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Buddha: His Life, his Doctrine, his Order c11.s2: Second Excursus. Annotations and Authorities for the History of Buddha's Youth

Buddha: His Life, his Doctrine, his Order c11.s2

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Second Excursus. Annotations and Authorities for the History of Buddha's Youth

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The several points noted in the account given in the text of the family from which Buddha sprang, are derived from "Cullavagga," vii, 1 seq. (cf. "Dhp. Atth." p. 351), as well as the following passages: Sonadandasutta ("Dîgha N."): samano khalu bho Gotamo pahûtam hiraññam suvannam ohâya pabbajito bhûmigatam ca vehâsattham ca —, samano khalu bho Gotamo addhakulâ pabbajito mahaddhanâ mahâbhogâ. — “Apadâna,” fol. khâh: addhe kule mahâbhoge nibbattissati tâvade.

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∗ Also the little which we can gather from Buddhist sources regarding the mythology of eastern lands and their religious terminology, so far as this is not overgrown by the Veda, coincides by no means with what the western literature yields.

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“Apadâna,” fol. ko’:

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aparimeyye ito kappe Ukkâkakulasambhavo (sic)
Gotamo nâmagottena satthâ loke bhavissati.

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Idem. fol. gam’ seq. :

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aparimeyye ito kappe bhûmipâlo mahiddhiko
Okkâko nâma nâmena râjâ ratthe bhavissati.
solasitthisahassânam sabbâsam pavarâ ca yâ
abhijâtâ khattiyâni nava putte janissati.
nava putte janitvâna khattiyâni marissati,
tarunavâ (sic) piyâ kaññâ mahesittam karissati.
Okkâkam tosayitvâna varam kaññâ labhissati,
varam laddhâ ca sâ kaññâ putte pabbâjayissati.
pabbâjitâ ca te sabbe gamissanti naguttamam
jâtibhedabhayâ sabbe bhaginihi samvasissare.
ekâ ’va kaññâ byâdhihi bhavissati purakkhatâ,
mâ no jâti pabhijja (sic) ti nikhaniyanti khattiyâ.
khattiyo niharitvâna tâya saddhim vasissati :
bhavissati tadâ bhedo Okkâkakulasambhavo.
tesam pajâ bhavissanti Koliyâ nâma jâtiyâ,
tattha mânusakam bhogam anubhossanti nappakam.

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Here we must also compare the data given in the Ambatthasutta (“Dîgha Nikâya”) for the descent of Buddha from Okkâka, as well as Sutta Nipâta, “Pârây. Vatthug.” v, 16 (“Fausböll,” p. 186). The Rohinî as a boundary stream between the Sakyas and the Koliyas : passantu tam Sâkiyâ Koliyâ ca pacchâmukham Rohiniyam tarantam (“Theragâthâ,” fol. khû’).

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Ambatthasutta (“Dîgha N.”): The young Brahman Ambattha says to Buddha: ekam idâham bho Gotama samayam âcariyassa brâhmanassa Pokkharasâtissa kenacid eva karanîyena Kapilavatthum agamâsim yena Sakyânam santhâgâram ter’ upasamkamim. tena kho pana samayena sambahulâ Sakyâ c’eva Sakyakumârâ ca santhâgâre uccesu âsanesu nisinnâ honti aññamaññam añgulipatodakena samjagghantâ samkîlantâ aññadatthu maññeva mamañ ñeva anojagghantâ na nam koci âsanena pi nimantesi. tayidam bho Gotama na cchanam tayidam na ppatirûpam yad ime Sakyâ ibbhâ samânâ na brâhmane sakkaronti, etc. In the “Añg. Nik.” (vol. i, fol. kau) Bhaddiya Kâligodhâya putta is mentioned as uccâkuli-kânam agga among the Bhikkhus, apparently the same of whom “Cull.” vii, 1 speaks. Dhammacetiyasuttanta (“Majjh. N.;” King Pasenadi is speaking): bhagavâ pi Kosalako aham pi Kosalako. The supremacy of Pasenadi over the Sakyas appears from the following passage: Sakyâ kho pana Vâsettha rañño Pasenadikosalassa anantarâ anuyuttâ bhavanti; karonti kho Vâsettha Sakyâ raññe Pasenadimhi Kosale nipaccakâram abhivâdanam paccutthânam añjalikammam sâmîcikammam (Aggaññasutta, “Dîgha N.”).

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Buddha’s claim to the “gotta” of Gotama I cannot satisfactorily explain. The question must here be put in general terms: how is the appearance of a gotta-name among members of the Khattiya caste to be explained?

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I give first of all the essential facts bearing on this point, so far as they are known to me.

