宋高僧傳 3

English (machine translation) 3

Language: English

3.1

Compiled under imperial decree by the purple-robed śramaṇa Zanning, Grand Master Tonghui of the Tianshou Temple of the Left Sector in the Song, and others.

3.2

Section One on Translators of Scriptures, Part Three (Fourteen Main Biographies with Three Appended).

3.3

Tang Dynasty: Biography of Zhitong of the Zongchi Temple in the Capital.

Shi Zhitong, surnamed Zhao, was originally a native of Anyi in Shanzhou. During the Daye era of the Sui, he renounced the world and received full ordination, and was later registered at the Zongchi Temple. In the practice of the precepts he was meticulous and clear, and his learning in the sūtras and treatises was comprehensive. Being exceptionally gifted from his youth, he had the ambition to travel; consequently, he went to the translation hall in the capital of Luoyang to study Sanskrit script and language, mastering them with total clarity. During the Zhenguan era [627–649], a North Indian monk brought a Sanskrit manuscript of the Thousand-Armed and Thousand-Eyed Sūtra. Emperor Taizong issued an imperial decree to search throughout the empire for monks of learning and understanding to serve in the translation hall as text polishers, scribes, and meaning certifiers. Tong qualified and translated the text together with the Indian monk into two fascicles. In the fourth year of the Yonghui era of the Heavenly Emperor [Gaozong, 653], he further translated at his home temple one fascicle of the Thousand-Turn Dhāraṇī Incantation of Avalokiteśvara Bodhisattva, one fascicle of the Mind-Fulfilling Incantation of Avalokiteśvara Bodhisattva, and one fascicle of the Dhāraṇī of the Pure Avalokiteśvara Bodhisattva, totaling four works in five fascicles. Tong had mastered the Sanskrit script and was also deeply versed in the Chinese language; when translating by direct confrontation [between the two texts], all at that time deferred to him in admiration. It is also said that he practiced the esoteric teachings of Yoga, with extraordinary supernatural resonance. Where he died is unknown.

3.5

Tang Dynasty: Biography of Zhiyan of the Feng’en Temple in the Capital.

3.6

Shi Zhiyan, surnamed Yuchi, was originally a hostage prince from the Kingdom of Khotan, named Yue. By nature intelligent and sharp, he was registered at the Court of State Ceremonial and was granted the titles ‘Grand General of the Left Militant Guard and Pillar of the State’ and enfeoffed as the ‘Duke of Jinman Commandery’. Yet he deeply abhorred worldly toils and wished only to cast them off like worn slippers. In the fifth month of the second year of the Shenlong era [706], he petitioned the throne requesting to convert his private residence into a monastery; an imperial decree granted this and gave it the plaque inscribed ‘Feng’en’ [Repaying Grace]. In succession, he requested permission to relinquish his office and enter the religious path, which was granted by imperial rescript on the twenty-fourth day of the eleventh month. On the fifth day of the eleventh month of the first year of the Jinglong era [707], the birthday of Emperor Xiaohuade [Zhongzong], he was tonsured and dyed his robes. Soon afterward, he received an imperial decree to translate scriptures at this temple, frequently serving as the verifier of Sanskrit texts; in the completion of these sūtras, Yan contributed greatly. Yan retranslated the Sūtra on the Dhāraṇī of the Gate of Boundless Birth. Later, he practiced dhūta austerities in the Shibie Valley and also served as the sthavira of Zhixiang Temple on Mount Zhongnan. Embodying the Way and acting with harmony, he conducted himself with purity and circumspection. His death is unrecorded.

3.7

Tang Dynasty: Biography of Baosiwei [Ratnacinta] of the Tianzhu Temple in the Capital of Luoyang.

3.8

Shi Ajina, translated into Chinese as Baosiwei [Ratnacinta], was a native of the Kingdom of Kaśmīra in North India, born of the kṣatriya caste. Leaving home in his childhood, he made dhyāna and recitation his life’s work. After taking full ordination, he devoted himself strictly to the vinaya rules; his wisdom and understanding surpassed the ordinary, and his learning spanned both ultimate and conventional truths. In astrology and incantations, he was especially adept in their subtleties. In addition, his heart was set on converting and guiding others, without lingering affection for his home country. In the second year of the Changshou era of the Heavenly Empress [693], he arrived in the capital of Luoyang and was accommodated by imperial decree at the Tiangong Temple. From that year, when he commenced translating, until the bingwu year, the second year of the Shenlong era under Zhongzong [706], he produced seven works at temples such as Foshouji, Tiangong, and Fuxian, including the Amoghapāśa-dhāraṇī-sūtra. In the fourth month of the first year of the Taiji era under Ruizong [712], Zhang Qixian, the Heir Apparent's Washer of Horses, and others copied them and presented them to the court. In the sixth month of that year, an imperial decree commanded Xue Ji, Minister of Rites and Duke of the State of Jin, and Xu Yanbo, Senior Gentleman of the Attendants and Marquis of Gaoping, to scrutinize, finalize, and incorporate them into the canon for propagation. After the Shenlong era, [Ratnacinta] no longer engaged in translation, but devoted himself purely and diligently to prostrations, recitation, and cultivating works of merit. Every morning, he would grind incense into water to bathe the Buddha images before taking food and drink. From beginning to end, this was his constant practice. Except for his robes and bowl, whatever he obtained he gave away immediately. Later, he requested permission to establish a monastery on Mount Longmen, designed entirely in accordance with Western standards, and therefore named ‘Tianzhu’ [India]. His disciples and fellow students lived together in this monastery; moved by their sincerity, spiritual responses were exceedingly numerous. Reaching an age of over one hundred years, he died at the monastery in the ninth year of the Kaiyuan era [721], where a stūpa was erected to commemorate him.

3.9

Tang Dynasty: Biography of Bodhiruci of the Changshou Temple in the Capital of Luoyang.

