Minerals and Metals in Ancient India v2.c41: 5. Minerals and Metals in Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra
Minerals and Metals in Ancient India v2.c41
- Language
- English
Contents
- v2.c41.s1 Mines and Metals in the Society — 6 parts
- v2.c41.s2 Indian Topography of the Mineral Resources — 3 parts
- v2.c41.s3 The Director of Mines — His Duties — 3 parts
- v2.c41.s4 Gem Minerals — 21 parts
- v2.c41.s5 Non-gem Minerals and Materials — 6 parts
- v2.c41.s6 Metallic Ores — 15 parts
- v2.c41.s7 Precious Metals: Gold, Silver and their Alloys — 8 parts
- v2.c41.s8 Minting Coins — 2 parts
- v2.c41.s9 The Lohādhyakṣa — 3 parts
- v2.c41.s10 On Vaikṛntaka, Vṛtta and Tikṣṇa — 2 parts
- v2.c41.s11 Iron and Steel Armoury — 5 parts
- v2.c41.s12 Tula mana desa kala Pautavam — 3 parts
- v2.c41.s13 Conclusion — 16 parts
- v2.c41.s14 References — 9 parts
5. Minerals and Metals in Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra
v2.c41.1
Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra is a store-house of information regarding minerals and metals in ancient India of the pre-Christian era. Before we discuss the technical details in this post-Pāṇini document, the controversy surrounding its authorship and date should be briefly mentioned.
v2.c41.2
Different theories have suggested different dates for the Arthaśāstra ranging from the fourth century BC to the third century AD. (Kangle, 1986; Mukherjee, 1987) Most scholars however accept the traditional view that Kauṭilya, also known as Cāṇakya or Viṣṇugupta, who destroyed the power of the Nandas and placed Candragupta Maurya on the throne of the Magadha, is the author of this work. Candragupta came to the throne around 321 BC, and therefore it may be presumed that the work was undertaken and completed in the later half of the fourth century BC. Although clear statements are found to the above effect in the text (1.1.19 and 15.1.73), doubts have persisted.
v2.c41.3
We have the following strong arguments favouring the traditional view: (a) the traditional view has been endorsed by many subsequent authors of the ancient India such as Kāmandaka (author of Nitisāra), Daṇḍin (author of Daśakumāracarita), Bāṇa (author of Kādambari), etc.; (b) Arthaśāstra must have preceded two pre-Christian era texts, the Smṛti's of Manu and Yājñavalkya who reproduced extracts from the Arthaśāstra; (c) Ajivakas, mentioned in the Arthaśāstra (3.20.16), the Lokāyata philosophy (1.2.10) and several oligarchies (referred therein 11.1.4-5) disappeared from the Indian scene by the third century BC; (d) unlike the later-day Rasa-śāstra texts, the Arthaśāstra mentions ‘liquid ore’, vaikrantaka — a metal, and refers to tin as trapu and not vaṅga, and to brass as ārakūṭa and not pittala; (e) the tradition of punch-marked coin overseen by *lakṣaṇādhyakṣa* (2.12.24) was a pre-Greek tradition (the Greek tradition being engraving of ruler's effigy or the casting of coins in moulds); the counterfeiter used to strike his coins with the help of a hammer and a die bearing design after blanching the blanks in alkalis (4.4.20), since the cheaper process of casting was not yet (third century BC) in vougue.
v2.c41.4
Weighing various arguments, H. Jacobi concluded and counselled: "without weighty arguments, one must not push aside the unanimous Indian tradition" (regarding the authorship and date of the *Arthaśāstra*). We are therefore on reliable grounds while placing *Arthaśāstra* in the early Maurya era of the late fourth century before Christ.
v2.c41.5
The test starts (1.2.1) with the premise that four types of knowledge—investigative philosophy, Vedic religion, economics and the science of politics — sustained the welfare of the Indian society. *Artha* is the sustenance or livelihood (*vṛttih*) of men. From the word *vṛtti* is obviously derived *vārttā*, the threefold economic activity of agriculture, cattle-rearing and trade (1.4.1). The emerging diversity of arts and crafts (1.3.8; 2.6.2) was also recognised. The means of ensuring the pursuit of philosophy, the Vedic religious life and the economic prosperity is a disciplined and just administration, ever willing to protect the weak and punish the violators of law (1.4.3-16). An ideal state should encourage private initiative, according to the *Arthaśāstra*, but under strict administrative control exercised by a central authority. The section on the tariff of duties and tolls (2.22.1-15) suggests that all spheres of economic activity had to be strictly monitored by the state.
Mines and Metals in the Society
v2.c41.s1.1
Mines were considered to be of supreme importance towards the economic welfare of the society and defence of the nation against external aggression. One of the most crucial statements in the *Arthaśāstra* reads:
v2.c41.s1.2
आकरप्रभवः कोशः कोशात् दण्डः प्रजायते। पृथिवी कोशदण्डाभ्याम् प्राप्यते कोशभूषणा।। *ākaraprabhavaḥ kośaḥ kośāt daṇḍaḥ prajāyate* | *pṛthivi kośadaṇḍābhyām prāpyate kośabhūṣaṇā* || (2.12.37)
v2.c41.s1.3
The treasury has its source in the mines; from the treasury the army comes into being. With the treasury and the army, the earth is obtained with the treasury as its ornament.
v2.c41.s1.4
Thus mines have primordial importance. It has been stated more explicitly (7.14.25) that ‘mines are the source of implements of war’:
v2.c41.s1.5
खनिः संग्रामोपकरणानां योनिः। khaniḥ saṃgrāmopakaraṇānāṃ yoniḥ ।
v2.c41.s1.6
Gold, silver, diamonds, gems, pearls, corals, conch-shells, metals, salt and ores derived from the earth, rocks and liquids were recognised as materials coming under the purview of mines (2.6.4). The Superintendent of Mines was supposed to be an expert in mineralogy, smelting and colouring gems (2.12.1) and to establish factories for the above items and also derivatives like the caustic alkali (2.12.27). The metallic ores had to be sent to the respective Metal Works for producing ‘twelve kinds of metals and commodities’ (2.12.23 & 35-36). From the mines and the metal works had to be collected ‘the price, the share, the surcharge, the monopoly tax, penalty, duty, compensation, fine, inspection fee and manufacturing charges’ (2.12.35-36). Thus the state was supposed to have complete control over the mineral resources.
