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The Doctrine of the Jainas, Described after the Old Sources c7: III The Canon

The Doctrine of the Jainas, Described after the Old Sources c7

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Contents

III The Canon

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§37. In the canonical texts¹ (Uvav. and (a.o.) Viy 134b; Ṭhāṇ. 176a) Mahāvīra's teaching is called *niggantha pāvayaṇa* (Viy. 792b : *pavayaṇa*²), more precisely *duvālas'anga gaṇi-piḍaga* (a.o Viy. 792b; 866b=Nandi 246b; Samav. 106b). This means "the basket of teacher(s)³ containing 12 Angas". Samav. 73b speaking of Angas 1-3 calls one individual Anga *gaṇi-piḍaga*. The consonance with the *tipiṭaka* and the *anga* of the Buddhists (for the latter word comp. a.o. WINTERNITZ, History 2, 8) is apparent. As to *anga*, a reminiscence of the Vedāngas is equally possible. But *vedānga* means "auxiliary members" (to the Vedas), the Jain Angas are members of a unit formed by themselves. The collection through which this unit must have been established, is due to a council at Pāṭaliputra described by the Śvetāmbaras in Par. 9, 57ff. Considering that Bhadrabāhu who belonged to the 6th generation following Mahāvīra played an important rôle in it (§ 23), this council must have taken place in the 2nd decade of the 4th century B. C. On the other hand it must be mentioned that, as was pointed out by JACOBI,⁴ the oldest texts owing to metrical observations seem to date from times not earlier than the end of the 4th and the beginning of the 3rd century, the more so since the value of literary products is acknowledged not earlier than a good time after their being composed and then leads to their collection.

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¹ They have been treated exhaustively by H. R. KAPADIA in his learned book "A History of the canonical literature of the Jainas" (Bo. 1947), and it is with pleasure that the AUTHOR, while suppressing some minor criticism, refers the reader to that work for many details which could not be mentioned here.

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² In company with *pāvayaṇa* Āv. 127.

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³ Śīlānka to Sūy. nij. 136 (p. 253 b) is correct, the contrary Abhayadeva Samav. 107a; Malayagiri Nandiv. 193a.

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⁴ SBE 22, XXXI ff.; ZDMG 38, 590-619; 74, 255.

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We have seen that the Angas are not additions to something previously existing. Tradition, on the other hand, will have it differently in speaking of the so-called Puvva. They are no longer in existence. To explain the word, Abhayadeva in his comm. on Samav. 130b says that the Angas were composed by Mahāvīra’s Gaṇadharas (§22) either immediately in the spirit of the preceding (*pūrva*) oral tradition or indirectly after first (*pūrva*) having established that tradition¹. But he does not derive the Angas from the Puvvas. If this had been the case, the Puvvas would have been absorbed in the Angas. Instead we read in the survey of what the A. contain (Samav. 129a; Nandi 236b) that the 12th of them (which was lost) included the P. and other topics. Hence it follows that the two series were parallel to, not dependent on, each other.

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¹ Comp. Āv.92 (106b) *attham bhāsai arahā, suttam ganthanti gaṇaharā niuṇam*.

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§38. It is in harmony with the misunderstanding according to which the P. were the most ancient evidences² that some of them are said (Dasav. nijj. 15-17) to have been the sources for canonical texts, viz. P. 6 (Saccappavāya) for Dasav. 7 (Vakkasuddhi); 7 (Āyapp.) for Dasav. 3 (Dhammapannatti= Chajjivaṇiyā); 8 (Kammapp.) for Dasav. 5 (Piṇḍesaṇā). The remaining chapters of Dasav. are said to come form the Paccakkhāṇa-P. (9), vatthu 4, and from the same, vatthu 3, pāhuḍa 20, as the Āv.-nijj. will have it, the Cheyasutta Dasāo, Kappa, and both Vavahāra and the Ohaṇijjutti. Utt. 2 (Parisahā) is derived from P. 8, vatthu 20. Moreover, one of the Gāhās preceding the Paṇṇavaṇā refers to the P. (another one to the Diṭṭhivāya, s.b.). For the present writer it is beyond doubt that it was merely a relationship in contents that has led authors to construe those origins, provided that the Puvvas did actually lie before their eyes. This supposition is necessary since at all times imagination is keen on filling up evident gaps.

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² JACOBI SBE 22, XLIV ff.; BAGCHI, J. Dept. Letters (Univ. of C.) 14, Nr. 9.

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In reality the name of *puvva* was due to the apologies of which the texts must have consisted. The lists mentioned count 14 P. and summarize them as *puvva-gaya*. With the exception of four they all have *pavāya* in their individual title which means the utterance of a contradictory view (*pravāda*). They are combined with various fundamental questions and ideas, viz. *uppāya* (1), *viriya*, *atthi n’atthi*, *nāṇa*, *sacca*, *āya*, *kamma*, *paccakkhāṇa*, *vijjā* (3-10; 10; *vijjāṇuppavāya*). It follows that they were adversary objections evidently not preserved out of historical interest, but as instructions how to refute them. Similarly we read Viy. 380b that Mahāvīra’s monks having refuted their opponents, proclaimed the *Gaippavāya*¹ who was called an *ajjhayaṇa* and hence was intended to set them right by an adverse view (in this case the right one). Whether the *pavāya* of the *Diṭṭhivāya* (the 12th Anga) were fiction or fact we do not know. The names of P. 2 *Aggeṇiya* of *Aggāṇiya*², 11 *Avanjha*, 13 *Kiriyāvisāla*, and 14 *Logabindusāra* for their obscurity all speak in favour of their factitive nature.

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¹ Quite another *gai-ppavāya* (five-fold) Pannav. 16 (end) (Malayagiri: *gati-prapāta* or *pravāda*.)

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² *Angacūliyā*: *Agrāyaṇīya-pūrṇa*.

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From *Thāṇ*. 199a; *Samav*. 128b; *Nandī* 235b we learn³ that the *Diṭṭhivāya* consisted of the sections *parikamma*, *suttāim*, *puvva-gaya*, *aṇuoga*⁴, and (with P. 1-4) *cūliyāo*. Here, evidently, the course of a dispute is reflected where *puvva-gaya* is the same as the well-known *pūrva-pakṣa*. The "introduction" is followed by the "sūtra" which may have been construed *ad hoc* and which then are "attacked" whereupon a close "examination" unveils the truth. The 12th Anga thus, under the title of a "discourse on (heterodox) views"⁵ (which is but one of other titles showing a didactic or polemic meaning, comp. *Thāṇ*. 491b) was an instruction to apology and quite naturally fitted closely in the doctrine laid down in Angas 1-11. In the course of time it was lost. JACOBI (SBE 22, XLV) explains this fact by saying that later generations thought the discourses of their early predecessors not to be important any longer. It is more likely that their preservation appeared to be undesirable since the study of such disputes was apt to arouse heretical thoughts and activities. Some quotations from the Puvvas indeed have been preserved in the reports on the early schisms (§ 17) exclusively.