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Each of those oft-mentioned noble families, in whose hands lies the government of separate towns and their adjacent territory, seems to have borne a gotta-name. Thus the Mallas of Kusinârâ are denoted as Vâsetthâs (“Mahâparinibb. Sutta,” p. 55, etc.), the Mallas of Pâvâ bear the same gotta (Samgîtipariyâyasutta in the “Dîgha-Nikâya”), the Koliyas are styled Byagghapajja (often in the “Añguttara Nikâya”). Is the name of their town Vyâghrapura connected herewith? (Sp. Hardy, “Manual,” p. 139.) In the Mahâpadhânasuttta is explained the descent, gotta and so on, of the six Buddhas, who have preceded the Buddhas of the present age in the holy dignity. Three of these six Buddhas are Khattiyas, but of these, as well as of the other three, who are Brâhmanas, the gotta is mentioned as something existing as a matter of course; the three Khattiyas are Kondaññas, the three Brâhmanas are Kassapas. The last Buddha himself is a Gotama, apparently because his whole family are (v. Burnouf, “Introd.” p. 155); at least his father is addressed as Gotama (“Mahâvagga” i, 54, 4); likewise his cousin Ânanda (“Vaṅgîsathera Samyutta,” fol. câ, of the Phayre MS.); Mahâpajâpatî, who at the same time belongs to the Sakya race ("Lal. Vist." p. 28 ed. Calc.; "Mahâvamsa," p. 9), bears the name Gotamî; so also her sister Mâyâ ("Theragâthâ," fol. khû'); finally we have in "Jât Atth." i, 60 and elsewhere Kisâ Gotamî, who is to be regarded apparently as a young Sakya woman.—Numerous other instances of the application of a gotta-designation to persons of the Khattiya class are to be found in the Jinacaritra of the Jainas and in inscriptions (it is enough to refer at present to Cunningham, the "Stûpa of Bharhut," p. 128 seq., and Bühler's notice therewith given).

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From these data it appears to me to follow with great probability, that according to that view of custom which is disclosed by the Buddhist and Jainist texts, every family of the Khattiya as well as of the Brâhmana caste bears the gentile name of one of the Vedic Brahman-gottas. If in the case of kings like Bimbisâra or Pasenadi such a gotta cannot be pointed to, the reason of this seems not to be that they had no gotta name, but rather that the appellation mahârâja or deva was looked on as more respectful and consequently more correct than Vâsettha or Gotama.

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That in the appropriation of these Brahmanical names we have to do with a universal usage, not with a special right of individual families, dependent for instance on relationships of affinity, is also rendered probable by the verse often quoted in Buddhist suttas:

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khattiyo settho jane tasmim yo gottapatisârino.

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An extension of the mode of distinction here referred to, to persons of the third class, does not appear to have taken place; otherwise traces of it could scarcely have been omitted in the numberless cases, where they must have been expected to occur in our texts.

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The designation of Buddha as Gotamides is usually traced to this, that the dignity of purohita may have lain in the case of the Sakyas in the hands of the Gautama-race.* As is well known, according to the Brahmanical custom of offering at the Pravara ceremony, instead of the naming of the ancestors of the person making the offering, in case the latter is not a Brahman, the naming of the ancestors of his purohita must or can take place (Weber, “ Indische Studien,” x, 73, 79; Hillebrandt, “ Das Altindische Neu- und Vollmondsopfer,” S. 81, A. 1). But from the usage of calling upon the Agni as the Agni who has served the Gotama, in the case of the offering of a man who has a Gautama as purohit, to the designation of the man himself and his whole house as “descendants of the Gotama,” seems to me far too wide a step for us to be able to accept that mode of explanation without hesitation. Here there may be fictions and expressions of caste-rivalry at play, which to lay bare even by conjecture the materials at present at our disposal do not suffice.

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∗ An express statement that this was the case, of course is not found in our translation.

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To the question of the position of the Sakya kingdom and of the town of Kapilavatthu we need not return in detail after what has been said above, p. 92, 25 seq. That Kapilavatthu itself lay immediately on or in the Himalaya cannot be admitted in face of the silence which Fa Hian and Hiouen Thsang observed as to the mountain in their descriptions of the town. True, it is said in the Pabbajjâsutta regarding the Sakyas (“ Sutta Nipâta,” cf. Fausböll’s Trans., p. 68): ujum janapado . . . Himavantassa passato; but this warrants a conclusion as to the situation at the Himalaya of the territory only of the Sakyas, not of their capital. That Kapilavatthu, if it did not lie in the mountain, may not even have lain in the girdle of damp hollows (the so-called Tarai) which surrounds the southern margin of the mountain, that it must thus have lain south of the Tarai, cannot be alleged with certainty. The condition of the land and air has not been here at all times the same; in tracts of the Nepalese tarai, where now malaria prevails and only tiger and wild boar live, are to be found the splendid ruins of great ancient cities (Hodgson in the “ Journ. As. Soc.,” Bengal, 1835, p. 121 seq.).