Indian Topography of the Mineral Resources
v2.c41.s2.1
The Arthaśāstra clearly reveals that the then India was no longer a cluster of small-sized states, but had grown to be a big nation. Earlier accustomed to the trade-routes across the Himalayas, the North Indian empire now opened up its trade-links with the South, specially to acquire pearl, conch-shell, diamond, ruby and gold (7.12.22-24). The South was the land of the sandalwood (2.11.43). The best elephants and therefore best ivory came from the east viz, Aṅga and Kaliṅga (Assam and Ōrissa) (2.2.15).
v2.c41.s2.2
Gems and pearls came from the Mountain Malayakoṭi in the Pāṇḍya kingdom, river Cūrṇī in Kerala and ‘even from beyond the sea’ pārasamudraśca, i.e., Sri Lanka, its river Kulā near Mayuragrāma (2.11.2 & 28).
v2.c41.s2.3
The state maintained its shipping boats or rājanau, and these could be utilised by the traders and those fishing for conch-shells and pearls, against suitable payment (2.28.4-5). The boats plied on the trade-route along the coast instead of moving into the high sea (7.12.21). The references to the import of red coral from Alexandria (2.11.42) and the worship of the Mahākaccha or the Gulf of Cutch before the naval journey (4.3.12 & 15) authenticate the Indian maritime trade with the Persian and Mediterranean Sea countries.
The Director of Mines — His Duties
v2.c41.s3.1
The Director of Mines or Ākarādhyakṣa was supposed to be an expert in śulvaśāstra or the mineralogical (and water) veins in the rock (2.12.1; 2.24.1). He could open a new mine or tap, the residual ore from an old mine, detected by the marks of dross, crucibles, coal and ashes’ (2.12.1). In case of some useful information about mines, gems and buried treasures, the informant was supposed to receive one-sixth part, and in case he happened to be a state employee, only one-twelfth part (4.1.51) of the treasure.
v2.c41.s3.2
The Arthaśāstra advised the Director of Mines to concentrate on the more accessible mines needing less capital investment and yielding large quantities of commodities and large profit over a number of years. The temptation for mining highly valuable gems should be controlled since such materials were rarely obtained in large quantities in one place, and the buyers were few and rarely available (7.12.13-16, 25 & 31). We may recall Pliny’s comment (31.39) in this context that the Salt Range supplied more revenue to the king than gold and pearls.
v2.c41.s3.3
Burdensome mines may be leased to individuals, but otherwise all large-profit mines and metal works should be operated by the state itself. All transactions — buying and selling — of minerals and metals — had to be executed with the state only (2.12.19; 2.22.10). The defaulters and other criminals were forced to labour in the mines. Salt works based on sea water could be lease-rented, but the state had to collect its share of crystal outcrops and fix the price (1.13.21; 2.12.18-22, 27-28 & 32).
Gem Minerals
v2.c41.s4.1
Mani-dhātu or the gem minerals were characterised in the Arthaśāstra as ‘clear, smooth, lustrous, possessed of sound, cold, hard and of a light colour’ (2.12.17). An excellent gem was supposed to have some specific shape-hexagonal, square or round — a flashing colour, a suitable form, and to be clear, smooth, heavy, lustrous, with lustre inside and imparting lustre (2.11.33). With a dull colour and lustre, with grains, with a hole in the bloom, broken, badly bored, and covered with scratches — these were considered to be the blemishes of gems (2.11.34).
v2.c41.s4.2
Pearls or muktā originated in the oyster-shells and conch-shells, and were available in the Tāmraparṇī (Tinnevelly or Tuticorin), Pāṇḍyaka-vāṭa (the Pāṇḍya kingdom), etc. (2.11.2-3). Excellent pearl gems had to be big, round, without a flat surface, lustrous, white, heavy, smooth and perforated at the proper place. The defective ones were lentil-shaped, triangular, tortoise-shaped, semi-spherical, with a layer, coupled, cut up, rough, spotted, gourd-shaped, dark, blue and badly perforated (2.11.4-5).
v2.c41.s4.3
A large variety of pearl-strings to be used for the head, hands, feet and waist were described (2.11.6-27):
v2.c41.s4.4
Śirṣaka (for the head, with one pearl in the centre, the rest small and uniform in size), avaghātaka (a big pearl in the centre with pearls gradually decreasing in size on both sides), indracchanda (necklace of 1008 pearls), māṇavaka (20 pearl string), ratnāvalī (variegated with gold and gems), apavartaka (with gold, gems and pearls at intervals), etc. Ivory was known as danta (3.17.8).
v2.c41.s4.5
Good pravāla or corals (colour of the red lotus) came from Ālakandakam (Ālasandrakan in another manuscript; this is most possibly Alexandria of Egypt) and Vivarna (African coast of the Red Sea and Sicily, Sardinia). The specimens eaten by insects and bulging in the middle were not accepted (2.11.42). It may be noted that red coral (corallium rubrum, family Gorgonidae) of the Mediterranean was as popular to the Indians as white pearl at Rome (Pliny, 32.11). Before the Indo-Roman trade began, India was probably receiving this material through the Arab and Persian traders.