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³ For the Digambaras about the *Puvva* see Nemicandra, *Gommaṭasāra Jīv*. 343 ff.; 360 f.; Sakalakirti, *Tattv*. 1, 106 f.; BHANDARKAR, Rep. 1883-84, S. 108 f. 395; Subhacandra, *Angapannatti* 219 f. 38 f.

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⁴ Hemac. *Abhidh*. 2, 160 has *pūrṇāṇuyoga* before *pūrva-gata*, the same *Gommaṭas*. *Jīv*. 360 *padhamanijoga* before *puvva*.

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⁵ Sthān. 491b both *Diṭṭivāda* and *Diṭṭipāta*. The latter gives a good sense, too; "Collapse of refuted views."

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We have seen that our interpretation of the word puvva-gaya is, partly, based upon what both Samav. and Nandī say with regard to the contents of Anga 12. Though there can be no doubt that these are merely rhetorical, we must suppose that the names of the sections have been preserved just as faithfully as those of Anga 11. The minute descriptions of the subsections, on the other hand, seem to be fictitious, and all attempts of an interpretation are useless, since he who wrote down the alleged contents had the Diṭṭhivāya no longer before him.¹ No less fantastic, therefore, is the extent in vatthu or "subjects" attributed to the Puvva (to be seen also in Samav. 25a; 26b; 35b; 44b and in Ṭhāṇ.), to say nothing of their number of words. Their alleged size corresponds with their gradual loss, as referred to by the Śvetāmbaras and registered in the posthumous spiritual titles of cauddasa-(coddasa-), dasa-and even nava-puvvi. The last to know all 14 of them was Sthūlabhadra (§ 23). For it was he whom they were told by Bhadrabāhu upon the request of the Council of Pāṭaliputra, but he was forbidden to teach others more than ten (Par. 9, 110). After the seventh patriarch following Sthūlabhadra even these were lost. And that is why Mahāgiri and his successors up to Vajra are called dasapūrvin. So far the Śvetāmbaras; the Digambaras have eleven dasapūrvadhārin with other names. The last of them, Dharmasena, is reported to have died in 315 A.M.²

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¹ THE AUTHOR, Worte p. 5.—LEUMANN (VI. OC III, 2, p. 258) thought to see a close relation of a small Śaiva text with the Diṭṭhivāya, Parikamma 1. Possibly the so-called contents of the Diṭṭhiv. have been composed after the model of that kind of texts, since the real facts were no longer known, not vice versa, as LEUMANN believed.

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² Sakalakirti, comp. BHANDARKAR loc. cit. S. 125.

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§39. The gradual loss of the Puvvas, which must have happened according as an apology in general or in the shape taught by the Diṭṭhivāya was no longer necessary or desirable, has been copied by the Digambaras with regard to the Angas. They give the names of five patriarchs whom they say to have known 11 Angas, and of nine more who knew 10, 9, 8, 7 (?) and 1 Angas only, until eventually that too—the 1st—was lost. This report is based upon the Digambaras in very early times having become alienated from the collection of the Angas, from which it followed that they no longer acknowledged them as authoritative. Hence, for the Digambaras, the Angas of the Śvetāmbaras are younger productions, and when the latter give the number of words in them (Samav. 107 ff.; Nandi 209b ff.)¹, the former bring up other figures against them². To a certain degree it is justified to look upon the Angas as being of a younger age, since they have not come down to us in their original shape. This follows from comparing their present state with tradition and subjecting it to a critical view. As the saying goes, new wine has been poured into old bags. The method was to form a unit out of parts and fragments, to supply lost portions and even works, and, in many cases, to arrange the text suitably. It is probable that all this was the result of two councils,⁴ the one taking place at Mathurā, the other at Valabhī (Kathiawar), and both presided by Skandila and Nāgārjuna respectively. In the course of time the former must have gained the upper hand, for, when in one more Valabhī council Devarddhi undertook to lay down the wording of the text definitely, he gave the Nāgārjunīya pāṭhas not the first but the second place, even though he stood in the *paramparā* of their originator (s. b.), Devarddhi is reported to have got copies of the holy works multiplied with a view to provide with them as many communities as possible. Memorial verses serve to facilitate the survey of the contents for the monk students. This, of course, had to be preceded by collecting the works within reach.¹ Here we have the origin of the Canon. This event took place, according to Jiṇac. § 148, in 980 or 993 A.V.

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¹ Up to Anga 4 the figure is doubled, Anga 5 has 84,000 words (a favourite figure), and the rest *samkhijja* words (see § 21).

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² Gommat. Jiv. 357 ff.; Suyakkh. 9 ff.; Tattv. 1, 75 ff. ; Angap. 15 ff.; Comp. also JAINI, Outlines p. 135 ff.

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³ The AUTHOR, Worte p. 11 ff.

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⁴ We here follow KAPADIA p. 61 ff. who gives the sources. BHANDARKAR, Rep. 1883-84, p. 128; JACOBI, Kalpasūtra p. 117 and SBE 22 294 can be added.

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¹ Comp. JACOBI, Kalpasūtra p.114 ff.; p. 15ff.; SBE 22, XXXVIIff.

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§ 40. Nandi 202a, 153b; Aṇuog, 6a; Pakkhiya-S. 61b divide the substance of the teaching into *aṅga-paviṭṭha* and *anaṅga-p.* or *aṅgabāhira*. While history, as we have seen, is concerned with the Angas only, we here learn that there were more works in existence. This is no wonder since the Angas do not include any regulated prescriptions for the monks' discipline which must have been observed from early times onward. Its germ are the 6 *āvassaya* (§ 151), i.e. formulae for daily recital, the knowledge of which was, indeed, "indispensable". They were the starting point of discipline and, therefore, alone are opposed to all other *anaṅga-paviṭṭha* or *āvassaya-vairitta*. These again are divided into *kāliya* and *ukkāliya*, i.e. into those that are to be learnt within certain hours devoted to study (§ 150) and into those that are not. The *kāliya*-list is an extension of what is prescribed to the monk in Vav. 10, 20 ff. and elsewhere. In a certain way, the *ukkāliya*-list runs on parallel lines with it. In either list the titles partly are unica, since the works themselves do not exist any longer or at least did not reappear as yet, partly they belong to works incorporated into the Canon or are *à la suite* of it, and partly they are mere sections of both the last named kinds. Let us presuppose that the authors of the Vav. list (which attributes certain texts to certain years) must have been guided by paedagogic points of view, but we are unable to recognise them in the succession of the texts. Still this succession has furnished a basis for the grouping in the Canon. For among the Uvangas and Painṇas some texts appear one after the other in the same order as they do in their quality as *ukkāliya* subjects nos. 5-8 and 11-15.²

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² Ind. Stud. 17, 13 ff.