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The death of Mâyâ is often narrated in the texts of the Sutta Pitaka.

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To the circle of testimony collected on this point, the following passages also belong: “ Samyutta Nikâya,” vol. iii, fol. hâ: idam bhante Kapilavatthu iddhañ c’eva phîtañ ca bâhujaññam âkinnamanussam sambâdhabyûham, se khv âham . . . sâyanhasamayam Kapilavatthum pavisanto bhante na pi hatthinâ samâgacchâmi bhante na pi assena . . . rathena . . . sakatena . . . na pi purisena samâgacchâmi. — Mahâsaccakasutta (“Majjh. N.”): abhijânâmi kho panâham pitu Sakkassa kammante sîtâya jambucchâyâya nisinno vivicc' e[va kâme]hi vivicca akusalehi dhammehi . . . pathamajjhânam upasampajja viharattâ (sic). To this later on was added the known legend of the Vappamaṅgala, “Jât. Atth.” i, p. 57 seq.

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The following leads me to deny the antiquity of the tradition, which makes Buddha's father a king. When (as in the Sonadanasutta of the “Dîghâ N.”) the external claims of Buddha to respectful consideration are discussed, it is always admitted merely that he has come of an “uccakula, khattiyakula, addhakula;” it is emphasized that he, when he entered on a spiritual career, forsook relatives and friends, gold and silver; the kingly dignity of the family is not alluded to. If anywhere, it is with reference to a circumstance of this kind, which assuredly could not have been suppressed, that the argumentum ex silentio is applicable. To this another consideration must be added. Anyone who knows the uniform care with which the titulary appellation of persons appearing in the Pitakas is observed, will also find this difference decisive, that Buddha's father is there named merely Suddhodhana Sakka (“Mahâvagga,” i, 54, and cf. the passage cited above from the “Mâhasaccakasutta”), just as mention is made of Anuruddha Sakka, Upananda Sakyaputta, &c., while Bhaddiya, who was really king of the Sakyas—if we may call this petty râjâ a king—is regularly introduced as Bhaddiya Sakyarâjâ (“Cullav.” vii, 1, 3 seq.). Moreover, Suddhodana is addressed “Gotama” (“Mahav.” l. c.), as the Mallas are called Vâsetthâ, the Koliyas Byagghapajjâ, but no one says to him “Mahârâja” as to Bimbisâra or Pasenadi.—The oldest evidence which attributes to Suddhodana the kingly dignity, as far as I know the only passage of the kind in the Tipitaka, occurs in the Mahâpadhânasutta (“Dîgha N.”), where a series of notices of the lives of the last seven Buddhas is thrown together. In a systematic manner, exactly as in the passage apparently modelled on this Sutta, “Dîp.” xvii, 3 seq., there is recorded the length of life, the parentage, home, tree of knowledge, Sâvakayuga, &c., of these Buddhas. The three first were kings' sons, the following three Brahmans' sons, the last is again a king's son, the son of Suddhodhana râjâ. Possibly similar is the statement also in the concluding portion of the Buddhavamsa—it would be quite in keeping with the character of this text; I regret not to be able to make any statement on this part of the said texts as it is not accessible to me at present. There is no need of enlarging to show that in any case evidence of this description must retire before the momenta previously brought to bear on this question. From the Buddhavamsa (Phayre MS., fol. ju’) I have noted the verse:—

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mayham janettikâ mâtâ Mâyâdevîti vuccati.

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Cf. Râhulamâtâ devî, “Mahâvagga,” i, 54.

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As the birthplace of the Bodhisatta later tradition names the Lumbinî grove: from the Tipitaka itself the only passage bearing on this question known to me, is the following from the Nâlakasutta of the Sutta Nîpâta:—

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—jâto
Sakyânam gâme janapade Lampuneyye.*

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The wonders connected with the conception and birth of the Bodhisatta are detailed in the Acchariyabahutasutta of the “Majjh. Nikâya” (cf. “Mahâparinibbâna Sutta,” p. 27); there the law is laid down as universally valid, that the mother dies seven days after the birth of the child, and is born again in the heaven of the Tusita deities; also the so-called Sîhanâda (“aggo 'ham asmi lokassa,” &c., cf. “Jât. Atth.” i, p. 53) is there mentioned. The presentation of the child to the Rishi Asita (or as he is named in the “Jât. Atth.” i, p. 54, Kâladevala) is narrated in the just-mentioned Nâlakasutta of the Sutta Nipâta† (v. Fausböll's translation).