v2.c41.s4.6
Diamond (vajra) was discovered in India of the pre-Christian era. The Arthaśāstra mentioned several sites of origin in Sabhārāṣṭra (Vajragṛha or Wairagadh in Vidarbha), Tajjamārāṣṭra (Orissa), Kāsṭīra (Katni?) and observed that this precious gem could come from the mines, streams or placer deposits (2.11.37-38). Sometimes confused with cat's eye, quartz or some other gem (2.11.39), a good sample of diamond had to be:
v2.c41.s4.7
स्थूलं गुरु प्रहारसहं समकोटिकं
भाजनलेखि तर्कुभ्रामि भ्राजिष्णु च प्रशस्तम्
*sthūlaṃ guru prahārasahaṃ samakoṭikam*
*bhājanalekhi tarkubhrāmi bhrājiṣṇu ca praśastam*
(2.11.40)
v2.c41.s4.8
Big, heavy, capable of bearing blows, i.e., hard, with symmetrical points, (capable of) scratching a vessel, i.e., abrasive, revolving like a spindle (scattering incident light) and brilliantly shining.
v2.c41.s4.9
Such is an excellent (praśasta) sample of diamond; that with points lost, without edges and defective on one side is bad (2.11.41).
v2.c41.s4.10
The author of the Arthaśāstra did not possess our present-day knowledge of elements and their compounds, and thus could not present any sophisticated classification of gem-minerals. His classification was naturally based upon colour and lustre. Such a classification, made in the ancient world, inevitably resulted in considerable confusion since radically different kinds of gems sometimes possess similar colour, and very small quantities of impurities often alter the colour of the gem radically. Thus, the correlations between the ancient and modern nomenclature of gem-minerals are at best tentative. Archaeologically derived samples may however be subjected to modern instrumental tests for confirmation.
v2.c41.s4.11
The Arthaśāstra described certain types of generic names of minerals (2.11.29-32):
v2.c41.s4.12
red saugandhika, green vaidūrya, blue indranila and colourless sphaṭika. Although red saugandhika (2.11.29) was considered to be a basic variety of gems (Bṛ. Saṃ., 82.1) in the early centuries, later it was included under the category of ruby, which is padmarāga (colour of red lotus) or māṇikya (Manasollāsa, 2.475-6).
v2.c41.s4.13
Ruby is the clear red variety of kuruvinda (2.14.48) or corundum (Al₂O₃) containing chromium and a little iron; this is known in India as padmarāga, māṇikya or cuṇi. Balas-ruby is rose-red and was known as bālasūryaka (like the morning sun). This spinel probably came from Badakshan. Rubicelle, which is yellow, was known as karuṇḍaka. Deep red spinel or spinel ruby MgAl₂O₄, identified with saugandhika, actually belongs to a different (spinel) family of minerals. Many other classess of gems could have red colour.
v2.c41.s4.14
The green beryl or vaidūrya (2.11.30) has been earlier mentioned by Pāṇini in his Aṣṭādhyāyī (vide previous chapter). The accounts of the Greek and Roman travellers, as well as the numerous references in the Indian epics, describe in glowing terms the Indians’ abiding fascination for vaidūrya, whose colour has been aptly compared with sea water, green bamboo and parrot’s wing:
v2.c41.s4.15
उदकवर्णो वंशरागः शुकपत्रवर्णः
udakavarṇo vaṃśarāgaḥ śukapatravarṇaḥ
(Arthaśāstra, 2.11.30)
v2.c41.s4.16
Beryl is beryllium aluminium silicate with some substitution of beryllium atoms by Na, Li or Cs. Some substitution by chromium makes it bright green emerald, which has been known in India as marakata or pannā (not mentioned in the Arthaśāstra). Pannā, the famous Indian site of diamond in the Madhya Pradesh, might have yielded some emerald (pannā) in the past. The bluish green variety of beryl is known as aquamarine or pāribhadra, and was mentioned in the Arthaśāstra as uptpalavarṇaḥ (like blue lotus). The yellow variety puṣyarāga (yellow like turmeric) (2.11.30) could correspond either to golden beryl (heliodor) or to puṣparāga, an altogether different kind of mineral viz., topaz, which is aluminium fluorosilicate. Gomedaka (2.11.30) was probably brown zircon or garnet. Another variety, chrysoberyl (BeAl₂O₄) is pale greenish yellow and looks like cat’s eye or mārjārakṣaka which is mentioned in the Arthaśāstra under a different context related to diamonds (2.11.39).
v2.c41.s4.17
Section 2.11.31 describes mahānila (deep blue) indranila (sapphire, which is corundum or Al₂O₃ containing Ti, Fe and Co as impurities), a variation being asteriated or star, sapphire entitled sravanmadhya, bluish gem ‘having rays shooting like flowing water’. Later mahānila was distinguished from indranila in the text Agastimata, as the deep blue variety from Sri Lanka in which ‘the colours of the rainbow sparkle’.
v2.c41.s4.18
Jimutaprabha is probably cloudstone or faint bluish marble. Moonstone or candrakānta, an intergrowth of orthoclase and albite, with pearly opalescent reflection, blue bloom and lovely sheen (available in Sri Lanka), was probably meant in the Arthaśāstra’s nandaka (2.11.31) and śitavṛṣṭi (2.11.32). Sūryakānta, classified with sphaṭika or quartz (2.11.32), is clearly sunstone, which is sodium-calcium feldspar with strong optical interference, reflectivity and play of colour. Was Lord Kṛṣṇa’s famous syamantaka a sample of sūryakānta or vajra (diamond)?
v2.c41.s4.19
The Arthaśāstra also mentioned several subsidiary types of gems named after colour, lustre or place of origin (2.11.35):
v2.c41.s4.20
Vimalaka, white-red, jyotirasaka, white-red (could be agate and carnelian; vimalaka could also be shining pyrite), lohitākṣa, black in the centre and red at the fringe (magnetite; and hematite on the fringe?), sasyaka blue copper sulphate, ahicchatraka from Ahicchatra, śukticūrṇaka powdered or small oyster, kṣīravaka, milk coloured gem or laśuna and śukla pulaka (with horripilation or chatoyancy) which could be cat’s eye variety of chrysoberyl, and so on.
v2.c41.s4.21
At the end was mentioned kācamaṇi, the amorphous gems or artificial gems imitated by colouring glass (2.11.36). The technique of maṇirāga or imparting of colour to produce artifical gems was specifically mentioned (1.18.8; 2.12.1). The Indians were experts in producing artificial gems like beryl, ruby, sapphire, etc., and this has been attested by the Greek and Roman travellers and recorded in Sanskrit literature like the famous play Mṛcchakaṭika.