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This is the opportunity for introducing the canonical sections following the Angas, viz.: the Uvangas, Painṇas, Cheyaand Mūla-suttas, of which only the first name seems to be old. To judge¹ from its appearance in the introduction to Uvangas 8-12 there was a time when no more than just these Uvangas were called by this name, i.e. "secondary Angas" because of their being closely related in contents and style with Angas 8, 9 and 11². Later on out of those and other texts (all of which may be found among the *ananga-pavittha*) there was a group formed by imitation of the 12 Angas not only as to numbering but as to its inner structure as well. For just as the Anga group starts with two works mostly composed in a high poetical and prosaic style (Bambhac. and Gāhāsolasaga) and then proceeds with dogmatical ones (Thāṇa and Samav.) followed by minor legendary accounts (Uvās. etc.), so does the Uvanga section³, as can be seen in the course of this chapter. Apart from the Angas, the Uvangas are the only section of a stationary size. Most various is the number of the Paiṇṇas or "mixed text". But the different lists betray a nucleus formed by Paiṇṇas of a disciplinary character, and among these we find a group of ten which are the most frequently quoted.⁴ The various classes of the Āgama seem to have been arranged according to the diminishing number of their members, for, historically, the Cheyasuttas ought to have preceded the Paiṇṇas. The latter dwell upon the monks' practice in more or less broad gāhā treatises, that is to say, in a remarkably imitative way, while among the Cheyasuttas (of which there are 5-7) we have the most ancient summaries of discipline. The name of this group appears as *cheya-ggantha* in Āv. 8,55 and certainly means the punishment of *cheya*, i.e. the shortening of either a monk's or a nun's seniority. And it is this seniority upon which the communal life of either is based. When seniority is dropped altogether this is called *mūla* and, indeed, the culprit then must start from the "root". But this is the situation of novices, too, and it is no more than logical to interpret the name of Mūlasutta in this direction on account of their clearly being selections and treatises about fundamental subjects for the instruction of young monks and nuns. From this point of view we understand why the diminution mentioned above is interrupted and why its mechanical principle is replaced by a methodical one¹. For in the solemn list the Mūlasuttas are preceded by two propaedeutic works, viz. Nandī and Aṇuogadārā. In both of them the theory of knowledge is treated in the style of the time. The number of the Āgamas is 45 with the Śvetāmbaras, but 13 of them are rejected by the Sthānakvāsī, their puritan offshoot mentioned before² (§ 32). As to the Digambaras, it was already said that the Angas are missing there on account of their gradual passing into oblivion. This applies to the other texts, too. Some of them were lodged in their lists of lost works³: The 5 Pariyammas of the Diṭṭhivāya are equated with 5 Pannattis, four of which we know as Uvangas, whereas the 5 Cūliyās are said to teach different kinds of sorceries. Among the so-called Paiṇṇayas of the Angabāhirayas current with the Digambaras we find the names of Śvetāmbara Paiṇṇa-, Cheya-, and Mūla-texts.

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¹ The AUTHOR, Worte p. 8 .

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² Possibly also Anga 10 which once looked different from the one we have before us (§ 46).

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³ The AUTHOR, Worte p. 8.—But it is a fiction held by Jambūdv. lb and others that the Angas and Uvangas bearing the same number were related with each other.

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⁴ Comp. v. KAMPTZ, Sterbefasten p. 5 ff.

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¹ The AUTHOR, Worte p. 1.

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² "Seeker", Notes (§ 32) p.90. The AUTHOR, Mahānis. p. 100 must be corrected.

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³ Gommatas, Jiv. 360. f., 366 f.

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§41. We now proceed to give the common survey of the extant Svetambara Canon (āgama, siddhanta). Angas: 1. Āyāra (quoted as Bambhacerāim, Cūlāo, Bhāvaṇā, Vimutti), 2. Sūyagaḍa, 3. Ṭhāṇa, 4. Samavāya, 5. Viyāhapaṇṇatti, 6. Nāyādhammakahāo (quoted as Nāya and Dhammakahāo,), 7. Uvāsagadasāo, 8. Antagaḍadasāo, 9. Aṇuttarovāiyadasāo, 10. Paṇhāvāgaraṇaīm, 11. Vivāgasuya. Uvangas: 1. Rāyapaseṇaijja,⁴ 2. Uvavāiya (quoted as Samosaraṇa and Uvavāiya), 3. Jīvābhigama, 4. Paṇṇavaṇā, 5. Sūrapannatti, 6. Jambuddīva-pannatti, 7. Candapaṇṇatti, 8. Nirayāvaliyāo. 9. Kappavaḍimsiyāo, 10. Pupphiyāo, 11. Pupphacūlāo, 12. Vaṇhidasāo. Paiṇṇas. Causaraṇa, Āurapaccakkhāṇa, Bhaṭṭapariṇṇā, Saṃthāra, Mahāpaccakkhāṇa, Caṇḍāvijjhaya, Gaṇivijjā, Taṇḍulaveyāliya, Devindatthaya, Viratthaya and others. Cheyasuttas: Āyāradasāo (Dasā 8, “Kalpasūtra”=Jiṇacariya, Therāvalī, Pajjosavaṇā-kappa; Dasā 10=Āyāiṭṭhāna), Kappa, Vavahāra, Nisīha, Mahā-nisīha, Pancakappa, Jiyakappa. Nandi, Aṇuogadāra. Mūlasutta: Uttarajjhāyā, Āvassayanijjutti, Dasaveyāliya, Piṇḍanijjutti, Ohanijjutti. The homogeneity which, as we are led to assume, unites these titles is often merely an apparent one. Nearly all old and various later canonical works are composed of parts which frequently are rather incongruent, as may be seen from the brackets given above. Apart from such cases striking the eye there are others where parts and particles of some chapters, on the ground of higher criticism, can be connected in a new manner.

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⁴ The AUTHOR, Worte p. VIII to be corrected.