3.10

Shi Bodhiruci was a native of South India, born of a pure-practicing Brahmin family surnamed Kāśyapa. At the age of twelve, he renounced home life among non-Buddhists to serve Parāśara, studying treatises on phonology, Sāṃkhya, and other systems. In calendrical calculations, incantations, yin and yang, and prognostication texts, there was nothing he had not mastered. Only after passing sixty did he change his mind; recognizing that non-Buddhist doctrines were flawed and perceiving the profound silence of the Buddhist gate, he withdrew to live in mountain valleys, practicing dhūta austerities. Initially relying on the Tripiṭaka master Yaśoghosa, he studied various sūtras and treatises, and subsequently journeyed through the Five Indias, attending lectures everywhere. Emperor Gaozong, hearing of his distant reputation and admiring his lofty character, dispatched an envoy in the second year of the Yongchun era [683] to welcome him. The Heavenly Empress treated him with even greater reverence, directing him to reside at the Fuxian Temple in eastern Luoyang to translate eleven works, including the Buddha-gocara, Ratnamegha, and Avataṃsaka sūtras. In the second year of the Shenlong era under Zhongzong [706], he also resided at the Chongfu Temple in Jingzhao to translate the Mahāratnakūṭa-sūtra. When Xiaohuade [Zhongzong] passed away and Ruizong ascended the throne, an imperial decree commanded that he continue the translation work at the White Lotus Pool and the Sweet Dew Pavilion in the Northern Park. When the translation was completed, an imperial preface was placed at the head of the scripture; combining old and new, it totaled forty-nine assemblies in one hundred and twenty fascicles. On the eighth day of the fourth month of the second year of the Xiantian era [713], it was submitted to the court. In this translation bureau, the śramaṇa Sichong, the Indian chieftain Iśvara, and others translated the Sanskrit text; the Indian śramaṇas Prajñāgupta and Dharma verified the Sanskrit meaning; the śramaṇas Lüfang, Zongyi, and Huijue recorded the text; the śramaṇas Shenliang, Shengzhuang, Chenwai, Wuhe, and Huaidi certified the meaning; and the śramaṇas Chengli, Yunguan, Shenjian, and Daoben arranged the text. Next, the embellishing officials Lu Can, Scholar Xu Jian, Secretariat Drafter Su Gui, Supervising Secretary Cui Qu, Chancellor Lu Xiangxian, Minister Guo Yuanzhen, Secretariat Director Zhang Yue, and Senior Grand Master Wei Zhigu brought the Buddhist and Confucian traditions together to create total perfection. In the translation of the Ratnakūṭa, the employment of worthy scholars was vast, and Bodhiruci exerted the greatest effort. One matter of regret was that, throughout past and present translations, the final phrase of all dhāraṇīs was rendered as ‘svāhā’ without subtly examining the clear and muddy [tones], thereby leading to discrepancies in the wording. Some wrote sapohe, others sapahe, and so forth, in nine irregular pronunciations; standardizing the Sanskrit phonology revealed that none matched the original intention. This was not because the Indian monks recited inaccurately, but rather resulted from errors made by the scribes. Therefore, sha (sounded like sang-ba) wa (sounded like wu-ke) he (sounded like hu-ge) was definitely established as the correct form. In the twelfth year of the Kaiyuan era [724], Ruci accompanied the imperial retinue to dwell at the Changshou Temple in the capital of Luoyang. On the fourth day of the eleventh month of the fifteenth year [727], he instructed his disciples that on the fifth day at noon, the attendants should be dismissed; lying peacefully on his right side, he suddenly passed away at the age of one hundred and fifty-six. Hearing this, the Emperor was grieved and mourned, conferring upon him the provisional title of Minister of State Ceremonial and the posthumous name ‘Kaiyuan Tripiṭaka of All-Pervading Omniscience’. He dispatched the Palace Attendant Du Huaixin to oversee the funeral arrangements and provided materials from the palace treasury, ensuring that they were abundant. The guard of honor, regalia, banners, streamers, and floral canopies filled the thoroughfares. On the first day of the twelfth month, his remains were interred on the northwestern plain of Mount Longmen south of Luoyang, where a stūpa was raised and an inscription carved in stone to commemorate him.

3.11

Appraisal: Are funeral rites in the Western Regions not overly simple? Even when kings and chieftains hold someone in the deepest and highest esteem, it amounts to nothing more than carrying them out for cremation. But for a monk of the Eastern Xia to have an imperial guard of honour lead his funeral carriage—such a thing has rarely been heard of. Alas! Where the Way is venerable and virtue noble, they invite reverence without saying a word; how magnificent is this!

3.12

Tang: A Biography of Huaidi of Shilou Temple on Mount Luofu (with Prajñābala and *Śubhaprabha)

3.13

Śramaṇa Huaidi was a native of Xunzhou. He first entered the Dharma at Nanlou Temple. That mountain lies half upon the seashore and half joined to the mainland coast; it is a spiritual abode where immortals and sages wander and dwell. Huaidi had long explored the scriptures and treatises and was well versed in many of them, and he had also roughly investigated the Seven Summaries and the Nine Schools of thought. Because this maritime corner was before a ferry crossing, Sanskrit monks frequently lodged here, and Huaidi learned their script and spoken language, from which time he became thoroughly fluent in them. When Bodhiruci first translated the Ratnakūṭa, he summoned Huaidi to the capital to certify the meaning; after the work was completed, Huaidi returned south. Later, in Guangzhou, he met a Sanskrit monk bearing one bundle of palm-leaf scriptures, who invited him to translate it together. They divided it into ten scrolls, titled the Da foding wanxing shoulengyan jing (Śūraṅgama Sūtra). Huaidi took down the meaning of the scripture with his brush and wove together its literary style. Later, by means of an envoy from the south, he sent the scripture to the capital, which took place during the Kaiyuan era. Furthermore, in the first year of Qianyuan, Prajñābala, a Tripiṭaka master of Kapiśa; *Śubhaprabha, a Brahmin Tripiṭaka master of Central India; and Rocana, a Tripiṭaka master of Kaśmīra, all admired the civilising transformation of China and entered the court. By imperial decree, [Prajñā]bala was made Vice Minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, and *Śubhaprabha was made Vice Minister of the Court of State Ceremonial, both appointed supernumerary, and they were permitted to return to their home countries. Some say: "Each brought scriptures, but as Yan and Zhao were blocked by military conflicts, they had no leisure to proclaim and translate them; hence they were honoured with official ranks."