Non-gem Minerals and Materials
v2.c41.s5.1
The Arthaśāstra mentioned the uses of several non-gem mineral and materials such as pigments, mordants, abrasives, materials producing alkali, salts, bitumen, charcoal, husk, an agricultural waste, etc.
v2.c41.s5.2
In use as pigments were *añjana*, antimony sulphide (2.11.35; 2.12.6 & 24) *manahśilā*, red arsenic sulphide (2.12.2; 2.14.48 etc.), *haritāla*, yellow arsenic sulphide (2.14.48; 2.22.6) and *hinguluka*, mercuric sulphide (2.13.19 & 46 etc.). These were also used as alloying reagents. Another pigment *gāndhāra* red lead (2.14.35) was used like *hinguluka* for embedding gold on metals. *Kāsīsa* green iron sulphate (2.13.19) and *sasyaka*, blue copper sulphate (2.11.35; 2.12.6) were used for colouring agents and later as mordants in dyeing clothes. Corundum or *kuruvinda*, having hardness nine in Moh’s Scale, was appropriately used as an abrasive (2.14.48) like diamond powder.
v2.c41.s5.3
Conch-shells (2.6.4; 7.12.24) and oyster-shells (2.11.35) were used not only for making bangles and other decorative items, but also to prepare *kṣāra* or alkali by calcination of calcium carbonate contained in it to alkaline calcium hydroxide (2.12.27). The word *kṣāra* meant ‘an extract’ and denoted sugar (2.15.14) as well as alkali from calcareous materials (2.12.27) and from the ash of barley *yavakṣāra* (2.12.9; 2.15.15) or *māṣa*-bean, sesamum, *palāśa*, etc. (2.12.9).
v2.c41.s5.4
*Yavakṣāra* or barley ash (containing potassium carbonate etc.) was considered to be one of the ‘salts’ or *lavaṇas*. The group of salts or *lavaṇavarga* included salt from saline soil, from the sea, *biḍa* salt which contains apart from sodium chloride, some calcium and magnesium salts and red iron oxide, pit salt and *sauvarcala* or borax (2.15.15).
v2.c41.s5.5
*Śilājatu* (2.12.4) or bitumen, also known as *adrija* was used as a medicine since the Harappan times and also a coating agent. Charcoal and husks from the forests and agricultural fields were utilised for their calorific value and carbonaceous content, in metal workshops, and the resultant ash further utilised for plastering walls (2.15.60 also 2.17.16).
v2.c41.s5.6
Of great commercial importance were metallic ores from which useful metals were extracted. The *Arthaśāstra* did not provide the names of the constituent minerals beyond referring to them as *dhātu* of iron (*tīkṣṇadhātu*), copper, lead, etc.
Metallic Ores
v2.c41.s6.1
The *Arthaśāstra* is the earliest Indian text dealing with the mineralogical characteristics of metallic ores and other mineral-aggregate rocks. It recognised ores in the earth, in rocks, or in liquid form, with excessive colour, heaviness and often strong smell and taste (2.12.1).
v2.c41.s6.2
The text described a ‘liquid ore’ which seems to be a petroleum like bio-geogenetic material. This liquid ‘flows inside a hole, a cave, a table-land, dug-out mountain whose regions are known to contain gold ore’. This liquid is coloured yellow, viscous, clear and heavy and thrown in water, spreads on the surface like oil’ (2.12.2-3). The description agrees to that of petroleum of asphalt basis as found in the Punjab and Baluchistan. (Roy, 1946:113) A very similar material with stronger small and taste was known to be bitumen or śilājatu (2.12.4). These materials were erroneously believed to contain gold and mentioned as ‘metallic ores’ or dhātu.
v2.c41.s6.3
The Arthaśāstra described a gold-bearing ore which Roy (1946: 113-14) has interpreted as typical auriferous pyrite. We reproduce the translation of the relevant section (2.12.5) of the Arthaśāstra with Roy’s interpretation in the parentheses:
v2.c41.s6.4
Those ores which are obtained from the planes, or slopes of mountains; which are either yellow (pyrite is yellow), or red as copper, or reddish yellow (pyrite often becomes pseudomorphous after limonite and then develops brown colour) which are disjoined (individual crystals of pyrite), and marked with blue lines (grain boundary of chalcopyrite and pyrite) . . . . which are marked with spots like drops of curd (quartz is the curd-white mineral), dazzlingly bright yellow as turmeric (native gold), when broken, show lines, spots or svastikas of fine sand (minute crystals of pyrite occur between larger crystals; when isolated, such layers readily crumble away and become like sand grains; separation of metallic gold in the form of rings has been reported — the svastika represents the skeleton of a gold crystal separated out of gradually decomposing auriferous pyrite); which contain globular masses (decomposed pyrite showing iron hat); and when roasted, do not split but emit foam and smoke (i.e., sulphur dioxide gas).
v2.c41.s6.5
Similarly, the silver ore described in the Arthaśāstra (2.12.6) seems to be a complex sulphide ore containing silver: “colour of a conch-shell, camphor, vimalaka (pyrite?) sasyaka (copper sulphate, an oxidation product of associated copper sulphide), containing lead (galena), añjana or antimony (as sulphide), smells like raw meat (smell of sulphur), ores which are disjoined (cube-shaped particles of cleaved galena), grey or blackish white (colours of galena, argentite or tetrahedrite); when roasted do not split, but emit much foam and smoke (galena and argentite evolve SO₂ gas, and galena forms white incrustation of lead oxide or charcoal)”.