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∗ So the Phayre MS.; cf. Fausböll's translation, p. 125. The compiler of the passage seems to have been hampered by metrical necessity he wished undoubtedly to say: Sakyânam janapade gâme L°.

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† Also this Sutta belongs to the texts, in which we could not but assuredly

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Touching the youth of the Bodhisatta the most important passage is found in the "Aṅguttara Nikâya" (I give it exactly according to the MS., vol. i, fol. ñu'): *sukhumâlo aham bhikkhave paramasukhumâlo accantasukhumâlo. mama sukham bhikkhave pitu nivesane pokkharaniyo hâriyâkâ honti, ekattha sukham bhikkhave uppalam vappati ekattha padumam ekattha punnarikam yâvad evam atthâya. na kho pana es' âham bhikkhave kâsikam candanam dhâremi, kâsikam bhikkhave su me tam vethanam hoti kâsikâ kañcukâ kâsikam nivâsanam kâsiko uttarâsaṅgo. rattidivam kho pana me su tam bhikkhave setachattam dhâreyya mâ nam phussi sîtam vâ unham vâ tinam vâ rajo vâ ussâvo vâ 'ti. tassa mayham bhikkhave tayo pâsâdâ ahesum* (this is shown to be a universal custom by comparing "Mahâvagga," i, 7, 1; "Cullavagga," vii, 1, 1) *eko hemantiko eko gimhantiko eko vassiko 'ti. so kho aham bhikkhave vassikapâsâde vassike cattâro mâse nippurisehi turiyehi paricâriyamâno na hetthâ pâsâdâ orohâmi. yathâ kho pana bhikkhave aññesam nivesane dâsakammakarâporisassa kanâjakam bhojanam diyyati bilaṅgadutiyam evam eva su me bhikkhave pitu nivesane dâsakammakaraporisassa sâlimamsodano diyyati.* Now follows the narrative translated at p. 102 seq., how the thought of old age, disease, and death is awakened in him: therewith ends the part of that text bearing on this matter. Let it be observed that the origin of these thoughts is not here attributed to an external occurrence like the well-known four excursions. The history of these excursions has been transferred to the later legends, as is almost expressly stated in the "Jât. Atth." i, p. 59, from the Mahâpadânasutta ("Dîgha Nikâya"), where it is introduced as referring to the Buddha Vipassi* (there and in the Mahâpurisa-

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expect a reference to the birth of the Bodhisatta in a royal house, unless this feature first belonged to the later tradition. In Professor Fausböll's translation of this Sutta Suddhodana's house is designated a "palace," and the child frequently a "prince;" the Pâli text has *bhavana* and *kumâra* respectively.

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∗ When the compiler of this commentary there says for brevity's sake, that the dialogue between the Bodhisatta and the charioteer may be supplied after that Sutta, it follows apparently that a Sutta which narrated the corresponding occurrence regarding Gotama, was quite as unknown to the commentator as it is to me. Also, the appeal made in "Jât.," i, 59, line 39, to the commentary-tradition shows that there was no text to which an appeal could have been made.

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lakkhanasutta of the “ Dîgha N.,” the 32 Lakkhanas of the Mahâpurisa are also discussed). Of Gotama Buddha the excursions are, as far as I know, never narrated in the Tipitaka.*

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Regarding the wife and child of Buddha the chief passage is “Mahâvagga,” i, 54 ;† Râhula is frequently mentioned in the Sutta texts as Buddha’s son, without any prominent *rôle* being ascribed to him among the circles of disciples by the ancient tradition.

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† Cf. Dr. Davids’s and my note to our translation of this passage.

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Touching the Pabbajjâ, first of all we must quote the Pabbajjâsutta in the “ Jât. Atth.,” i, p. 66, which stands in the Sutta Nipâta (Fausböll’s translation, p. 67, seq.). It begins :

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Pabbajjam kittayissâmi yathâ pabbaji cakkhumâ
yathâ vimamsamâno so pabbajjam samarocayi.
sambâdh’ âyam gharâvâso rajassâyatanam iti
abbhokâso ca pabbajjâ iti disvâna pabbaji.
pabbajitvâ kâyena pâpammam vivajjayi,
vacîduccaritam hitvâ âjîvam parisodhayi.
agamâ Râjagaham buddho, and so on.

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Then follows a narrative of the meeting of the coming Buddha and king Bimbisâra, presented in the “ Jât. Atth.” i, p. 66. After this Sutta there comes next the following fragment of the

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∗ Here also the verses of the Mânava Thera (“ Therag.” fol. ku) may be inserted :

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jinnam ca disvâ dukhitam ca byâdhitam
matam ca disvâ gatam âyusamkhayam
tato aham nikkhamitumna pabbajim
pahâya kâmâni manoramânîti.