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§42. Thus, when we replace the mechanical arrangement just given by a critical one, the result is as follows.¹ Apart from the āvassaya formulae the most ancient style presents itself in the Āyāra, Sūy., the Utt., the old Cheyasuttas, the Isibhā-siyāim, and in portions of the Dasaveyāliya. Significant are old grammatical forms, the triṣṭubh, jagatī, vaitālīya, and aupacchandasaka metres, a primitive form of the Āryā,² the opening formula suyam me, āusam, etc., the concluding one ti bemi, and, of course, the subjects, especially so far as they are formed by the will of self-preservation and the fundaments of the order. A metrical investigation made by JACOBI, as was said before, resulted in surmising the origin of the most ancient texts at about the end of the 4th and the beginning of the 3rd century B.C. It hardly needs to be mentioned that the characteristics referred to are distributed differently upon the individual texts. The younger parts of the Canon show the younger grammatical forms, the common Āryā taking the place of the Śloka, and partly in them a symmetrical arrangement of subjects. This can be observed in most Paiṇṇas and in the Nijjuttis among the Mūlasuttas which are not far from the commentaries bearing the same name (§ 43). A good number of texts join in groups thus unveiling the peculiar taste of the author's times and later on becoming a mere habit. Considering the rôle the figure 10 plays in the titles, we speak of dasā-texts. In the second half of the Angas we come across clichés of stories called vagga, and thus we may sum up Dhammak., Antag., Aṇutt. and Uvanga 8-12 as vagga-texts. In Ṭhāṇ. and Samav. conceptions and concrete subjects occurring in the teaching have been arranged according to number just as has been the case with details from discipline taught in the Āyāradasāo and some other texts by the therā bhagavanto, so that we are entitled to speak of category-texts. Further, there is the veḍha metre, the locus classicus of which are Samos. and Jiṇac. They are the prototype for numberless passages in tne later Angas, the Uvangas and the Āyāradasāo, passages meant to introduce or to characterise a scene or an object. Here catchwords indicating the opening and the ending of the passage to be supplied served the purpose. Hence we find many artificial veḍha-texts next to the genuine ones mentioned to which we have to add Anga 10, 6 and 4 sections in Jambudd. The same distinction applies to the case of the dialogue-texts. On the one hand we have Viy. alone. It is true that here already question and reply are conventional, but the general impression is that of true life thanks to the variety of questioning individuals as well as to personal traits in Mahāvīra's answers. At any rate, the Viy. is the prototype for the various artificial dialogues where the appearance of antiquity was combined with methodical fitness. The latter, above all, seemed necessary for the systematical explanations in the Uvangas. Their typical name is pannatti.

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¹ The AUTHOR, Worte, p. 2 ff.

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² Āyār. II 9; Sūy. I, 4 (see ALSDORF Ind. Ir. J. 2, 259 ff.); Utt. 8, comp. JACOBI ZDMG 38, 590 ff.; LEUMANN Z I I 7, 169-168.

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§43. The commentaries on the canonical texts exhibit the usual preferences and defects of scholastic literature, i.e. they represent the apprehensions of their time. We cannot neglect them, though, frequently, we are not in a position to follow them. Most popular among them are, of course, the Sanskrit explanations (ṭīkā, vivaraṇa, vṛtti) composed, as regards the Angas and Uvangas, by the classical scholars Śīlāṅka or Śīlācārya, who concluded his Ācārāṭīkā in Śaka 798=872 A.D., Abhayadeva, who wrote in s. 1135 or 1139, and Malayagiri, who composed his Sanskrit Grammar between s. 1200 and 1230¹. These great works mark the end of a long development; what follows them (*dīpikā* or *avacūri*¹) is insignificant and mostly no longer independent. The personalities mentioned are preceded by Haribhadra who, among various other scholarly works, wrote the Nandī-and Āvaśyakaṭīkā. As has been proved by JINAVIJAYA² he belongs to the middle of the 8th century. His epoch is significant by its definitely turning away from the Prakrit commentaries in favour of such in Sanskrit. The development of the former at that time had reached the stage of the *cuṇṇi*. A *cuṇṇi* is a composition in prose³ of a kind wherein a change of language announces itself by a more or less intensive penetration of Sanskrit words and phrases into Prakrit. The object of the explanation is not confined to the canonical text, the Sutta, but also refers to the foregoing commentary, the Bhāsa or the Nijjutti. A *Bhāsa* is in metres and of a considerable length. Comprising thousands of Gāhās it far surpasses each Cuṇṇi, the name of which—Sanskrit: *cūrṇi*—dispersion⁴—is not badly chosen when compared with the block called *bhāsa*.⁵ This again is the Nijjutti. for us the Nijjutti (*nirvyukti*⁶) is the earliest tangible stage in the Śvetāmbara commentaries, but itself it is the gāhā-skeleton for the body of prose explanations which had existed long before and were the ancestors of the material exhibited in a Cuṇṇi. The usual size of a Nijjutti, as we know it, is relatively small (a few hundred gāhās), but even there Bhāsa verses have been inserted. As long as such insertions were limited, the title of Nijjutti remained, in which case we find, in the course of time, a Nijjutti followed by a Cuṇṇi. But when the size of the latter had swollen up owing to an extraordinary number of Bhāsa verses, it was they that gave the whole work its title.¹ Both Bhāsa and Cuṇṇi do not furnish much information about individual words. What they do have to say is dictated by abstracts and is very schematical to the degree that we seldom find a connection with the Sūtra.² Instead, their importance as to history of thought and of literature will be great, when one day all of them will be accessible and subjected to scholarly study.

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¹ KIELHORN NGW Gott. 1892, 318-327; PATHAK ABHI 1, 7.

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¹ Often, but wrongly, *avacūrṇi*.

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² JACOBI, Samarāiccakahā p 1 ff. on account of JINAVIJAYA's results exposed in Sanskrit and published Poona 1919 under the title Date of Haribhadra Sūri. Thus LEUMANN's calculation ZDMG 43.349 (s. 904) is obsolete now.

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³ Wrongly called metrical by CHARPENTIER Utt. p. 52.

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⁴ The word is not confined to the Śvetāmbaras nor even to the Jains. We find it, though apparently in a different meaning, in the Śivajñānabodha of the Śivaites, see SCHOMERUS, Der Çaiva-Siddhānta p. 26. Here *cūrṇikā*, *vārttika*, and *udāharaṇa* are rendered as "assertion., argument, example".

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⁵ *bhāsa* and *cuṇṇi* were confounded by JACOBI, Sthav. (2nd ed.) p. VI.

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⁶ WEBER, Ind. Stud. 17, 57. CHARPENTIER, Utt. S. 48.

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¹ LEUMANN, Übersicht 15 b.

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² Comp. Dasav.-nijj. with Dasav. 4 (LEUMANN ZDMG 46, 587 f.).

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The Nijjuttis are looked upon as works composed by Bhadrabāhu, but they are centuries later than the leader of the Order who bore this name in the 3rd century B.C. (§ 23. 26) as is proved a.o. by their being a domain of the common gāhā which was far from being in use at that time.³ LEUMANN holds that the collection of Nijjuttis to be mentioned presently, came into existence about 80 A.D.⁴ "It follows that ‘Bhadra-bāhu’ is an author’s name of the kind we meet with in India in great number (e.g. in law-books and many other literary products"’.⁵ The author of Āv. 2, 5, a great scholar, sees his task in writing a Nijjutti on Āvass., Dasav., Utt., Āyār., Sūy., Dasāo, Kappa, Vav., Sūrap., and Isibhāsiyāim. Those belonging to the works in italics are at hand and have been printed with the exception of the Utt.-and Dasā-nijjuttis. The printed Bhāsas will be registered below. Some Cuṇṇis are—or were—independent of Bhāsas, they partly belong to canonical works, a.o.to Viy., Jiv., Pannav., partly to non-canonical ones as Pakkh. and Jiyakappa. But we must not forget that the word cūrṇi in Sanskrit commentaries may denote the famous Āvassayacuṇṇi.

