brahman Pratipalak*, 'Protector of Brahmans and cows,' and could hardly with any consistency to his professed ambition, overlook the conduct of his officers, if they really tortured the Brahmans. Fryer's story, therefore, seems to be baseless. Corruption there certainly existed, and instances of tyranny and misrule doubtless occurred. Shivaji, in the midst of those wars of conquest and defence, could hardly get any time for improving his government. But Fryer seems to have dipped his brush in the black dye too frequently while painting a picture of Shivaji's country. Grant Duff⁵⁹ says, "The Mahomedan writers, and one contemporary English traveller, describe his country as in the worst possible state; and the former only mention him as a depredator and destroyer; but those districts taken by him from Beejapore, which had been under the management of farmers and direct agents of government, probably experienced great benefit by the change."
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⁵⁸ Dellon, pp. 56-57.
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⁵⁹ Grant Duff, Vol. I, p. 188.
6. Mints and Coins
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Besides land revenue and customs duties, a small income was derived from mints. The Peshwas did not permit free coining, but the goldsmiths usually obtained license for mints under certain restrictions. That must have been the practice in the pre-Peshwa period also. Shivaji never tried to control the currency and plainly told the English Ambassador, that "he forbids not the passing of any manner of Coins, nor on the other side, can he force his Subjects to take those Monies whereby they shall be Losers; but if their Coin be as fine an Allay, and as weighty as the *Mogul's*, and other Princes, he will not prohibit it."⁴⁰ The result was that all sorts of foreign coins were current in Shivaji's kingdom and even in his own treasury could be found few or no coins of the Rairi mint. Sabhasad says⁴¹ that Shivaji had no less than 400,000 of Shivarai Hons at the time of his death, but these Shivarai Hons were in all probability of Vijayanagar origin, for only 2 or 3 Shivaji Hons have yet been discovered. Sabhasad enumerates no less than 32 different kinds of gold coins and 6 different kinds of silver coins while giving an account of Shivaji's treasures. They were:
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⁴⁰ Fryer, p. 80.
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⁴¹ Sabhasad, p. 96. Sen, Siva Chhatrapati, pp. 134-135
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*Gold Coins.*
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1. Gambar.
2. Mohar.
3. Putli.
4. Padshahi Hon.
5. Satlamis or Satramis.
6. Ibhrami.
7. Shivarai Hon.
8. Kaveripak.
9. Sangari Hon.
10. Achyutrai Hon.
11. Devarai Hon.
12. Ramchandrarai Hon.
13. Guti Hon.
14. Dharwari Hon.
15. Falam (Fanam).
16. Pralkhati Hon.
17. Pav Naiki Hon.
18. Advani Hon.
19. Jadmal Hon.
20. Tadpatri Hon.
21. Afraji Hon.
22. Tribaluri Hon.
23. Trisuli Hon.
24. Chandavari (Tanjori) Hon.
25. Bildhari Hon.
26. Ulphakari Hon.
27. Muhammad Shahi Hon.
28. Veluri Hon.
29. Katerai Hon.
30. Devajvali Hon.
31. Ramnathpuri Hon.
32. Kungoti Hon.
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*Silver Coins.*
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1. Rupees.
2. Asrafis.
3. Abashis.
4. Dabholi Kabri.
5. Chauli Kabri.
6. Basri Kabri.
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Some of these coins were current in foreign countries; Ibhrami, for instance, was common in the market places of Bussorah.¹²
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¹² Fryer, p. 210.
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Shivaji had his mint at Raigad. His first coins were not probably issued before 1674. A large number of copper coins were issued, and no less than 25,000 of these were collected and examined by the Rev. Mr. Abbott.⁴³ But very few gold coins of Shivaji are known to-day, probably because only a few were struck.
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⁴³ J. B. Br. R.A.S. Vol. XX, p. 109.
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Shivaji had no good mechanic to work his mint. The irregular shape of the coins and the misshapen alphabets of the legends show the crude method of their manufacture. The writer of the Bombay Gazetteer⁴⁴ gives the following account of the working of the Chandor mint, closed in 1830. "A certain quantity of silver of the required test was handed over to each man who divided it into small pieces, rounded and weighed them, greater care being taken that the weights should be accurate than that size should be uniform. For this purpose scales and weights were given to each of the 400 workmen, and the manager examined them every week. When the workmen were satisfied with the weight of the piece, they were forwarded to the manager who sent them to be stamped. In stamping the rupee an instrument like an anvil was used. It had a hole in the middle with letters inscribed on it. Piece after piece was thrown into the hole, the seal was held by a workman called *batekari*; and a third man gave a blow with a six pound hammer. Three men were able to strike 2,000 pieces an hour, or 20,000 in a working day of ten hours. As the seal was a little larger than the piece, all the letters were seldom inscribed." The Chandor mint was opened long after Shivaji's demise. But that the description holds good with respect to Shivaji's mint also, can be proved by a simple inspection of Shivarai coins. The small Shivarai Hon in the museum of the Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Mandal, for example, lacks the compound letter "tra" in the word Chhatrapati, evidently because the little circular piece had originally been hammered on a seal of much larger size.