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(To all appearance we here have the Form nikkhamitûna, after which what has been said by me in Kuhn’s “ Zeitschr. N. F.” v, 323 seq., is to be supplied.)

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So of the Buddha Dîpamkara (“ Buddhavamsa,” fol. cai of the Phayre MS.) :

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nimitte caturo disvâ hatthiyânena nikkhami.

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Similarly of the Buddha Kondañña (ibid. fol. co.) :

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nimitte caturo disvâ rathayânena nikkhami.

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Similarly of the following Buddhas. Whether at the close of the Buddhavamsa the same is directly said of Gotama Buddha, I cannot state at this moment. Improbable it is not; here, as also elsewhere, the traces of later legend-building may already be discernible in the most recent parts of the Pitakas themselves; a fact which naturally would not be able to shake the elsewhere acquired inference regarding the earlier and later form of representations of Buddha’s life.

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Sonadandasutta (“Dîgha N.”) recurring at many other places, translated at p. 105: samano khalu bho Gotamo daharo samâno susukâlake sobhadrena yobbanena samannâgato pathamena vayasâ agârasmâ anagâriyam pabbajito; samano khalu bho Gotamo akâmakânam mâtâpitunnam assumukhânam rudantânam kesamassum ohâretvâ kâsâyâni vatthâni acchâdetvâ agârasmâ anagâriyam pabbajito. Cf. also the passages quoted later (p. 421). The narrative given in later legends (e.g. “Jât. Atth.” i, p. 61) of the night scene in Buddha's bedroom, which precedes his flight, is to be found, if nothing have escaped me, in the Tipitaka, Yasa (“Mahâvagga,” i, 7, 1. 2) and seems to have been thence transferred at a later time to the legends of Buddha. The age of the Bodhisatta at the time of his Pabbajjâ is stated in the “Mahâparinibbânasutta,” p. 59, to have been twenty-nine years.

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Regarding the time from the Pabbajjâ to the Sambodhi the tradition of the Tipitaka is to be found in the following passages.

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The duration of this period is frequently set down at seven years, i.e., it is said that Mâra pursued the Bodhisatta for seven years up to the last vain attack he made on him; Padhânasutta of the Sutta-Nipâta:

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satta vassâni bhagavantam anubandhim padâpadam
otâram nâdhigacchissam sambuddhassa satimato.

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Similarly in the Mârasamyutta of the “Samy. Nikâya” (vol. i, fol. ghî’): tena kho pana samayena (namely, when Buddha shortly after attaining deliverance sat under the tree) Mâro pâpimâ satta vassâni bhagavantam anubaddho hoti otârâpekho otâram alabhamâno.

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The consecutive narrations touching this period represent the Bodhisatta after his Pabbajjâ confiding himself to the guidance of Âlâra Kâlâma,* and Uddaka Râmaputta (the place where these persons lived is not given); then he goes on to Uruvelâ; then follow the three comparisons (cf. “Lal. Vist.” p. 309), his labours to obtain the goal by penances, at last the attainment of the Buddhahood and the first incidents thereon following.

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∗ We find two versions side by side in the sacred Pâli-Kanon; on the one side it is related that Buddha left his home and went to Râjagaha, where the meeting with Bimbisâra took place; on the other it is said that he left his home and went to Âlâra Kâlâma. The later texts naturally arrange the different occurrences in one series. It is worthy of remark that the southern tradition and the northern

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This recital is to be found in different passages of the “Majjhima Nikâya,” namely, in the Ariyapariyosânasutta (here are omitted the three comparisons and the Dukkarakârikâ); in the Mahâsaccasutta, the Bodhirâjakumârasuttanta, and the Saṅgaravasuttanta.

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I furnish from the sources indicated a selection of what appears to me most essential.

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From the Mahâsaccasutta:

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Idha me Aggivessana pubbeva sambodhâ anabhisambuddhassa bodhisattass’ eva sato etad ahosi: sambâdho gharâvâso rajapatho abbhokâso pabbajjâ. na yidam sukaram . . . (cf. “Mahavagga,” v, 13, 1) . . . pabbajeyyan ti. so kho aham Aggivessana aparena samayena daharo ’va samâno susukâlake sobhadrena yobbanena samannâgato pathamena vayasâ akâmakânam mâtâpitunnam assumukhânam rudantânam kesamassum ohâretvâ kâsâyâni vatthâni acchâdetvâ agârasmâ anagâriyam pabbajito samâno kimkusalagavesî anuttaram santivarapadam pariyesamâno yena Âlâro Kâlâmo ten’ upasamkamim, etc.