3.14

Tang: A Biography of Jimo (Muniśrī) of Ci'en Temple in the Capital

3.15

Śramaṇa Muniśrī was called Jimo in Chinese. In character, his spiritual bearing was lofty and clear, and his disposition candid and frank. In the ninth year of the Zhenyuan era of Emperor Dezong, he set out from Nālandā Temple, holding his monk's staff and journeying eastward. He said of himself that he had gone from Northern India to this temple to leave home, receive ordination, and study the Dharma. In the sixteenth year, he arrived at Xingshan Temple in Chang'an. In the nineteenth year, he moved to Chongfu and Liquan Temples. He then requested to carry out translation work at Ci'en Temple, whereupon, using Master Xuanzang's Sanskrit manuscript, he produced the Shouhu guojiezhu tuoluoni jing (Dhāraṇī Sūtra on Protecting the Sovereign of the State Realm) in ten scrolls, and also presented the "Chart of the Six Dusts and Beasts". The emperor was pleased and gave him abundant offerings. On the nineteenth day of the sixth month of the first year of Yuanhe, he passed away at Ci'en Temple. Earlier, Jimo recounted that Nālandā Temple in Magadha, Central India, was forty-eight li in circumference, with nine temples and a single gate, built by nine heavenly kings. In the days when Jimo was at the temple, there were over ten thousand residents; with great Dharma masters handling management and administrative duties, no monastery in the Western Regions was so lofty and vast. Note that the Shouhu guojiezhu jing was translated by Prajñā, while Muni[śrī] certified the Sanskrit text. Zhizhen of Guangzhai Temple, an Attendant at the Hanlin Academy, translated the language; Yuanchao took it down with the brush; Jianxu polished the phrasing; and Chengguan certified the meaning.

3.16

Tang: A Biography of Lianhua Jingjin (Utpalavīrya) of Lianhua Temple in the Kingdom of Kucha

3.17

Śramaṇa Utpalavīrya (*Vutitixianyu) was called Lianhua Jingjin in Chinese. He was originally a native of the city of Quzhi—that is, the kingdom of Qiuci (Kucha), also called Qiuci, properly named Quzhi. At that time, when the Tang envoy Che Fengchao arrived in that land, outside the west gate of the city there was Lianhua Temple, where Jingjin resided with the title of Tripiṭaka bhikṣu. Fengchao made a sincere request to open and translate the Sanskrit bundles to transmit them back to the Eastern Xia. Jingjin consented and thereupon translated the Shili jing (Daśabala Sūtra), which takes three sheets of eastern paper to form one scroll, spoken by the Buddha in Śrāvastī. Within the territory of Anxi there is Mount Qianjian, at the foot of which is a monastery where the water drips, creating an enchanting sound. Each year at a certain season, the people there gather its sounds to compose tunes. Thus, the piece *Yeboseji was used in the Kaiyuan era as a tune for the hourglass drum (jiegu), the musicians finding its drumming technique most difficult. Jingjin's temple was near these dripping waters. This scripture, together with the Shidi jing (Daśabhūmika Sūtra) and the Huixianglun jing, making eleven scrolls in total, was brought and presented by the śramaṇa Wukong. In the Zhenyuan era, it was requested to be entered into the canon; as it coincided with Yuanchao's continuation of the catalogue, its origins were recorded accordingly.

3.18

Tang: A Biography of Jiefa (Śīladharma) of Longxing Temple in Beiting

3.19

Śramaṇa Śīladharma was called Jiefa in Chinese; he was originally a native of Khotan. His learning was comprehensive, and he was skilled in both Chinese and Sanskrit. Living in that country, he was a great Dharma master. During the Zhenyuan era of the Tang, when Wukong returned to Beiting, Yang Xigu, the Military Commissioner of that circuit, along with the monks of Longxing Temple, requested Jiefa to serve as the chief translator to translate the Shidi jing (Daśabhūmika Sūtra). Jiefa personally read the Sanskrit text and translated the language; the śramaṇa Dazhen took it down with the brush; Fachao polished the phrasing; Shanxin certified the meaning; and Wukong certified the Sanskrit text. He also translated the Huixianglun jing. Just as the translation was finished and copying was about to conclude, he met Duan Mingxiu, a palace envoy consoling Beiting. His mission finished, [Duan Mingxiu] returned, accompanying Niu Xin, a reporting officer of Beiting, and Cheng E, a reporting officer of Anxi, to enter the court. Because the Sha and He routes were impassable, they took the Uyghur route, leaving the Sanskrit bundles in the canon of Longxing Temple in Beiting. They brought the translated Chinese texts to the capital, which was the fifth year of Zhenyuan. Just as Jiefa's translation work concluded, he returned to Huodan. Huodan is also called Yutun; these are names used by people north of the mountains, whereas in the languages of the Five Indias it is called Gostana, in Chinese meaning "Kingdom of Milk", or "Earth's Breast".