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⁴⁴ Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVI, p. 429.
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The goldsmiths in charge of the mint could evidently boast of very little learning. In the copper coins alone, we find no less than eight different spellings of the word Shri Raja Shiva Chhatrapati. The Rev. Mr. Abbott gives the following eight variations in the spelling of this word on Shivarai pice:
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1. Ob श्रोराजाशिव ... छत्रपति R.
2. ,, श्रोराजाशिव ... छत्रपती ,,
3. ,, श्रोराजाशोष ... छत्रपति ,,
4. ,, श्रोराजाशौष ... छत्रपती ,,
5. ,, श्रोराजासिव ... छत्रपति ,,
6. ,, श्रोराजासिवा ... छत्रपती ,,
7. ,, श्रोराजासौव ... छत्रपति ,,
8. ,, श्रोराजासौव .. छत्रपती ,, The small Shivarai Hon in the Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Mandal's 45 museum has on the obverse the figures of Shiva and Bhavani seated side by side, and on the reverse the name of Shivaji inscribed in the following manner:
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श्री रा (modi) जछ (व) पती
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7. Chauth and Sardeshmukhi:
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But neither the land revenue, nor the customs duties and the income from mints, added so much to the treasury of Shivaji as the Chauth and the Sardeshmukhi. Even in normal times he depended more on his army than on his civil officers for the necessary finances. It is on this account that he has been branded as a robber chief both by his contemporaries and by posterity as well. But the great Maratha king had no other alternative. He had to brave the enmity of the Mughals and the Sultan of Bijapore, not to count the pinpricks that he had often to bear from such minor powers as the Habshis of Janjira, the Portuguese of Goa, and petty semi-independent chiefs like the Koli Rajas. He had to organise an army to defend his newly conquered territories, he had to build innumerable forts to fortify difficult passes, he had to fit out a fleet to prevent the piracy and the depredations of the Siddi's navy, he had to buy arms and ammunitions and needed money for these works. Nature was by no means munificent to the Maratha. The valleys yielded but a scanty return to the strenuous labour of the Mawali peasants. It would have been impossible for Shivaji to finance his army and navy from the limited resources of his native land alone, even if he had taxed all his ingenuity to enhance them. Consequently he had to make war furnish the means of war.
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⁴⁵ Through the kindness of Prof. D. V. Potdar, the Joint Secretary of the B.I.S. Mandal, I obtained an opportunity of examining this really rare coin, but it has already been described by Mr. Bhave in the fifth Sammelan Vritta of the Mandal, p. 121.
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But Chauth and Sardeshmukhi were quite different from spoils of war. They were more or less permanent demands. Shivaji's claim to Sardeshmukhi was based on a legal fiction. He claimed to be the hereditary Sardeshmukh of his country and had put forth his claim early in his career. If his claim had been acknowledged, or if he had succeeded in obtaining a farman in its support, there would have been no legal flaw whatever in his demand. This imperial sanction, however, could not be obtained before Shahu's accession to his grandfather's throne, and in Shivaji's time at least, Sardeshmukhi was not recognised as his watan. Chauth was nothing but a tribute exacted from the weak by the strong. The Raja of Bednore and the Chief of Soonda agreed to pay Chauth in 1676, because they had no option in the matter. Shivaji had invaded their principalities with a strong army and any refusal would have been sternly punished. The Marathas obtained a legal right to levy Chauth, when the diplomacy of Balaji Vishwanath secured for Shahu an imperial recognition of that oft-repeated claim. This legal sanction would have been of little avail, if it had not been backed by the lance of the Maratha horseman. Nothing short of an expedition would make any chief or king, either Hindu or Muhammadan, admit Shivaji's claim to a quarter of his revenue and nothing but a strong army could enforce punctual payment. It was, therefore, a military contribution levied by a power without being in formal occupation of the country, and without observing the formalities specified by modern International Law. But the late Mr. Ranade does not admit that Chauth was a mere military contribution without any moral or legal obligation on the part of the Marathas to protect the Chauth-paying chiefs from the invasion of a third power or to restore peace and order in their country. He was of opinion that the policy underlying the exaction of Chauth was the same as that which impelled Lord Wellesley to enforce a subsidiary alliance on his weaker neighbours. "The demand for *chouth* was subsequently added with the consent of the powers whose protection was undertaken against foreign aggression, on payment of fixed sums for the support of the troops maintained for such service. This was the original idea as worked out by Shivaji, and it was this same idea which in the Marquis of Wellesley's hand bore such fruit a hundred and twenty five years later." Such is Ranade's interpretation of the Chauth policy.¹
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¹ Ranade, R. M. P., pp. 224-225.