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From the Ariyapariyosânasutta (cf. “Lal. Vist.” p. 295, seq.):

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Atha khv âham bhikkhave yena Âlâro Kâlâmo ten’ upasamkamim upasamkamitvâ Âlâram Kâlâmam etad avocam: kittâvatâ no âvuso Kâlâma dhammam sayam abhiññâya sacchikatvâ upasampajja viharâmîti pavedesîti. evam vutte bhikkhave Âlâro K. âkiñcaññayatanam pavedesi. tassa mayham bhikkhave etad ahosi: na kho Âlârass’ eva Kâlâmassa atthi saddhâ mayham p’ atthi saddhâ. na kho Âlârass’ eva Kâlâmassa atthi viriyam . . . sati . . . samâdhi . . . paññâ mayham pi atthi paññâ. yan nûnâham yam dhammam Âlâro K. sayam abhiññâya sacchikatvâ upasampajja

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have done so in different ways. The former represent Buddha as first going to Râjagaha and then to Âlâra (“Jât.,” i, 66), the latter has the opposite course (“Lal. Vist.,” p. 296 seq.) : it is seen significantly how here the two branches of later tradition have, independently of each other, gone on building for themselves on a common basis, which is to us represented by the Pâli-Pitakas.

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viharâmîti pavediti tassa dhammassa sacchikiriyâya padaheyyan ti. so kho aham bhikkhave na cirass' eva khippam eva tam dhammam sayam abhiññâ sacchikatvâ upasampajja vihâsim. atha khv âham bhikkhave yena Âlâro K. ten' upasamkamim, upasamkamitvâ Âlâram K. etad avocam: ettâvatâ no âvuso Kâlâma imam dhammam sayam abhiññâ sacchikatvâ upasampajja pavedesîti. ettâvatâ kho âvuso imam dhammam sayam abhiññâ sacchikatvâ upasampajja pavadesîti (pavedemîti ?). aham pi kho âvuso ettâvatâ imam dhammam sayam abhiññâ sacchikatvâ upasampajja viharâmîti. lâbhâ no âvuso suladdham no âvuso ye mayam âyasmantam tâdisam sabrahmacârim passâma, iti yâham dhammam sayam abh. s. upasampajja pavedemi tam tvam dhammam sayam abh. s. upasampajja viharasi, yam tvam dhammam sayam abh. s. upasampajja viharasi tam aham dhammam sayam abh. s. upas. pavedemi, iti yâham dhammam jânâmi tam tvam dhammam jânâsi, yam tvam dhammam jânâsi tam aham dhammam jânâmi, iti yâdiso aham tâdiso tvam, yâdiso tvam tâdiso aham. ehi dâni âvuso ubho 'va santâ imam ganam pariharâmâ 'ti. iti kho bhikkhave Âlâro Kâlâmo âcariyo me samâno antevâsim samânam attano samasamam thapesi ulârâya ca mam pûjâya pûjesi. tassa mayham bhikkhave etad ahosi: nâyam dhammo nibbidâya na virâgâya na nirodhâya na upasamâya na abhiññâya na sambodhâya na nibbânâya samvattati yâvad eva âkiñcaññâyatanûpapattiyâ 'ti. so kho aham bhikkhave tam dhammam analamkaritvâ tasmâ dhammâ nibbijja pakkamim.

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so kho aham bhikkhave kimkusalagavesî anuttaram santivarapadam pariyesamâna yena Uddako Râmaputto ten' upasamkamim, upasamkamitvâ Uddakam Râmaputtam etad avocam: icchâham âvuso imasmim dhammavinaye brahmacariyam caritun ti. evam vutte bhikkhave Uddako Râmaputto mam etad avoca: viharâyasma, tâdiso ayam dhammo yattha viññû puriso na cirass' eva sakam âcariyakam sayam abhiññâ sacchikatvâ upasampajja vihareyyâ 'ti. so kho aham bhikkhave na cirass' eva khippam eva tam dhammam pariyâpunim. so kho aham bhikkhave tâvataken' eva otthapahatamattena lapitalâpanattena ñânâ (sic) vadâmi theravâdañ ca jânâmi passâmîti patijânâmi ahañ c'eva aññesam ca (sic). tassa mayham bhikkhave etad ahosi: na kho Râmo imam dhammam kevalam sabbâmantakena (sic) sayam abhiññâ sacchikatvâ upasampajja viharâmîti pavedesi, addhâ Râmo imam dhammam jânam passam vihâsîti. atha khv âham bhikkhave yena Uddako Râmaputto ten’ upasamkamim, upasamkamitvâ Uddakam Râmaputtam etad avocam: kittâvatâ no âvuso Râmo (sic) imam dhammam sayam abhiññâ sacchikatvâ upasampajja pavedesîti. evam vutte bhikkhave Uddako Râmaputto nevasaññânâsaññâyatanam pavedesi. tassa mayham bhikkhave etad ahosi: na kho Râmass’ eva ahosi saddhâ mayham p’atthi saddhâ (etc., the following, as above, is the story of Âlâra Kâlâma. Râmaputta finally says): ehi dâni âvuso tvam imam ganam pariharâ ’ti. iti kho bhikkhave Uddako Râmaputto sabrahmacârî samâno âcariyatthâne mamam thapesi ulârâya ca mam pûjâya pûjesi.