3.20

Tang: A Biography of Lianhua (Padma)

3.21

Śramaṇa Lianhua (Padma) was originally a native of Central India. In the first year of Xingyuan, leaning on his monk's staff, he had an audience with Emperor Dezong, begging for a bell to return to India to ring. An imperial decree ordered Li Fu, the Military Commissioner of Guangzhou, to repair and cast it, and directed that it be sent to Jindui Temple in South India. Lianhua then installed this bell at the Vairocana Stūpa in the kingdom of Baojun. Later, the Sanskrit bundles of the latter section of the Avataṃsaka were sent by ship; the faithful Tripiṭaka master Prajñā translated them into forty scrolls at Chongfu Temple. Another account says that the Sanskrit bundle was originally presented in a letter by the king of the kingdom of Oḍra in South India to the Son of Heaven of Cina. The letter stated: "Having copied with my own hand the chapter 'Entering the Inconceivable Realm of Liberation: The Conduct and Vows of Samantabhadra', expounded by Sudhana and the fifty-five holy spiritual friends from among the hundred thousand verses of the Avataṃsaka Sūtra, I respectfully present it, wishing to behold you in the assembly of the Dragon Flower Tree"; this was in the eleventh year of Zhenyuan. In the sixth month of the twelfth year, an imperial decree ordered its translation at Chongfu Temple: Prajñā, a śramaṇa of Kapiśa, proclaimed the Sanskrit text; Guangji of Tiangong Temple in the eastern capital translated the language; Yuanchao of Ximing Temple took it down with the brush; Zhirou and Zhitong composed the prose; Daoheng of Zhengjue Temple in Chengdu-fu and Jianxu polished the phrasing; Datong of Qianfu Temple certified the meaning; Chengguan and Lingsui determined the readings; and Huo Xianming, Army-Inspecting Commissioner of the Shence Army, and Dou Wenchang, Commissioner of Meritorious Virtues of the Left Street, copied and submitted it; the translation sessions concluded in the second month of the fourteenth year.

3.22

Tang: A Biography of Feixi of Dasheng Qianfu Temple

3.23

Śramaṇa Feixi's place of origin is unknown. His spiritual air was lofty and distant, and his knowledge and capacity surpassed others. At first he studied vinaya etiquette; later, concerning the Tiantai teaching of the "Threefold Contemplation in One Mind", he and the śramaṇa Chujin settled their minds on diligent study. Early in the Tianbao era he journeyed to the capital, mostly staying at Caotang Temple on Zige Peak in the Zhongnan Mountains. When Amoghavajra was in charge of translation, he carefully selected outstanding talents; Feixi was among them, frequently assuming the responsibilities of taking down text with the brush and polishing phrasing. On the fifteenth day of the fourth month of the first year of Yongtai of Emperor Daizong, he received an imperial decree to participate with sixteen exegetical śramaṇas, including Liangben, at the Inner Palace Chapel of Daming Palace in translating the Renwang huguo banruo jing (Humane Kings Sūtra) and the Mixian jing (Ghanavyūha Sūtra). Previously, when on palm leaves, both had been in verse, but what was now translated was mostly rendered in prose. Amoghavajra, together with Feixi and others, as well as Liu Kang, an Academician of the Hanlin Academy, examined and verified them once again; Feixi served as a formal certifier of meaning, and in literary skill he did not disgrace this office.

3.24

Appraisal: In external learning, Feixi researched the Confucians and Mohists, and his brush was remarkably adept. At the time, many requested his compositions, such as the steles for National Teacher Zhong and Chujin. He hunted upon the broad plain together with Dexuan of Jinling and Master Zhou (Jiaoran) of Wuxing, and none could tell in whose hands the deer would die. However, both Masters Xuan and Xi also had the fault of being untrammelled, ornamenting things beyond reality. By contrast, Master Zhou matched the style of the Jianzhong era, comparing matters with fitting propriety. The hollow and the solid cannot indeed be spoken of in the same breath.

3.25

Tang: A Biography of Zilin of Da'anguo Temple in the Capital

3.26

Śramaṇa Zilin, surnamed Fan, was a native of Dafan Village in Qianfeng, Yanzhou. His father, Junzhao, took no delight in the Three Jewels; whenever he saw a śramaṇa, he would invariably scold and spit at him. If anyone asked him why, he would immediately want to strike them. When Lin was several years old, his childhood name being Lin'er, whenever he saw anyone wearing a kāṣāya, feelings of admiration arose in him. Early in the Kaiyuan era, Vinaya Master Qingxiu of Guang'ai Temple in the Eastern Capital was travelling to Mount Tai and passed by the Fan family residence. As soon as Lin saw him, joy flushed across his countenance, and he bowed, begging to leave home. [Qingxiu] asked, "What of your parents?" He replied, "I must not let my mother know; if she knew, I would be beaten. Master, simply go ahead; I will follow like a shadow." When the vinaya master had gone five li, Lin had already arrived. Upon reaching the temple in Luoyang, his receptive ease to teaching was like sweetness blending with seasoning. After he shaved his head and donned the robes, some called him Zhilin. In the eleventh year, he suddenly thought of his parents and took leave to return and visit them. His father had lost his sight, and his mother had passed away three years prior. He then went to the shrine of Mount Tai, seeking to know his mother's rebirth in the underworld; he spread out his sitting mat, recited the Lotus Sūtra, and vowed to meet King Tianqi. That night, the mountain god indeed summoned Lin and asked, "Why are you so earnestly aggrieved?" Lin said, "Since my mother, née Wang, passed away, the mourning period has already ended. May I ask the Great King, where is my mother now?" The king looked to the clerk holding the registers, who replied, "The woman Wang is currently bound in hell, suffering torment." Lin said, "What crime did my mother commit?" The king said, "When she gave birth to the monk, she ate chicken eggs, and also took egg whites to apply to scalp sores. Because of these acts, she is punished on your account." Lin wept aloud in anguish and begged the king for a remission. [The king] said, "Binding and fettering have their causes; there is no way for release. However, as a plan for the Dharma master, please go to Mount Mao to worship the Aśoka Stūpa; perhaps she may be pardoned." At dawn the next day, Lin set out, arriving at the temple on Mount Gouchang. Kowtowing in lamentation, with all five limbs touching the ground, after completing his prostrations he cast divining sticks. When they numbered forty thousand, he suddenly heard a voice calling "Lin!", like the response to Cai Shun. Looking into the air, he saw his mother amid clouds and mist thanking him: "Relying on your power, I have attained rebirth in Trāyastriṃśa Heaven; therefore I came to tell you." In an instant, she was seen no more. Later, Lin sought understanding of scriptures and treatises, travelling to the Guanfu region. Comprehending non-Buddhist learning as well, his fine reputation was renowned. Chosen as a famous monk, he frequently entered the inner halls of Emperor Suzong to attend imperial audiences. Noted for his eloquence and skilled in swift replies, he improvised in the imperial presence, expounding the imperial way such that his contemporaries could not match him. By imperial decree, he was granted a purple square-cut robe and served as an attending monk of the court. When Emperor Daizong ascended the throne, he venerated Buddhism even more. During the Yongtai era, Amoghavajra retranslated the Renwang huguo jing, the Mixian jing, and other scriptures; Lin, along with Fachong of Qianfu Temple, Huijing of Ximing Temple, and Yuanji of Baoshou Temple, shared the duties of certifying meaning, with Liangben polishing the phrasing. No one knew how Lin met his end. The stūpa he had earlier worshipped is where the foundations of the thatched hermitage and the well at Cuizhi, on the peak behind Yuwang Temple on Mount Mao, still exist today. The well is actually a square pool whose water is emerald-green, with green moss floating gently upon it; literati and travellers have composed exceedingly many poems about it.