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³ CHARPENTIER Utt. p. 49 wrongly finds fault with the metrics of the Bhāsas and Nijjuttis. On the contrary, their authors have sacrificed grammar in favour of metrical correctness.

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⁴ Übersicht, p. 28 b.

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⁵ Ib. p. 23 b. JACOBI, Sthav. (2nd ed.) p. VI calls the author a namesake of the 6th patriarch.

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The authors of ṭīkās and vṛttis often register a different reading (pāṭhāntara, vācanā’ntara or sim.), and the same occurs in the Cuṇṇis (paḍhijjai ya). Such variants, partly considerable in size, in Āyār., Sûy. and Utt. are attributed to the Nāgajjunijja or Nāgārjunīya (s. a.) who sometimes are called *bhadanta* or *sakkhino*¹ in a friendly or respectful manner. The explanation acc. to CHARPENTIER² is that the authors of those commentaries were friends to Devarddhi, the editor of the Āgama who was a *parampard-guru* of Nāgārjuna³. From this it follows that this time was later than the end of the 5th century A.D. LEUMANN⁴ dates the Āvassayacuṇṇi from about 600 to 650 A.D.

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¹ The AUTHOR, Ācār. p. VIII.

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² Utt. p. 53.

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³ See ante.—PANIKKAR (Indo-Asian Culture 5, 46) attributes the predicate of *bhadanta* to the great Buddhist philosopher Nāgārjuna.

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⁴ Übersicht p. IV b.

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§44. We now proceed to render a survey of the canonical works and some more closely related to the Siddhānta. In some respect our survey has to be elastic in that not all details of the contents can be given. The general praise of the mendicant’s life, for instance, could be, in many cases, omitted as being evident. On the other hand, care has been taken to enable the reader to find out subjects that should interest him, especially since it was impossible to incorporate all details into the description contained in chapters IV to VII.

The Angas

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§45. Anga 1-5. 1. Āyāra. 2. Suyakkhandha: 9 (8) Bambhacrāim and 4 Cūlāo. The 6th chapter once was followed by a seventh called Mahāparinnā which was lost. Both in his edition and his translation (s. b.) the AUTHOR undertook to solve many problems we find ourselves confronted with in the Bambh. by its mixing prose and verses or either by the fragments of such ones.⁵ The subjects in chapters 1-6 and 8 are Ahiṃsā, the avoidance of weakness and relapsing, and, on the other hand, endurance in hardships. The last chapter (9) offers in ancient Āryās a vivid sketch of Mahāvīra’s early career as an ascetic. What was begun here was continued in the 4 Cūlās. In the first we find detailed prescriptions for the begging for alms, wandering, speech, the way how to ask for garments and alms-bowl, and such concerning the question of residence; in the second Cūlā we have prescriptions regarding ascetic postures and study, easing nature, and indifference towards external influences including favours and nursing. These chapters have been arranged according to the diminishing number of their sections, as is done in Sūyagaḍa I. The third Cūlā is called Bhāvaṇā after the instructions for the right understanding (bhāvaṇā) of the 5 Great Vows which in their turn form the climax of Jain ethics and as such are rightly annexed to the above stated topics. But, as to quantity, by far the greatest space of this Cūlā is devoted to Mahāvīra’s biography up to his leaving the worldly life. Since right conduct on the ground of the vows will lead to salvation, “Vimutti” is treated in the 6th Cūlā. For the Nisīha as once having formed a further part of the Āyāra see § 51.

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⁵ Comp. the AUTHOR, Worte p. 15 ff. The commentators do not see metrical portions amidst those in prose. It follows that Jīv. 259 a the Satthaparinnā (=Āyār. I, 1) is called *acchande-baddhā*.

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Comm. : Nijjutti; Cuṇṇi¹ by Gandhahastin (printed); Ṭīkā by Śīlāṅka (concluded in Saka 798); Dīpikā by Jinahaṃsa. Ed.²: ĀS (along with Nijj., Ṭīkā, and Dīpikā, C. s. 1936.—The Āyāramga Sutta of the Ҫvetāmbara Jains. Ed. by Hermann JACOBI. (Pali Text Society.) Lo. 1882.³—Ācārāṅga-Sūtra. Erster Śrutaskandha. Text, Analyse and Glossar von Walther SCHUBRING. L. 1910. Rev.: JACOBI, Archiv. f. Religionswiss. 18. 283 ff. Nāgarī transcr. Jaina-Sāhitya-Saṃśodhana-Gr.-M., Poona 1924.—Āg.S. (along with the Ṭīkā), Bo. 1916. —1. suyakkh.: Bo. 1916.—Transl.: (Engl.) by JACOBI SBE 22, Oxford 1884.—The Bambhac. by SCHUBRING in: Worte Mahāvīras, Göttingen 1926, p. 66 ff. Rev.: LEUMANN Z I I 7, 157-162.

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¹ As to the Cuṇṇis in general, see KAPADIA, History p. 190 ff. As far as they have been printed, they, with few exceptions, have not come into the hands of Western scholars. Those the AUTHOR has seen and used, unfortunately are lacking any hint as to editor, among whom, as we understand, is ĀNANDASĀGARA Sūri, place and year, to say nothing of interpretation.

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² As to prints of the complete Canon the reader is referred to § 4. These prints are mentioned neither here nor on the following pages.

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³ The second suyakkhandha (p. 49ff.) seems to have been printed without any revision on the part of the editor.

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2. Sūyagaḍa. In Sanskrit this name is reflected as Sūtrakṛtāṅga, sporadically even as Sūtrakṛdaṅga.¹ But, as a matter of fact, sūtra in Ardhamāgadhī appears in the form of sutta exclusively.² Possibly we have sūci=dṛṣṭi, Pkt. sūi=sūya³. At any rate the name is taken from the discussions in Sūy. 1 12, II 1. 5-7 of heretic systems and views. 2 suyakkhandha: Gāhāsola-saga and Mahajjhayaṇāṇi. The Gāhāsol. consists of 15 metrical chapters arranged in the manner mentioned in Āyāra. Quite contrary to its title (gāhā) the 16th chapter is in prose devoted to Mahāvīra explaining the terms of māhaṇa, samaṇa-bhikkhu, and niggantha. Old Āryās appear in I 4 as they do in Bambh. 9 and Utt. 8. In I 5 we are given an elaborate description of the hells and the tortures therein, 2 uddesa. The 7 Mahajjh., "great chapters", are indeed actually four big ones on prose, the following two are in verse, and the last is in prose again. As to contents see above. But we specially mention II 2 Kiriyaṭṭhāṇa, forms of activity; 3. Āhāraparinnā, a description of all forms of life and of their origin, as "told in olden ages" (pur' akkhāya); 4 Paccakkhāṇakiriyā, a discussion on guilt accumulated either consciously or unconsciously.