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tassa mayham bhikkhave etad ahosi: nâyam dhammo nibbidâya . . . samvattati yâvad eva nevasaññânâsaññâyatanûpapattiyâ ’ti. so kho aham bhikkhave tam dhammam analamkaritvâ tasmâ dhammâ nibbijja pakkamim. so kho aham bhikkhave kimkusalagavesî anuttaram santivarapadam pariyesamâno Magadhesu anupubbena cârikam caramâno yena Uruvelâ senânigamo tad avasarim. tatth’ addasam ramanîyam bhûmibhâgam pâsâdikam ca vanasandam nadim ca sandantim setakam supatittham ramanîyam samantâ ca gocaragâmam. tassa mayham bhikkhave etad ahosi: ramanîyo vata bho bhûmibhâgo pâsâdiko ca vanasando nadî ca sandati setakâ supatitthâ ramanîyâ samantâ gocaragâmo alam ca tidam (sic) kulaputtassa padhânatthikassa padhânâyâ ’ti. so kho aham bhikkhave attanâ jâtidhammo (. . . jarâdhammo, vyâdhidhammo, maranadhammo, sokadhammo, samkilesadhammo . . .) samâno jâtidhamme (. . . jarâdhamme, etc.) âdînavam viditvâ ajâtam (. . . ajaram etc.) yogakkhemam nibbânam pariyesamâno ajâtam anuttaram yogakkhemam ajjhagamam . . . asamkilittham anuttaram yogakkhemam nibbânam ajjhagamam; ñânañ ca pana me dassanam udapâdi: akuppâ me cetovimutti, ayam antimâ jâti, n’ atthi dâni punabbhavo ’ti. tassa mayham bhikkhave etad ahosi: adhigato kho me, etc. (vide “Mahavagga,” i, 5, 2).

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As a rule we find between the period of instruction by Âlâra and Uddaka and the attainment of Sambodhi, a description of the Dukkarakârikâ inserted, which on the whole corresponds to what is narrated in “Lal. Vist.,” p. 314 seq. (excepting naturally the episode referring to Mâyâ devî). Also the three Upamâs of “Lal. Vist.,” p. 309 seq., are found already in the Pali-Tipiṭaka (in the Mahâsaccakasutta).

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I quote from the last named Sutta the close of this section which ends in the narration of the Sambodhi:—

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So kho aham Aggivessana olârikam âhâram âhâresim odanakummâsam. tena kho pana mam Aggivessana samayena pañca bhikkhû paccupatthitâ honti* yan no samano Gotamo dhammam adhigamissati tam no âcarissâma 'ti. yato kho aham Aggivessana olârikam âhâram âhâresim odanakummâsam atha kho te pañca bhikkhû nibbijja pakkamimsu bâhuliko samano Gotamo padhânavibbhanto âvatto bâhullâyâ 'ti. so kho aham Aggivessana olârikam âhâram âharito (sic) balam gahetvâ vivicc' eva kâmehi . . . (then follows the well known description of the attainment of the four Jhânas, then the attainment of the three Vijjâs—pubbenivâsañânam, dibbam cakkhu, die ariyasacca—in the three Yâmas of the night; next:) tassa me evam jânato evam passato kâmâsavâpi cittam vimuccittha, bhavâsavâpi cittam vimuccittha, diṭṭhâsavâpi c. v., avijjâsavâpi c. v., vimuttasmim vimutt' amhîti ñânam ahosi, khînâ me jâti, vusitam bramacariyam, katam karanîyam, nâparam itṭhattâyâ 'ti abbhaññâsim.

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This is the usual description of the Sambodhi, as it is found also, e.g., in the introduction to the Vibhaṅga (“Vinaya Pitaka,” iii, p. 4 seq.), in the Bhayabheravasutta (“Majjh. Nikaya”), and in the Dvedhâvitakkasutta (ibid). To the ancient Order the kernel and the sole essential to the event of Sambodhi (i.e., the attainment of Buddhahood) appeared to be the springing forth of such and such a knowledge, and of such and such qualities in the mind of the Buddha, and nothing else.