3.27

Tang: A Biography of Banruo (Prajñā) of Liquan Temple

3.28

Shi Prajñā was a native of the country of Jibin. He had a stalwart physique and maintained the precepts with rigor and rectitude. While staying in the capital, he served as a śramaṇa dedicated to the study of doctrine. Emperor Xianzong held the Buddhist teachings in deep reverence and gave serious thought to the translation of scriptures. However, there were military operations in the region of Shu, with Liu Pi defying imperial commands, and Wang Chengzong had not yet been subdued, so the court faced manifold difficulties. By the fifth year of the Yuanhe reign period, a gengyin year (810), an imperial edict was issued to Gui Deng, Vice Minister of the Ministry of Works, Meng Jian, Liu Bochu, Xiao Mian, and others to translate an eight-fascicle scripture at Liquan Temple titled Scripture on the Mental Ground of Former Lives (Bensheng xindi guan jing). These Sanskrit birch-bark leaves were those presented during the reign of Emperor Gaozong by the country of Siṃhala. When the copying was completed, it was presented to the throne. The Emperor examined it and issued an edict stating, "We wish to compose a preface for it." Soon afterward, the text was promulgated and placed at the head of the scripture. The Tripiṭaka master was bestowed bolts of silk, and the various śramaṇas who verified the doctrinal meaning were rewarded with graded gifts. Prior to this, during the Zhenyuan reign period, he translated the later portion of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra in forty fascicles, which had been presented by the king of the country of Oḍra; at that time, he was bestowed a purple robe. Later, during the Dazhong reign period, Grand Master Fabao, Xuanchang, submitted a memorial requesting its inclusion in the Tripiṭaka.

3.29

Tang Biography of Wukong of Zhangjing Temple in the Superior Capital

3.30

Shi Wukong was a native of Yunyang in Jingzhao; his secular surname was Che, and he was a remote descendant of the Tuoba of the Later Wei. Endowed by nature with intelligence and keen perception, he aspired to the classic canons; his reputation for filial piety and fraternal respect was renowned throughout his home village. It happened that Emperor Xuanzong's virtue extended to distant regions, and the country of Jibin wished to attach itself to the Great Tang, sending the great chieftain Sabao Dagan together with the Tripiṭaka master Śarīravarma to present themselves at the imperial palace in the ninth year of the Tianbao reign period (750), requesting that an envoy make an inspection tour. In the following year, the palace envoy Zhang Taoguang was imperially commissioned, leading more than forty diplomatic mission officers, travelling officials, and attendant scribes to march westward. At that time, Wukong had not yet left secular life; his secular name was Fengchao, and he held the post of Biejiang in the Simen Garrison of Jingzhou in the Left Guard, ordered to accompany the imperial envoy along the Anxi route. In the twelfth year (753), they reached the country of Gandhāra, the eastern capital city of Jibin, whose king received the Tang envoy with courtesy. When the envoy returned, Wukong fell gravely ill and remained in Gandhāra. During his illness, he made a vow that upon recovery he would enter the monastic life. Thereupon he placed himself under Śarīravarma and shaved his head, receiving the monastic name Dharmadhātu, which in Chinese means Fajie (Dharma Realm); this was in the second year of the Zhide reign period (757) of Emperor Suzong. Upon reaching the age of twenty-nine, he received upasampadā in the country of Kaśmīra, with Wenshushinieti (Mañjuśrīśānti) serving as his preceptor (upādhyāya), Wubuxiantidi (Upasānti) as his karman ācārya, and Tuoliweidi as his instructor. At the Mengdi Temple, he recited the śrāvaka precepts and studied the fundamental monastic regulations. Indeed, the countries of Northern India all adhered to the Sarvāstivāda school. Afterward, he traveled and made pilgrimages for several years, paying homage everywhere to the eight stupas. Because he longed for his sovereign and parents, he consulted his root master, Śarīravarma, and only after asking three times was he granted permission. Śarīravarma personally handed him Sanskrit manuscripts of three scriptures—the Daśabhūmika, the Pariṇāmacakra, and the Daśabala—bound in a single case, together with a Buddha-tooth relic to present as parting gifts. Wukong traveled along the northern route and reached the country of Tokhāra; among the fifty-seven barbarian regions there was a walled city called the country of Khottal, to the east of which lay a small sea. As Wukong reached its southern shore, the earth suddenly shook, dense dark clouds brought torrential rain, thunder struck, and hail flew about. He then fled to take shelter among the roots of a great tree, where a group of merchants had also gathered. The caravan leader addressed the crowd, saying, "Who is carrying a Buddha relic or an extraordinary, rare treasure? If not for that, why would the dragon deity be so enraged? If there is any such thing, cast it into the sea so that the people will not be terrified. If anyone conceals it, he will bring calamity upon himself." For the sake of benefiting the Eastern Xia, Wukong secretly prayed to the dragon deity to pardon his transgression. From the hour of the rabbit to the hour of the monkey, the rain and hail finally cleared. Returning as far as Kucha, he stayed at Lianhua Temple, where he met the Tripiṭaka master Mutitixianyu, who was skilled in translation. Wukong therefore took out the manuscript of the Daśabala-sūtra and requested that he translate it. Soon after, he reached Beiting, where the Grand Commissioner again ordered Wukong to produce his Sanskrit leaves; with the Khotanese Tripiṭaka master Jiefa serving as chief translator, Wukong verified the Sanskrit text and interpreted the spoken language, translating them into the Daśabhūmika and Pariṇāmacakra scriptures. Once the work was completed, he accompanied the palace envoy Duan Mingxiu to arrive at the capital in the fifth year of the Zhenyuan reign period, a jisi year (789), where an imperial edict ordered him to be accommodated in the Yaolongmen Imperial Envoy Compound. He presented the Buddha-tooth relic and the scripture texts to the throne; an imperial command directed the Left Shence Army to copy them, and the Commissioner of Merit and Virtue Dou Wenchang, having completed the copying, submitted them to the Emperor. An edict appointed Wukong as General of Resolute Might (Zhuangwu Jiangjun) and Probationary Chamberlain for Ceremonials (Shi Taichangqing). He then returned to Zhangjing Temple. Next, he returned to Yunyang to inquire after his parents, but the trees over their graves were already a span in circumference. His travels back and forth had spanned forty years, and by that time he was over sixty. The scriptures he translated amounted to three texts in eleven fascicles. The Great Virtuous translator Yuanzhao compiled them all into the Tripiṭaka in his Continuation of the Kaiyuan Record and furthermore recorded Wukong's conduct and deeds.