v2.c41.s6.6
The Arthaśāstra described the sources and the qualities of good grade gold and silver ores (2.13.3-5 & 10-12). The quality had to be tested through streak on suitable stone-plate (2.13.17-27).
v2.c41.s6.7
Copper ores were stated (2.12.12) to be ‘heavy, greasy, tawny (chalcopyrite left exposed to air, tarnishes), green (colour of malachite), dark blue with yellowish tint (azurite), pale red or red (native copper)’. Lead ores were stated to be (2.12.13) grayish black, like *kākamecaka* (this is the colour of galena), yellow like pigeon bile (lead ore gossan), marked with white lines (quartz or calcite gangue minerals) and smelling like raw flesh (odour of sulphur). Tin ores could be (2.12.14) grey like saline earth (witherite?) or brown like burnt earth (cassiterite). Iron ore was known (2.12.15) to be greasy stone, pale red colour (orange limonite) or of the colour of the *sinduvāra* flower (hematite). Lahiri (1968, 1971) commented that ‘the rock with greasy feel seems to be phyllite, and that with the pale red colour, jasper’. This matches with the characteristic of the bedded iron ores of Bihar and Orissa.
v2.c41.s6.8
After describing the above metallic ores or *dhātus* of specific metals, the *Arthaśāstra* writes:
v2.c41.s6.9
काकान्ड भुजपत्रवर्णो वा वैकृन्तकधातुः
*kākāṇḍa bhujapatravaṛṇo vā vaikṛntakadhātuḥ*
(2.12.16)
That which is of the colour of *kākāṇḍa* (crow’s egg) or birch-leaf is *vaikṛntaka* ore.
v2.c41.s6.10
This presumably refers to the ore of *vaikṛntaka* (mentioned as a metal in 2.12.23; 2.17.14 and 4.1.35), the identity of which is not known. Roy (1946:113) suggested that since magnetite is black and becomes brown on surface oxidation being changed to hematite, *vaikṛntaka* ore is magnetite. In that case *vaikṛntaka* metal must be iron itself which used to be produced by the South Indians starting from the magnetite ore. It was later known as *kāntaloha*.
v2.c41.s6.11
Kangle (1986: Part II, p. 108 footnote) however quotes a view that *vaikṛntaka* could be an alloy or metal made in China. This could be nickel metal or nickel alloy. It may be recalled that during the third to first century BC, the Chinese copper-nickel alloy was used in Taxilā and north-west India for coinage, jewellery and fancy goods. This was known as *pai-t’ung* or *tutenag(ue)* or white copper. It is not certain whether *vaikṛntaka* metal was nickel or magnetite-based iron.
v2.c41.s6.12
Apart from colour or external appearance, another important property of ore was known to be its density or heaviness, a variable property reflecting the metal content:
v2.c41.s6.13
सर्व धातुनां गौरववृद्धौ सत्ववृद्धिः sarva dhātunāṃ gauravavṛddhau satvavṛddhiḥ (2.12.7)
v2.c41.s6.14
In the case of all ores, when there is increase in heaviness, there is increase in metal-content.
v2.c41.s6.15
This phenomenon is due to the fact that in most cases, the metal-bearing minerals are heavier than the associated gangue minerals.
Precious Metals: Gold, Silver and their Alloys
v2.c41.s7.1
The Arthaśāstra mentioned specific uses of various metals of which gold and silver received maximum attention.
v2.c41.s7.2
The duties of suvarṇādhyakṣaḥ, the Superintendent of Gold were defined in section 2.13. He was supposed to establish industrial outfits and employ sauvarṇikas or goldsmiths, well-versed in the knowledge of not only gold and silver, but also of the alloying elements such as copper and iron and of gems which had to be set in the gold and silver wares (2.13.1-2 & 58-59). The Superintendent had to arrange security preventing smuggling, theft (2.13.30-36) and pilferage by the artisans. Various possible methods of pilferage were described (2.14.18-55).
v2.c41.s7.3
The purity of the raw-materials — gold and silver ore, scrap and ornaments for re-use — had to be checked through streak tests on special touchstones (2.13.17-25) and chemical tests such as whitening of gold by vermilion or iron sulphate (2.13.19).
v2.c41.s7.4
Gold-smelting was known as suvarṇapāka (1.18.8). Gold was purified by a process of extraction with molten lead. Gold thus produced was brittle and had to be re-smelted. Thereafter, it was turned into leaves by heating, and made bright with Indus-earth when it became the base of various colours to be imparted through alloying with silver, copper, iron, etc. (2.13.6-9 & 47). Similarly, silver could also be purified using molten lead and then used as such (pure silver suitable for ornament is tāra) or alloyed to produce different colours (2.13.10-14 & 49).
v2.c41.s7.5
Various ornamental alloys could be prepared by mixing variable proportions of iron and copper with gold, silver and śveta tāra or white silver which contained gold, silver and some colouring matter (2.13.50-57). Two parts of silver and one part of copper constituted tripuṭaka. An alloy of equal parts of silver and iron was known as vellaka (2.14.20-22).
v2.c41.s7.6
The range of a goldsmith’s expertise lay in setting, stringing, bead-making, making of solid and hollow objects, plating, coating, fixing and gilding (2.13.37-46; 2.14.17). *ghanam suṣiram saṃyuhyam avalepyaṃ saṃghātyaṃ vāsitakaṃ ca kārukarma* (2.14.17). The main products were *kāncana pṛṣata tvaṣṭr tapaṇīya* (2.13.33) gems set on silver and gold, beads, gold-plates and gold/silver ornaments. Setting is the fixing of gems (*kṣepaṇaḥ kācārpaṇādi* (2.13.38) on gold and silver base. Stringing is weaving in threads (2.13.39). Gold plating (*tvaṣṭrkarma*) could be done on silver or copper (2.13.44-45). Gilding a silver article was done by means of the liquid or powder of sand vermilion (2.13.46).