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This shows itself also in the somewhat abbreviated narratives of

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* Cf. also “Mahâvagga,” i, 6, 5, and specially with reference to Kondañña Apadana, fol. khe':—

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nikkhantenânupabbajji (sic), padhânam sukatam mayâ,
kilese jâpanatthâya pabbajjim (sic) anagâriyam.

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a similar kind, in which the attainment of delivering knowledge by certain disciples, male and female, is described: Thus in the history of the Pupphachaddaka (see above, p. 159, n. 1, “Theragâthâ,” fol. kho—kho’):

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so ’ham eko araññasmim viharanto atandito
akâsi[m] satthu vacanam yathâ mam ovadi jino.
rattiyâ pathamam yâmam pubbajâtim anussari[m],
rattiyâ majjhimam yamam dibbacakkhum visodhayim,
rattiyâ pacchime yâme tamokhandham padâlayim.
tato ratyâ vivasâne* suriyuggamanam pati
Indo Brahmâ ca âgantvâ mam namassimsu añjali:
namo te purisâjañña, namo te purisuttama,
yassa te âsavâ khînâ, dakkhineyy’ asi mârisa.

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Similarly in the verses of the Vijayâ, “Therigâthâ,” fol. gham:

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bhikkhunî† upasamkamma sakkaccam paripucch’ aham,
sâ me dhammam adesesi dhâtuâyatanâni ca.
cattâri ariyasaccâni indriyâni balâni ca
bojjhaṅgatthaṅgikam maggam uttamatthassa pattiyâ.
tassâham vacanam sutvâ karontî anusâsanim
rattiyâ purime yâme pubbajâtim anussarim,
rittiyâ majjhime yâme dibbacakkhum visodhayim,
rattiyâ pacchime yâme tamokkhandham padâlayim,
pîtisukhena ca kâyam pharitvâ viharim tadâ;
sattamiyâ pâde pasâremi, tamokkhandham padâlayi[m].

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† Lege: bhikkhunim.

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Compare also the narrative of the Jainas couched throughout in similar style, of how Mahâvîra obtained the delivering knowledge, “Jinacaritra,” p. 64, ed. Jacobi.

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I here insert the prophecy of the Buddha Dîpamkara regarding Gotama’s Buddhahood, contained in the Buddhavamsa (fol. cî’ of the Phayre MS.):

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padhânam padahitvâna katvâ dukkarakârikam
Ajapâlarukkhamûlasmim nisîditvâ tathâgato

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∗ So the MS.; originally it may have been vivasâno.

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tattha pâyâsam paggayha (comp. “Jat.,” i, p. 69) Nerañjaram upehiti. Nerañjarâya tîramhi pâyâsam adaso jino patiyattavaramaggena bodhimûlam upehiti, tato padakkhinam katvâ bodhimandam anuttaro assattharukkhamûlamhi bujjhissati mahâyaso.

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The narratives of Mara’s attacks do not stand in the sacred texts in immediate connection with the history of the attainment of Sambodhi. *Before* the Sambodhi is placed that conversation recited in the Padhânasutta (“Sutta Nipata,” p. 69 of Fausböll’s translation), of which a northern Buddhist version, pretty closely corresponding with the Pâli text, occurs in the metrical portion of the “Lalita Vistara,” pp. 327–329. *After* the Sambodhi, within the period which Buddha passed under the tree Ajapâla, falls the similar narrative of the Mâra Samyutta (“Samy. Nikâya,” vol. i, fol. ghî–ghû; here after the temptation by Mâra comes that by his daughters).

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As regards the historical trustworthiness of the traditions, which relate to the period intervening between Buddha’s flight from his home and the commencement of his public career, I am inclined to recognize in the leading points therein mentioned real facts. The names of Âlâra Kâlâma and Uddaka Râmaputta are as trustworthy as possible; if there had here been an intention to invent, more famous names would have been preferably furnished, names of teachers, who have adopted later on a pronounced attitude, whether friendly or hostile, to Buddha’s own public operations. Âlâra, as far as I know, besides being named in this connection, is elsewhere mentioned only in the “Mahâparinibb. Sutta,” p. 44; of Uddaka also we hear but little.*

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∗ “Samy. Nik.,” vol. ii, fol. ghî’: Uddako sudam bikkhave Râmaputto evam vâcam bhâsati : idam jâtu vedagû idam jâtu sabbaji idam jâtu apalikhitam gandamûlam palikhanîti.—“Pâsâdikasutta” (“Dîgha-N.”): Uddako sudam Cunda Râmaputto evam vâcam bhâsati: passam na passatîti. kim ca passam na passatîti? khurassa sâdhunissitassa talam assa passati dhârañ ca khv assa na passati, idam vuccati Cunda passam na passatîti.—The relations of the râjâ Eleyya to the samana Râmaputta are mentioned at “Añg. Nik.,” vol. i, fol. ti.

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