3.31

Tang Biography of Manyue of the Capital (Jñānacakra)

3.32

Shi Manyue was a man of the Western Regions. When he came to China, his purpose lay in translating and propagating the teachings. He had mastered all the practices of the Yoga method, and having achieved many miraculous results, he was widely venerated and admired. During the Kaicheng reign period, he presented Sanskrit birch-bark leaves; it happened that the Ganlu Incident had just occurred and the imperial court was devoid of order and discipline, having no leisure for translation. At that time, National Preceptor Wuda, Zhixuan, loved the study of phonetics and linguistics (śabdavidyā) and revered Manyue as his master; the two grew deeply intimate. Manyue instructed him in the Sanskrit script as well as the bounds and conditions of phonetics and letters, the siddhaṃ script, and the eight declensional cases, so that Zhixuan deeply grasped their profound subtleties. Zhixuan said, "How marvelous! I understand the tongues of both regions; might I be permitted to join the ranks of interpreters?" He then requested that various dharani spells be translated, and together with Bodhivajra, Vajrasiddhi, and others, they re-translated the Collection of Dhāraṇīs (Tuoluoni ji) in four fascicles, and also the Scripture of the Victorious One Spoken by the Buddha for Prince Viśuddhadeva (Fo wei Pixutuotianzi shuo zunsheng jing) in one fascicle. They scrutinized and re-examined the text three times, exhausting every nuance of the Buddha's intent. In this land there had previously been a twelve-fascicle Collection of Dhāraṇīs; of these newly translated four fascicles, it is not recorded that they entered the Tripiṭaka. Where Manyue and his companions ended their lives remains unknown. Next there was the Tripiṭaka master Prajñācakra, in Chinese Zhihuilun (Wheel of Wisdom), who was likewise a man of the Western Regions. During the Dazhong reign period, he practiced the Great Maṇḍala rituals; having already received consecration (abhiṣeka) to become an ācārya, he was well-versed in local dialects and deeply penetrated esoteric speech, authoring The Root of the Buddha's Dharma (Fofa genben). Taking Mahāvairocana as its doctrine, it serves as that upon which all Buddhas rely. The root of the Dharma is precisely the dhāraṇī. As for producing boundless doors to the Dharma, practitioners cultivate morality, concentration, and wisdom, using dhāraṇī to assist in their accomplishment; as an essential means of swift attainment, nothing surpasses it. He also composed Instructions on Pointing the Way (Shijiao zhigui) in more than ten sections, all of which are key locks to the Great Teaching. Transmitted by his disciple Shaoming, it was carved on stone to record and hand down during the Xiantong reign period.

3.33

The appraisal states:

3.34

Amidst the ocean of undefiled dharmas, the sounding of the tidal roar is wondrous; beneath the words of the dhāraṇī, the writing of Sanskrit letters is extraordinary. Those who have not heard come to hear—hearing the lingering resonance of the Ābhāsvara Heaven; those who have not understood come to understand—understanding that which is expounded by the supreme Dharma. Sages and worthies drink of it as pure wine, while the ordinary and inferior sip of it only as dregs. Indeed, where there is karmic affinity, one encounters it; where there is no Way, one goes against it. That the Qin prison shackled Shilifang was because there was no affinity; that the Han court initially welcomed the white horse was due to supernatural resonance. Listening to their alien cries and inspecting their horizontal writing, though feelings may be sought out, the vocalizations are confounding; though the scripts differ, the meaning is nonetheless identical. Therefore, the Rites of Zhou had the xiangxu interpreters who communicated the languages of the six Man barbarians, the didi who oversaw the seven Rong, the ji who were in charge of the nine Yi, and the yi who knew the eight Di. Why is it that among the officials of the four directions nowadays, only the title "yi" (translator) is prominent? It is suspected that because the Han and later dynasties were largely occupied with affairs in the north, the name "yi" became thoroughly familiar. Furthermore, just as the light carriage emissaries of the Zhou and Qin presented registers recording the local dialects of different states so that the sovereign without stepping outside his courtyard might sit and know the languages of distant and foreign customs—if that is so, the xiangxu knew that which was distant, and the dialect registers knew that which was near. On the whole, it was merely a matter of observing different customs and conveying distant sentiments. Splendid was the Eastern Han, which first translated the Scripture in Forty-two Sections, to which the term fan ("turning over") was subsequently applied. "Turning over" is like turning over embroidered brocade: both the back and the front have patterns, but the patterns merely differ in being reversed left and right. From this, the two terms fan ("render") and yi ("translate") came into use. In the beginning, the Sanskrit guest and the Chinese monk listened to words and guessed at meanings; trying to fit square and round together, metal and stone were hard to harmonize; a bowl was matched with "the world" (loka), and tossing was named "samādhi"; separated by a thousand miles though close at hand, face to face they could hardly communicate. Next, they understood Han speech, and we knew Sanskrit talk; eight or nine out of ten were obtained, yet discrepancies still occurred from time to time—reaching the point where "glaring with angry eyes" was rendered as "gazing at the World-Honoured One," and "the other shore" was rendered as "crossing beyond limitation." Later on, Faxian and Daojin went in person, while Xuanzang and Wukong were fluent in both languages; like a vessel holding the fat of a lion, or a goose extracting milk from water, like the court attendant answering the question of King Wen, or Yang Xiong obtaining writings unmatched through the ages, every seal matched without difference, every sound was distinct yet concordant; this may be called complete perfection. Looking back: Dao'an discussed the "five losses and three difficulties"; Yancong enumerated the "eight prerequisites"; Mingze composed The Ceremonial Protocols for Translating Scriptures; Xuanzang established the "five kinds of terms not to be translated." These are all akin to the general principles of the Zuo Commentary, matching the variable conventions of historians. Now I establish new concepts, formulating six precedents. They are: "translating the characters vs. translating the sounds" as one precedent; "Hu (Central Asian) languages vs. Sanskrit words" as one precedent; "re-translation vs. direct translation" as one precedent; "crude words vs. refined phrases" as one precedent; "elegant Chinese vs. vulgar Chinese" as one precedent; and "direct speech vs. esoteric speech" as one precedent.

3.35

The first precedent consists of four propositions: first, translating the characters without translating the sounds, which refers to "dhāraṇī"; second, translating the sounds without translating the characters, such as the "svastika" character on the Buddha's chest; third, translating both sounds and characters, which refers to the pure Chinese found in the various scriptures and vinaya texts; fourth, translating neither the sounds nor the characters, such as the two characters at the head of a scripture title. The second precedent is "Hu languages vs. Sanskrit words": first, in the Five Indies, it is purely Sanskrit.

3.36

Second, north of the Snow Mountains is Hu; south of the mountains is called the land of Brahmans, which is completely separate from Hu, their scripts and spoken languages being different. From the country of Kesh, the script originally had twenty-odd letters, which shifted and generated [others], their variants spreading widely; its script is read vertically, just like that of Cīnasthāna! Reaching Tokhara, the spoken sounds gradually differ, its script having originally twenty-five letters, read horizontally. Crossing south of the Congling Mountains, the language and script of the country of Kapiśa are identical to Tokhara; the miscellaneous kinds above are Hu. As for the language and script of India, they were created by Brahmā, originally having forty-seven letters, which were then expanded and widely propagated, called the Śabdavidyā. It has twelve chapters to teach beginners and culminated in the five treatises of the five sciences (pañcavidyā), being in general different from Hu. Given the vast extent of the territory of the five Indias, how could there not be slight variations? Furthermore, from the time when translation first began in this land during the Later Han down to the Sui dynasty, people all pointed to the Western Heavens and regarded them as Hu countries, thereby losing the lineage of Brahmā and speaking of them as scriptures of the Hu lands. Dharma Master Yancong alone clarified this principle: he merely examined the catalog and severely reproached Mitian (Daoan). In according with the Buddhabhūmi and matching the Āgamas, the gain was ours; but in using Hu names and confusing the Brahman stock, upon whom should the fault be blamed? In the Tang there was Master Daoxuan, who likewise joined in this chorus. From this point on, if people heard the trilling of a tongue or saw a dark visage, they would firmly designate the person a Sanskrit monk, and uniformly identify [the tongue] as the Sanskrit language. Master Yancong may be described as being so busy wielding the axe to catch the cicada before the white dew that he was blind to the light glancing upon the yellow-coated sparrow behind him. Since it is said that the Western lands have both Sanskrit and Hu, why did he not distinguish between north and south? Through his analysis of right and wrong, three errors arose: first, changing Hu into Sanskrit without analyzing and unpacking Hu, so that Hu reverted to Sanskrit—this is an error; second, not being skilled in the two sounds of Hu and Sanskrit, thereby causing Hu to be taken for Sanskrit—this is an error; third, not knowing that re-translations existed—this is an error. Originally calling everything Hu was just like calling everything Sanskrit since the Sui dynasty: this is what is called going beyond being just as bad as falling short. If speaking on the basis of the fundamental source, one takes Sanskrit as primary; if speaking from the branches, the designation Hu may be preserved. Why is this? From the five Indias to the north of the mountains, texts were translated through multiple stages; thus I suspect Master Yancong left this to await today, and I do not dare decline [to clarify it].

3.37

Third, both Hu and Sanskrit: as when the sūtras and vinaya of India reached Kucha, and Kucha, not understanding the Indian language, called India Intojia and translated accordingly; yet where it was easy to understand, Sanskrit words were still retained; such cases where both Hu and Sanskrit are present are this.