v2.c41.s7.7
A firm and a removable enclosing (*peṭaka*) was made in cases of plating, coating and fixing. Lead, copper or silver objects were coated with a gold-leaf (*ācitakapatra*) on one side or with a twin-leaf fixed with lac etc. (2.14.26-33). Gold, silver or gems were embedded (*piṅka*) in solid or hollow articles by pasting a thick pulp (of gold, silver or gem particles and the cementing agents such as lac, vermilion, red lead) on the object and then heating (2.14.34-42).
v2.c41.s7.8
The qualities of ‘excellent ornaments’ were defined (2.13.60-61), and the goldsmiths had to make them according to the specifications, and incurring minimum losses in metals and gems, not exceeding the prescribed limits (2.14.2-10).
Minting Coins
v2.c41.s8.1
The *Arthaśāstra* described a system of coinage based on silver and copper. One silver *paṇa* had a specific weight *karṣa* or *suvarṇa* equalling 16 *māsakas*; its composition was one *māsaka* of hardening alloy (iron, tin, lead or antimony), 4 of copper and the rest or 11 of silver. Half-, quarter- and one-eighth *paṇa* coins had proportionally smaller weights but the same alloy composition as that of a *paṇa*. The weight of one *māsaka* copper coin was probably the same as that of a silver *paṇa*. The *māsaka*, half *māsaka*, quarter *māsaka* known as the *kākaṇī*, and half *kākaṇī* copper coins (progressively lower weights) had the same composition, viz., one-quarter hardening alloy and the rest copper (2.12.24).
v2.c41.s8.2
The Mint Master or *lakṣaṇādhyakṣaḥ* was supposed to supervise minting (2.12.24). *Lakṣaṇa* in this name refers to the emblem of the state stamped on the punch-marked coins. The use of the word *bimba* or die (4.4.20) suggests that the coins were punch-marked and not cast. Businessmen could have their coins made, but only under supervision in the mint owned by the state. The Examiner of coins or *rūpadarśakaḥ* was authorised to monitor the production, purchase, sell and proper currency (*paṇayātrā*) or circulation of the coins (2.12.25-26; 4.1.44).
The Lohādhyakṣa
v2.c41.s9.1
The Arthaśāstra specified that the Director of Metals (lohādhyakṣa) should establish factories for metals (other than gold and silver) viz., copper, lead, tin, vaikṛntaka (?), ārakūṭa or brass, vṛtta (steel?), kaṃsa (bronze), tāla (bell-metal) and loha (iron or simply metal?), and the corresponding metal-wares (2.12.23). Some comments on these names are called for.
v2.c41.s9.2
In the Vedic era, copper was known as lohāyasa or red metal. In the post-Pāṇini era, the nomenclature changed to tāmra and śulva. The element sulphur gandhaka was reckoned as śulva-ari (that which attacks śulva or copper) or śulvāri which was converted to ‘sulphur’ in the Western Indo-European languages. Copper used to be alloyed with arsenic to produce tāla or bell-metal and with trapu or tin to produce kaṃsa or bronze. It may be noted that tin had always been known in India as trapu. The other name kastīra came into vogue later during the Greek influence in India; kastīra was possibly derived from the Greek word cassiterite (tin ore).
v2.c41.s9.3
Another Greek word oreichalcos, denoting brass or the copper-zinc alloy, was probably converted to ārakūṭa during the time of Kauṭilya. Although some copper artefacts, discovered in the archaeological sites of Lothal and Atrañjikherā (2000 and 1000 BC respective dates), contained zinc, the actual manufacture of zinc in India must have strated around 400 BC in Taxilā. The Arthaśāstra’s references to ārakūṭa (2.12.23; 2.17.14; 4.1.35) and to red lead gāndhāra (2.14.35), a product from Gāndhāra, testify the author’s familiarity with the North-West India of the period fourth century before Christ. The author was most likely Cāṇakya or Viṣṇugupta himself.
On Vaikṛntaka, Vṛtta and Tikṣṇa
v2.c41.s10.1
We have already discussed the unsolved puzzle regarding the identity of vaikṛntaka. All we know is that it was a metal or alloy prepared from its ore or dhātu (2.12.16) which, according to Roy (1946:113), could be magnetite. Vaikṛntaka has been referred some times (2.12.23; 4.1.35 etc.) with vṛtta, which is identified by many scholars including Kangle, as steel. In one place (2.17.14), vaikṛntaka and vṛtta have been mentioned with kālāyasa, which is evidently the Vedic name for pig or wrought iron; thus, the three (in 2.17.14) were presumably believed to be different from each other. On the top of it, tikṣṇa mentioned as iron, had its ore or dhātu (2.12.15), and the metal was used as an alloying component (2.12.24; 2.13.48 & 58).
v2.c41.s10.2
We propose that kālāyasa stood for pig or wrought iron and tikṣṇa was carburised iron (not cast iron) which gave sharp (tikṣṇa) tools. Tikṣṇadhātu was possibly hematite. Iron prepared from South Indian magnetite or *vaikṛntakadhātu* was wrongly believed to be a different metal *vaikṛntaka*. *Vṛtta* was most possibly steel or carburised iron prepared in crucible; this cementation product was later known in South India as wootz. The name *vṛtta* arose possible in view of the approximately circular cross-section of the steel ingot solidifying in the crucible. About 108 such ingots, each approximately 1-2 inch in cross-section, 5-6 inch in length and 3-4 lbs. in weight, were obtained in the first century AD stratum of the Sirkap mound at Taxilā. These specimens were not tempered like steel but assayed high (1.2-1.7) p.c. in carbon.