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¹ Comp. BARNETT, BM (1908) s.v.

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² Kappasūya in PISCHEL, Gr. § 19 etc.—Kalpasūtra is a mere fiction.

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³ Samav. 109 b; Sūyagaḍe ṇam sa-samayā sūijjanti etc.=sūyante Abhay.—Gommaṭas. Jīv. 355 and Brahma Hemacandra, Śrutaskhandha 10 have Suddagaḍa.

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Comm.: Nijjutti; Cuṇṇi (printed); Ṭīkā by Śīlaṅka; Dīpikā, by Harṣakula.—Ed.: ĀS 2 along with Nijj., Ṭīkā, and Dīpikā, Bo. s. 1936.—Āg. S., with Ṭīkā, Bo. 1917.—AMP 5, with Nijj., by P. L. VAIDYA, Poona 1928. Ed. with Guj. transl. by Muni MĀNEK, Surat 1922.—Some separate prints of I 6, Mahāvīrathui.—Transl.: (Engl.) by JACOBI SBE 45, Oxford 1895; 7 chapters by SCHUBRING in: Worte Mahāvīras, Göttingen 1926 (see above).—Detailed Studies: GHATAGE IHQ. 12, 270-281, ALSDORF (Itthīparinnā, I 4).

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3. Ṭhāṇa. A list of dogmatic topics which can be grouped in 1-10 categories, cases or possibilities (ṭhāṇa). But for the cosmographical dates placed at the end of each chapter (section), no leading principle is recognizable. Many categories appear in other canonical texts, whereas other ones are not to be found elsewhere. Ṭhāṇa as well as Samavāya (s. b.) refer to texts that got lost, and those we still possess are, partly, listed as having other sections.

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Comm. : Vṛtti by Abhayadeva.—Ed. (along with the Vṛtti): Ās 3, Ben. 1880.—Āg. S., 1. 2. Bo. 1918-20.

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4. Samavāya. A supplement of, and a continuation to, Ṭhāṇa according to groups of 1 up to 10¹⁴ (sāgarovama-koḍākoḍi) objects. The last third of Samav. is an appendix and in general describes the duvālas’ anga gaṇi-piḍaga. In one further appendix the qualities of all beings are described in query and reply. A third appendix, in common Gāhās, shows the dates of the spiritual and (temporal) heroes. There is no doubt whatever that these appendices found their place in the Samav. on account of their numberings.

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Comm.: Vṛtti by Abhayadeva. —Ed. (along with the Vṛtti): ĀS 4, Ben. 1880.—Āg. S., Bo. 1918.

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5. Viyāhapannatti. This is the true old name frequently perverted to Vivāhap. as which PISCHEL unfortunately quotes it in his grammar. The later title of Bhagavai is no more than an adjective occasionally attributed to Āyāra and Sūyagaḍa likewise.¹ What we have before us is a "proclamation of explanations" rendered by Mahāvīra as an answer to individual questions asked by disciples and, by far in most cases, directed to Goyama. 41 saya of which 1-20 seem to form the germ of the whole, and to which 25 can be added. Saya "one hundred" aptly means a great number of interviews taking place at different places and not interconnected by a distinct thread of thought. Their sequence is frequently merely superficial and similar to what can be stated in the Bambhacerāim. Apart from the germ thus characterized, sayas 24 and 30 as such and 21-23 (subdivided into vagga, etc.), 26-29, 31 and 32, 33 and 34, 35-40 form groups of uniform contents. Frequent references to other works, especially so to Pannavaṇā and Jīvābhigama, by which the preceding or subsequent topics are either introduced or explained. No other texts furnished a picture of Mahāvīra's character and activities as distinct as that of the Viy. in spite of the style being mostly conventional.

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¹ Comp. Samav. 92 a, Āyāranijjutti, 1, Sūyagaḍa-nijj. 1.

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To analyse the whole Viy. would go beyond the frame of this book. Its motley character will become sufficiently clear in a specimen, for which we have chosen saya 2.

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Udd. 1.—1 (109 a). Breathing. 2 (110 b). A maḍāi niyaṇtha (§ 154). 3(112 a.). The scene: Chittapalāsaya near Kayangalā. The Brahman monk Khandaga Kaccāyaṇa, a disciple of Saddabhāli, is instructed by Mahāvīra. On his part, Kh. had no reply to the questions of the layman Pingalaga of Vesālī. The subjects are: the resp. finiteness and infiniteness of the world, the soul, siddhi and siddha; unwisely and wisely dying; Kh.'s conversion, spiritual career, fasting to death and post-existences.—Udd. 2. (129a.). The 7 samugghāya (§ 89): reference to Pannav. 36.—Udd. 3 (130 a). The 7 regions: ref. to Jiv. 3, 1. 2.—Udd. 4 (131 a). The 5 senses: ref. to Pannav. 15.—Udd. 5. 1 (131b). Against annautthiya: gods and goddesses in their mutual relations; the soul has one gender exclusively. 2(133a). Embryology. 3. (133b). The embryo is product (puṭṭa) as well as cause. 4. (133b). Sexual intercourse is lack of self discipline (saṃjama). 5(134b). The scene: Pupphavaī near Tuṅgiyā. Some Pārśva teachers (names) are teaching some laymen about the reward for self-discipline, ascetics, karma and worldliness (saṅgiyā). Mahāvīra approves of them in every respect. 6 (140b). The reward for having served a true (tahā-rūva) samaṇa or māhaṇa by degrees will lead to siddhi. 7 (142a) Against annautthiya: an explanation as to how a hot spring comes into existence.—Udd. 6 (142a). The speech: ref. to Pannav. 11.—Udd. 7 (142 b). The regions of the gods: ref. to Pannav. 2 and Jiv.3, 4. 2.—Udd. 8 (144a). The sabhā of the god Camara.—Udd. 9 (146a). Samayakhetta.—Udd. 10 1 (147b). The Fundamental Facts.

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Comm.: Vṛtti by Abhayadeva.—Ed. (along with the vṛtti): ĀS 5, Ben. s. 1938.—Āg. S. 1-3, Bo. 1918-21.—Both text and vṛtti transl. into Gujarātī by BECHARDĀS, saya 1-6, Ahm. ca. 1927. WEBER, see § 2.

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§46. Anga 6-11. 6. Nāyādhammakahāo. This title is a dvandva with the *a* lengthened at the end of the first member, comp. Anga 10. WEBER was wrong in taking the name as Jñātṛdharmakathā. Gommatasāra, Jīv. 355, speaks of Nāhassa Dhammakahā. *nāya* (*jñāta*) acc. to Ṭhāṇ. 253b and Dasav. nijj. 51-85 is a story serving as an example, while *dhamma-kahā* means a sermon or lecture. Of the 2 *suyakkhandha* the first contains the *nāyāim*, whereas the second is said to be the *dhamma-kahāo*. But, actually, there is no more than 1 *kathā* multiplied over 200 times, with various places and names. This feature, frequent in the Siddhanta, must be taken as an attempt to attain completeness where materials were not at hand. In the case of Nāy. the great number of repetitions may reflect an intention of giving the second suy. a similar size as had the first. Prose along with Veḍhas in most of the *nāya*. In the following lines no reader will expect more than the skeleton.