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The Chauth was originally nothing but a black mail. The subjects of the Koli Raja of Ramnagar used to give considerable trouble to the Portuguese subjects of Daman by their robbery, depredation and plundering raids. At last the peaceful inhabitants of some villages in the District of Daman came to an amicable arrangement with the Raja of Ramnagar and agreed to pay him an annual tribute called the Chauth (Chouto) provided his people no longer caused them any loss or trouble. The Raja of Ramnagar was styled in the Portuguese records as the king Choutia as he used to receive Chauth. When this arrangement was made we do not exactly know, but it has been mentioned by Fr. Antonio de Gouveia as early as 1603. (Jornada, Fl. 125 quoted in Dalgado's *Glossario Luso Asiatico*, Vol. I, p. 280.) The King Choutia and his claim to Chauth has been referred to in a royal letter in 1605. After the annexation of the Koli principalities of Jawhar and Ramnagar Shivaji asserted his claim to the Chauth of Daman. He demanded Chauth from his Muhammadan enemies for the first time in 1665 and it is noteworthy that he had passed through the principality of Ramnagar on his way to Surat in the previous year. It is therefore clear that Shivaji was not the originator of Chauth but he was certainly responsible for its wider application. For a more detailed discussion of this interesting question, the reader is referred to my *Historical Records at Goa*, pp. 12-24. The unpublished Portuguese It is true that Shahu had, in return for the grant of Chauth, bound himself to maintain a body of 15,000 horse in the Emperor's service, to be placed at the disposal of the Subhedars, Faujdars and officers in the different districts "and to maintain peace and order." But neither Shahu nor the Peshwas ever cared to assist the Subhedars of the Deccan unless it served their own interest. Shivaji also had often offered his services to the Emperor of Delhi, but he had exacted Chauth at the point of his sword; the Emperor did not expect that Shivaji would ever look after the Mughal interests and Shivaji also knew that no treaty would serve him better than his own strong arms. It cannot, therefore, be denied that the Maratha kings exacted Chauth without undertaking the least responsibility for the country's welfare, and it should also be remembered that they never expected the Chauth-paying states to give up their diplomatic independence. Here lies the fundamental difference between the subsidiary system and the exaction of Chauth. The East India Company always held themselves responsible for the defence of the allied state, while they expected it to renounce
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records have been for the first time quoted there in extenso. The Raja of Ramnagar did not, it should be noted, offer to protect the people of Daman from foreign aggression but it was only the aggression of his own people that he undertook to prevent and Shivaji does not appear to have gone further than that all diplomatic relations with other powers. Moreover, the Marathas never cared to maintain an extra Regiment when they received Chauth from a prince, nor had the amount of tribute any relation to the possible expense that might be incurred in the defence of the Chauth-paying territories. I do not, however, hold that the Maratha statesmen had no idea of a subsidiary arrangement; such an arrangement was made with the Raja of Bundi by the Peshwas, but that was long after the demise of Shivaji.
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The Chauth was therefore nothing but a contribution exacted by a military leader. But are such exactions sanctioned by International Law? The ancient Romans, while extending their empire, had set no limit to their rapacity. "*Bellum alit bellum*" war must pay for war, was their favourite maxim. But pillage has not ceased to be an inevitable characteristic of war with the dissolution of the Roman Empire. Even in the 19th century, so late as 1865, General Sherman's campaign had been accompanied by the systematic pillage of the territories he marched through.⁴⁷ Requisition, which is only a variation of contribution, is also sanctioned by the most modern laws of war and was practised, though unwillingly, by no less a man than George Washington.⁴⁸ Shivaji also could plead as urgent a necessity as Washington. Both of them had been fighting for their country's liberation and both of them were sorely in need of money. Washington requisitioned the property of his unwilling fellow-citizens and Shivaji levied contribution on the enemy subjects. It served two ends at once. It not only weakened the enemy he was fighting, but at the same time added to his own resources.
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