Iron and Steel Armoury
v2.c41.s11.1
A bar and a broken sword of steel were found at the bottom of the Khan Baba stone Pillar of Heliodorus (dated before 125 BC). The sword assayed 0.7 p.c. carbon and was certified by Sir Robert Hadfield as having been ‘deliberately manufactured as steel’ (*Archaeological Survey Report*, 1913-14, pp. 203-4). This discovery lends credence to the *Arthaśāstra* mentioning *vṛtta* (steel) and various war equipments such as *khaḍga* (sword). M. Rostovtzeff (1941) was of the opinion that the best kind of steel was Indian in origin; gradually the technology was adopted in Persia and Asia Minor, and in the post-Christian era, Indian wootz was imported to Syria to produce the famous sword of Damascus and the damascene steel.
v2.c41.s11.2
The *Arthaśāstra* outlined the duties of the Superintendent of the *āyudhāgāra* or Armoury; he should supervise making of weapons, armours and accoutrements by artisans, and also of machines for use in battles, for the defence of forts and for assault on the enemies’ cities (2.18.1). Various kinds of iron or steel swords were described: *nistriṃśa* (with curved tip and beyond thirty *aṅgulas*), *maṇḍalāgra* (straight with a round tip), *asiyaṣṭi* (thin and long), each variety provided with hilts made of horn of the rhinoceros or buffalo (2.18.12-13). The razor-type (*kṣurakalpāḥ*) weapons were: *paraśu* (all metal 24 *aṅgulas* long), *paṭṭasa* (an axe with a trident at one end or both ends), *kuthāra*, *khanitra*, spade, *trakaca* or saw, *kāṇḍacchedana*, a big axe, etc. (2.18.14). Various shields and armours like *lohajālikā*, *paṭṭa*, *kavaca*, etc. were manufactured (2.18.16). Arrows were iron-tipped (2.18.11). The fixed and mobile ‘machines’ were used to hurl metallic and stone missiles (2.18.5-6).
v2.c41.s11.3
Since casting of iron needed high temperature, and was not invented in ancient India, big objects of iron were usually made by hot forging of smaller pieces (7.3.8-9) of ingot such as those described earlier:
v2.c41.s11.4
तेजो हि संधानकारणं, नातप्तं लोहं लोहेन संधत्त।
v2.c41.s11.5
tejo hi samdhanakaranam, nataptam loham lohena samdhatta | Various equipments for mineral and agricultural processing such as implements for weighing and measuring, grinding stones, pestle and mortar, pounding and crushing machines, scatterer, winnowing basket, sieve, etc. (2.15.62), and blacksmithy equipments such as bellow, pincer, vice, anvil, dies, chisels and crucibles (4.4.20) were mentioned in the Arthasastra.
Tula mana desa kala Pautavam
v2.c41.s12.1
There were strong resemblances between the phenomena of the first urbanisation in India (Harappan civilization) and the second, in the mahajanapadas of the first millennium BC. The second phase witnessed a revival of not only the widespread used of minerals and metals, and extensive trade, but also of the necessary infrastructure for scientific standardisation of commodities and parameters. The Arthasastra prescribed standardisation (pautava, from the word pu, to purify, refine) of weights (tula) and measures (mana), space (desa) and time (kala) (sections 2.19 and 2.20). A superintendent (pautavadhyaksa) was supposed to supervise the manufacture and proper use of standard weights and measures (2.19.1).
v2.c41.s12.2
Standard weights were made of iron or metallic stone from Magadha or Mekala hills which would not be affected by heat or water (2.19.10). Ten masa-beans were taken as equivalent in weight to one masaka of gold, which was one-sixteenth of one suvarna or karsa (2.19.2-3). Eighty-eight white mustard seeds make one masaka of silver which is two-fifth of gold masaka. Manu (8.134-135) gives the same ratio between the gold and the silver masakas. A pala is equivalent to four karsas and ten dharanas. A dharana of diamond weighs twenty rice-grains (2.19.2-7).
v2.c41.s12.3
Similarly, length, area and volume or space (desa) were standardised (2.20.1-27). Time (kala) was standardised in terms of the solar shadow (of the gnomon), and for the night and a cloudy day, by the water-clock or nalika (1.7.8; 1.19.6). A nalika was defined as the time taken for one adhaka of water in a jar to flow through a hole of diameter equalling that of a four masaka weight gold wire having a length of four angulas (2.20.35).
Conclusion
v2.c41.s13.1
It is thus established that Kautiliya Arthasastra records Indians' skill in processing gem minerals, metallic ores, metals, alloys and the end-products as well as an aptitude for scientific methodology during the sub-continent's early Historical Period.
v2.c41.s13.2
The references to the South Indian gems and red corals from the West have induced some scholars to suggest that the *Arthaśāstra* was compiled in the post-Christian era after the Indo-Roman trade on precious gems and metals had begun. This view is unacceptable since it is well recorded that centuries before Indo-Roman trade contact, King Aśoka had cultural and trade contacts with Sri Lanka, Persia, Syria etc.
v2.c41.s13.3
As a matter of fact, the Indian vessels were coasting along Gedrosia to Arabia and the Persian Gulf before the time of Alexander, for Nearchus got a guide in Gedrosia who knew the coast as far as the Gulf of Ormuz. (Tarn, 1938) The *Arthaśāstra* mentions (4.3.12 & 15) the voyage of Indian vessels from the Mahākaccha, and contains no reference to Rome or the Roman vessels. Indian army equipped with iron-tipped arrow and iron swords assisted Xerexes and other Aechemenid emperors in fighting Greece. Alexander’s historians testified to the gorgeous ornaments used by the Indian kings. These were fifth and fourth century BC events, (long before the Romans came to India), and therefore, placing the *Kautilīya Arthaśāstra* in the later half of the fourth century BC is entirely in order; this view has been elaborately justified in the beginning of this chapter.