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1. *suyakkhandha*. 1. Ukkhitta. Intending to become a monk Prince Meha in his resolution is strengthened by Mahāvīra telling him how, in a previous existence, he himself, being a strong elephant, *patiently* protected a hare seeking refuge below his own lifted foot. 2. Saṃghaḍaga. Dhamma, a merchant, being thrown into jail and chained together with the murderer of his little son, *kindly* shares his meal with him. 3. Aṇḍa. Sāgaradatta impa-tiently breaks an egg hatched by a peacock, while Jinadatta *patiently* waits until it is hatched out. 4. Kumma. One turtle is killed by a jackal because it exposed itself to the danger, another one, being cautious, remained unhurt in its shell, since it waited until the beast had gone. 5. Selaga. King Selaga, converted to monkhood by Suya, a disciple of Ariṭṭhaṇemi, had grown weak owing to the hardships, but was *strengthened* by the encouragement given him by Panthaga, his former minister. 6. Tumba. A gourd cased with eight layers of clay will sink to the bottom when thrown into water, but will rise to the surface when the clay has dissolved. Just so the soul when released from its Karman burden will rush up from Saṃsāra to the place of the Siddhas. 7. Rohiṇī, Rohiṇī, in contrast to her four careless sisters, *shrewdly* sows and cultivates 5 corns of rice (cp. Matthews chap. 25; Luke 19). 8.

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Princess Malli, by means of drast'c simile contrasting beautiful features and ugly intestines, sets right six suitors who thereupon take the vows (§ 15). 9. Māyandi. M’s. son, Jiṇapāliya, firmly resists the temptations of the cruel goddess of Rayaṇadīva, while Jiṇarakkhiya, his brother, yields to them and perishes miserably. 10. Candimā. The waning moon compared with the fickle monk, the waxing with the persevering one. 11. Dāvaddeva. Just as the dāvaddava trees growing on the ocean shore are strengthened by land and sea-winds (diviccaga and sāmuddaga) so are true monks exposed to praise and blame. 12. Udaga. Matter is subject to change, as is demonstrated to King Jiyasatta by his minister Subuddhi by means of putrid water cleared to purity by seven times filtering. This method, as is explained by Subuddhi, was taught by the Jina, and thus cleverly the king’s interest is roused for the Creed which eventually leads him to salvation. 13. Maṇḍukka. Nanda, a layman, is reborn as a frog in a pond he had made for the general amusement of his fellow citizens. Feeling his guilt now he goes on a pilgrimage to see Mahāvīra, but on his way he is injured by a horse and dies saying “namo tthu ṇam”, whereupon he becomes a god. 14. Teyali. Poṭṭilā, wife of minister Teyaliputta, had innocently lost her husband’s affection and became a nun to be reborn as god Poṭṭila.

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As such she preaches him the Teaching, as has been stipulated previously, but it is not before he has lost his high position that she is successful in making him accept it. 15. Nandiphala. Some travellers, though warned by their guides, rest in the pleasant shadow of nandi trees and feed on their poisonous fruits so that they perish; others avoid both shadow and fruits and thus remain healthy and alive. 16. Avarakaṅkā. A monk, Dhammarui, eats poisonous alms thus sacrificing rather himself than exposing to certain death ants which, as he saw, are dying when tasting them. Nāgasiri, who had provided the alms, is stricken with poverty and illness, and, finding no husband, in her next life becomes a nun, Sukumāliyā, thereupon a courtesan in heaven, then Princess Dovaī, who in her svayaṃvara chooses the 5 Pāṇḍavas. She is raped by King Paumaṇābha of Avarakaṅkā, but Vāsudeva Kaṇha defeats him and returns her to her five husbands. Four of them and Dovaī himself then join the Order. 17. Āinna. Some wild horses (*āinna*) ignorantly fall into the trap laid out for them and get caught, while others which are *clever* remain free. 18. Sumsumā. S., the daughter of a merchant, was raped and killed by a brigand, called Cilāya. Her father and his sons discover her body and eat of it from want of food. Dhanna, her father, later becomes a monk. 19. Puṇḍariya.

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P., a layman, is a lay king, succeeds in persuading his younger brother Kaṇḍariya to remain firm in his monkhood, though fickleness and illness have befallen him. On the next occasion, however, he is not equally successful and the two brothers change places, the one taking the other’s position, but K. dies soon after.

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The 2nd *suyakkhandha* has 10 *vagga*, which in pairs consist of 5. 54. 32. 4. 8 *ajjhayaṇa*. This comes up to 206 *ajjh*. But no more than the 1st *kahā* of the 1st *vagga* (247a) was completed. With names and places changed it serves as a cliché for the whole remaining part (250b). Having heard Pāsa’s sermon, Kālī takes the vows with a certain nun, Pupphacūlā, as her superior. But she cannot bring herself to desist from tending her body as she is demanded to do, and so she goes her own way. Hence she is not granted salvation, and since her self-castigation fails to reach the full mark she is reborn as the goddess Kālī. When as such she approaches Mahāvīra respectfully, he gives Goyama an account of her past and her future.

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Comm.: Vṛtti by Abhayadeva.—*Ed.* (along with the vṛtti) AS 6, C. 1877.—Āg. S., Bo. 1919.—Paul STEINTHAL, Specimen der Nāyādhammakahā. (Thesis.) Berlin 1881. The text goes on up to fol. 52a of the Āg. S.-ed. Notes and glossary have been added.—Nāyas 1, 16 and 14 were treated by LEUMANN VI OC III, 2. p. 539 ff.; all the Nāyas by W. HÜTTEMANN, Die Jñāta-Erzählungen im sechsten Anga... (Thesis.) Strassburg 1907.

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7. *Uvāsagadasāo*. 10 *ajjhayaṇa* concerning pious laymen in Mahāvīra’s time. In the title we should expect *dasā*, comp. the next Anga. 1. Āṇanda and his wife take the Minor vows. Mahāvīra speaks about the principal offences against the same. He further says that even laymen can obtain *ohi-ṇāṇa*. 2. A god tries to intimidate Kāmakesa, but fails. 3. Culaṇipiyā does not allow his meditations being disturbed though a god kills his three sons, but he drives away the ogre who threatens his mother. Yet he ought not to have interrupted his meditation. 4. 5. The same about Surādeva and Cullasayaga with the only difference that it is their health and property (resp.) that are endangered. 6. Kuṇḍakoliya defends his creed against a god who is an adherent of Gosāla. 7. Both Mahāvīra and Gosāla vie with each other in winning the Ājīviya Saddālaputta and his wife. The latter is threatened by a god as was the mother of Culaṇipiyā. 8. Mahāsaga when fasting refuses to be seduced by his wife and prophesies her death and subsequent abode in hell. His fault was, so says Mahāvīra, that he gave her a reply at all. 9.10 are repetitions of 1 with the names of Nandiṇipiyā and Sālihipiyā.