3.38

Fourth, neither: purely Chinese words are this.

3.39

Third, re-translation and direct translation: 1. Direct translation: as when Sanskrit manuscripts from the five Indias came directly to the Eastern Xia and were translated.

3.40

2. Re-translation: as when sūtras spread to Loulan and Yanqi north of the mountains, where they did not understand the Indian language and first translated them into Hu languages; for instance, Sanskrit upādhyāya is husha in Kashgar and heshang in Khotan. Also, for 'Heavenly King', the Sanskrit is Kuvera, and the Hu is Pishamen (Vaiśravaṇa); such are cases of this.

3.41

3. Both direct and re-translated: as when a Tripiṭaka master brought the manuscript leaves directly, but the route passed through Hu countries and carried some Hu terms; for example, when Jueming orally recited the Dharmaguptaka Vinaya containing words such as heshang.

3.42

4. Neither: that is, a Tripiṭaka master brought sūtras containing Hu words, but did not translate them upon arrival here.

3.43

Fourth, coarse speech and fine speech: within linguistic science (śabdavidyā), the first is subanta, referring to ordinary, colloquial speech and expressions. The second is tiṅanta, referring to classical, correct speech and expressions. The Buddha's preaching of the Dharma mostly relied upon subanta, his intention abiding in the meaning and not relying on the letter, and also because it addressed everyone; whereas tiṅanta could not be understood by all kinds of beings. Therefore, what is also called 'full sound' is when the pronunciation is distinct, classical, and correct; this is fine speech. 'Half sound' is when the pronunciation is indistinct and corrupted or vernacular; this is coarse speech.

3.44

1. Coarse and not fine: such as the colloquial speech of the time in the five Indias.

3.45

2. Only fine and not coarse: such as Dharmarakṣa, Baoyun, Master Xuanzang, and Yijing, who deeply comprehended linguistic science and phonology, translating by employing the refined speech and classical vocabulary of Central India.

3.46

3. Both coarse and fine: as when Sanskrit texts contain language touching upon both coarse and fine; or where a note says, 'This sound is corrupt and vernacular'—this is coarse speech.

3.47

4. Neither: absent.

3.48

Fifth, elegant and vulgar Chinese: this is also what is called phonology having distinctions between Chu and Xia. Furthermore, regarding the language of this land, 'elegant' is the text of the classics and histories, while 'vulgar' is the talk of the alleys. This is roughly similar to the Western Regions, where 'fine' is classical and correct, and 'coarse' is corrupt and vernacular. 1. Elegant and not vulgar: as when language from classical books is used in the sūtras. 2. Vulgar and not elegant: as with expressions like 'begging for a head' or 'slapping the cheeks' in the sūtras. 3. Both elegant and vulgar: when the prose has not been polished by literati, but written down by ordinary faithful monks, wherein unworked gold and uncarved jade are mixed together. 4. Neither: absent.

3.49

Sixth, direct speech and esoteric speech: forming propositions in two ways, touching upon the conventional is direct, and touching upon the ultimate is esoteric, such as pharuṣa. 1. Direct and not esoteric: when pharuṣa is translated as 'dwelling in harsh speech', because with harsh speech, nobody approaches close to one. 2. Esoteric and not direct: when pharuṣa is translated as 'the other shore known by the bodhisattva', because once one has penetrated the principle of the three non-natures, one is likewise not approached closely by sentient beings. 3. Both: that is, being the same as good and evil, ultimate and conventional, neither can be approached closely. 4. Neither: that is, eliminating the aforementioned characteristics. Furthermore, abhidhyālu (meaning 'repeatedly attaining absorption'), utpatti (meaning 'arising, uprooting, and turning away'), and sāra (meaning 'true reality free from distraction'). These various terms in the sūtras and treatises exemplify direct and esoteric meanings. Furthermore, regarding Hu and Sanskrit scripts and words, the four propositions are easy to understand. As a rule, all such categories encompass the purport of those scriptures; those who understand do not see the whole ox, and practitioners merely follow the old horse.

3.50

Someone might say: 'In translating Sanskrit manuscripts, if one must use the literature of this land, would that not incur the fault of inappropriately mixing in Confucian elegance?' I reply to resolve this: 'If speech does not pertain to the classics and is not the language of the masters and histories, how could one, in using it for translation and correspondence, mix in the talk of winding alleys? Therefore Daoan said: "Seeking to convey subtle words from a thousand years ago to adapt to the degenerate customs of the hundred kings later—this is truly not easy." Someone might say: 'During the Han and Wei periods, this intention was prevalent, leading Chen Shou's Record of the Three Kingdoms to describe the country of Lin'er as saying: "What the Buddha records overlaps with China's Laozi jing. It seems Laozi went west through the pass, crossed the Western Regions, went to India, and taught the Hu people to become Buddhists."' This was because they saw that translators used terms from the two books of the Daodejing, and thereupon concluded that it overlapped with the Laozi jing. If there were a Chinese who knew Sanskrit and conversed with a Western monk, with both in complete accord, could one immediately call this person an Indian? Why not trace it to its beginning and end? Thus we know that if one uses non-Buddhist books, one is bound to incur this slander. For instance, when Kumārajīva translated the Lotus Sūtra, it can be called a golden mean, possessing the natural flavour of Western languages. Looking today at Fang Rong polishing the prose of the Śūraṅgama-sūtra, or Sengzhao citing authorities to compose his treatises, they should rightly face this reproach. If one inserts vulgar and colloquial expressions, how would it differ from the registers of butchers and wine sellers? However, mixing in books is not as good as having no books; rather than being overly ornate, it is better to be plain. Yet if one is deeply submerged in the vulgar, the fault is not light; striking the middle way and suiting the occasion, naturally preserving the language of the Dharma—this is what is called grasping the essence of translating sūtras. Therefore, the Buddha's preaching mostly relied upon subanta.

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宋高僧傳 — 贊寧, Classical Chinese