v2.c41.s13.4
The *Arthaśāstra* has been criticized for recommending strong-arm tactics and even cruelty, but no state, ancient or modern, has ever discarded these administrative techniques. This text does accept non-violence and moderation as the highest principles (1.3.13), but does not abjure violence as a means to counter internal dissension and external aggression. Mineral, metal and other resources had to fill the treasury and nourish the army, which in its turn had to serve the stark realities of the state politics and national integrity.
v2.c41.s13.5
Most scholars have missed a cardinal point about the *Arthaśāstra*. Although the text deals with technology, economics and politics, and accepts the Vedic religion, it does not subscribe to the views (1.2.2-7) that any one of the above subjects should occupy supreme position in human society. Kautilya gave maximum importance to *Ānvīkṣikī*, which may be translated as philosophy of critical investigation based upon reasoning, and which constituted of *Sāmkhya*, Yoga and *Lokāyata* (all these were non-Vedic) philosophical systems. *Ānvīkṣikī* was supposed to bring out the merits as well as the fallacies of economics, politics and also the Vedic religion :
v2.c41.s13.6
Investigating, by means of reasoning (*hetubhiḥ anvīkṣamāṇā*) what is spiritual good and evil in the three Vedas (*dharmādharmau trayyām*), gain and loss in economics (*arthānarthau vārttāyām*), good policy and bad policy in the science of politics, as well as the relative strength and weakness (*valāvale*) of these three sciences,
v2.c41.s13.7
philosophy confers benefit on the people, keeps the mind steady in adversity and in prosperity and brings about proficiency in thought, speech and action. (1.2.11)
v2.c41.s13.8
Therefore it was concluded:
v2.c41.s13.9
प्रदीपः सर्वविद्यानाम् उपायः सर्वकर्मणाम्। आश्रयः सर्वधर्माणाम् शश्वत् आन्वीक्षिकी मता।।
v2.c41.s13.10
pradīpaḥ sarvavidyānām upāyaḥ sarvakarmaṇām । āśrayaḥ sarvadharmāṇām śaśvat ānvīkṣikī matā ।। (1.2.12)
v2.c41.s13.11
(Critically investigating) philosophy is eternally thought of as the lamp of all sciences, as the means of all actions and as the support of all laws and duties.
v2.c41.s13.12
Kauṭilya’s scientific attitude shines brilliantly in his sharp criticism of the obsession for astrology:
v2.c41.s13.13
नक्षत्रम् अति पृच्छन्तम् बालम् अर्थो अतिवर्तते। अर्थो हि अर्थस्य नक्षत्रम् किम् करिष्यन्ति तारकाः।।
v2.c41.s13.14
nakṣatram ati pṛcchantam bālam artho ativarate । artho hi arthasya nakṣatram kim kariṣyanti tārakāḥ ।। (9.4.26)
v2.c41.s13.15
The object slips away from the foolish person, who continuously consults the stars; for an object is the (auspicious) constellation for (achieving) an object; what will the stars do?.
v2.c41.s13.16
In the previous chapter, we referred to the sterling concepts of pramāṇa, upajñā and upakrama in Pāṇini’s Aṣṭādhyāyī; Kauṭilya’s supreme contribution in his Arthaśāstra was the concept of ānvīkṣikī. Indian science prospered in the subsequent centuries to the extent the above concepts were pursued. Later, the decline started when the caste-ridden society was affected with vainglory and superstition, and ignored the scientific concepts of Pāṇini and Kauṭilya.
References
v2.c41.s14.1
Bagchi, U.N., Law of Minerals in Ancient India. Bandyopadhyay, N.C., 1927, Kauṭilya, Calcutta. Basak, R.G., 1950, Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra, translated into Bengali, 2 volumes, Calcutta.
v2.c41.s14.2
Kangle, R.P., 1986, *The Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra*, Text, English translation and Study, 3 volumes, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi.
v2.c41.s14.3
Lahiri, D., 1968, Mineralogy in Ancient India, *In Indian Journal of History of Science*, Vol. 3. no. 1, 1968, pp. 1-8.
v2.c41.s14.4
Lahiri, D., 1971, Mineralogie und Petrologie im alten Indien, *In Geologie*, Vol. 20, no. 4-5, 1971, pp. 491-99.
v2.c41.s14.5
Mukherjee, B.N., 1987, A Note on the Date of the Arthaśāstra, *In Vajapeya: Essays on Evolution of Indian Art and Cultures*, Prof. K.D. Bajpai Felicitation Volume, Agam Kala Prakashan, Delhi, Volume 2, pp. 303-05.
v2.c41.s14.6
Rostovtzeff, M., 1941, *The Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic Period*, Oxford, Vol. 2, p. 1218.
v2.c41.s14.7
Roy, S.K., 1946, Glimpses into India's Heritage in Geology, Mining and Metallurgy, *In Quarterly Journal of the Geological Mining and Metallurgical Society of India*, Vol. 18, March 1946, pp. 101-23.
v2.c41.s14.8
Shamasastry, R., 1909, *Arthaśāstra of Kauṭilya*, Mysore; latest edition 1960.
v2.c41.s14.9
Tarn, W.W., 1938, *The Greeks in Bactria and India*, Cambridge, 1938, p. 367.
Linked texts (7)
- Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra — Kauṭilya, Sanskrit
- Bṛhatsaṃhitā — Varāhamihira, Sanskrit
- Mānava Dharmaśāstra — Manu & Bhṛgu, Sanskrit
- Aṣṭādhyāyī — Pāṇini, Sanskrit
- Heliodorus Pillar
- Sirkap
- Mānasollāsa (Abhilaṣitārthacintāmaṇi) — Someśvara III, Sanskrit