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Comm.: Vivaraṇa by Abhayadeva.—Ed. (all along with the Viv.): ĀS 7, C. 1977.—Āg. S., Bo. 1919.—Bo. 1895.—The Uvās. or the religious profession of an Uvāsaga... ed. (Vol. 2: trans.) by A. F. Rudolf HOERNLE. (Bibliotheca Indica.) C, 1888-90. Rev. by LEUMANN WZKM 3, 329-350; GRIERSON IA 16, 78-80; revised ed. by P. L. VAIDYA, Poona 1930, rev. by the AUTHOR, OLZ 1931, 1082 ff.

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8. *Antagaḍadasāo*. Legends partly dating from the time of Ariṭṭhaṇemi and dealing with individuals who "put an end to existence" (though this does not apply to the first story). *dasāo* in the title rightly (comp. Anga 7) means groups of 10, as are formed by 4 chapters out of 8. The chapters are called *vagga* and contain original legends (I-VIII) and such running parallel to them, but the former have been distributed unequally among the *vagga*. As to disposition and contents the Antag. are closely related to Anga 9. In the time of Ṭhāṇa 506a, where the chapters of both Angas are enumerated, the contents were quite different.¹

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¹ See the AUTHOR, Worte, p. 6f.

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1. (I) Ariṭṭhaṇemi induces Prince Goyama to take the Great Vows. 9 parallels with other names. 2. 8 (the colophon says: 10) parallels to 1. 3. 7 parallels.—(II) Gaya-Sukumāla, a son of Queen Devaī, renounces dignity and marriage and becomes a monk under Ar. Somila, the father of his bride, brings him to death and himself dies on the flight.—5 parallels to 1. 4. 10 parallels to 1. 5. (III) King Kaṇha Vāsudeva advises the inhabitants of his town Bāravai which, as prophesied by Ar., will be destroyed, to take the vows and induces his wife, Queen Paumāvaī, to do the same. 9 parallels to Paumāvaī. 6. (IV) Makāi enters the order and practises asceticism, parallel to Gaṅgadatta Viy. 16, 5, 1. 1 parallel.—(V) The gardener Ajjuṇaga, obsessed by the god Moggarapāṇi and thus caused to do much evil, gets rid of him thanks to the layman Sudamsaṇa and becomes a member of the order.—11 parallels. (VI) Prince Aimutta (comp. Viy. 5, 4) does the same when being led to Mahāvīra by Goyama.—(VII) The renunciation of King Alakkha, parallel to Udāyaṇa Viy. 13, 6. 7. 13 queens like Paumāvaī. 8. (VIII) The great fasts of the nun Kālī who previously had been a queen.—9. parallels to different fasts.

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Comm.: Vṛtti by Abhayadeva.—Ed. (along with the vṛtti): ĀS (along with Aṅga 9), C. 1875.—Āg. S. (along with Aṅgas 9 and 11), Bo. 1920.—Along with transl. in Hindi, Lahore 1917.—(Along with A. 9:) ed. with introd., gloss., notes and an app. by P. L. VAIDYA, Poona 1932.—Transl.: (and the Aṇutt.) transl. by L. D. BARNETT, Lo. 1907. Rev. by LEUMANN, JRAS 1907, p. 1078 ff.

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9. Aṇuttarovavāiyadasāo. Legends of persons who were reborn in the uppermost heavens. 3 vagga of which the first and the third, in correspondence with the title of the whole (comp. Aṅga 8), have been filled up to 10 ajjhayaṇa. We have but 2 original pieces. 1. vagga. Jāli with 9 parallels. 2. 13 further parallels. 3. Dhanna, who was the most successful among Mahāvīra’s 14,000 adherents. 9 parallels. Comp. Aṅga 8.

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Comm.: Vṛtti by Abhayadeva.—For Ed. see Aṅga 8. The text also Bo. 1914 and in BARNETT, see Aṅga 8 (with transl.).

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10. Paṇhāvāgaraṇāim. The title means “questions and explanations” (comp. Aṅga 6), but it is justified neither by the contents nor by the survey given Ṭhāṇ. 506a. We have a loquacious and comparatively modern treatise in prose mixed with Veḍhas about the 5 Great Sins and their consequences on the one hand (dāra 1-5) and the 5 Great Renunciations on the other (dāra 6-10). 5 ahamma- or aṇhaya-d. (pāṇa-vaha etc.) and 5 saṃvara-d. (ahiṃsā etc.) the latter are followed by five times five bhāvaṇāo, partly differing from those given in Cūlā 5 of the Āyāra.

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Comm.: Vṛtti by Abhayadeva.—Ed.: C. 1877 and Bo. 1919.—Amulyachandra SEN, A critical introd. to the P. (Thesis), Hamburg 1936.

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11. Vivāgasuya. 2 suyakkhaṇdha. Ṭhāṇ. 10 calls this Aṅga Kammavivāgadasāo, thus indicating that there were 10 chapters relating to the consequences of Karman which, generally, are expected to be evil ones. It seems that the resp. chapters correspond almost precisely with those we have before us. Later there were 10 chapters added in order to show the reward for meritorious doings. But, nearly as poor as in Nāyādh. 2, etc., we find but one story with 9 parallels.

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1. Duhavivāgā. Mahāvīra tells Goyama about the previous existence of somebody miserable and briefly prophesies his future lives. We learn that 1. Miyāputta a cripple, had once been Ekkāi, an unjust governor; 2. Ujjhiya, an evil-doer, has been Gottāsa, who had slaughtered cows; 3. Vijaya, a brigand, had once been Ninnaya, who had bought and sold eggs; 4. a certain Sagaḍa had lived as Channiya, who was a venison dealer and a cook; 5. Bahassaidatta, a purohita, had once been Mahesaradatta, a child murderer; 6. Prince Nandiseṇa (in the beginning Nandivaddhaṇa), the police-master Dujjohaṇa; 7. Umbaradatta, now suffering from a severe illness, had once been Dhammantari, a cruel surgeon; 8. Soriyadatta, a fisherman who is suffering from an incurable disease, had once been Siri, a woman master-cook; 9. the tortured Devadattā, King Sihaseṇa who burned his wives alive; 10. Aṃju, now dangerously ill, had once been the courtesan Puḍhavisirī. 2. Suhavivāgā. Prince Subāhu, a layman, had been hospitable towards the pious Sudatta when once he had been a certain Samūha. 2-10 are parallel to 1.

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