出三藏記集 7
English (machine translation) 7
- Language
- English
7.1
Compiled by Shi Sengyou
7.2
1. Preface to the Daoxing jing, composed by Shi Dao'an
2. Postscript to the Daoxing jing, author unknown
3. Record of the Fangguang jing, author unknown
4. Brief Explanation of the Combined Fangguang and Guangzan, by Dharma Master Dao'an
5. Record of the Xuzhen tianzi jing, author unknown
6. Record of the Puyao jing, author unknown
7. Record of the Xianjie jing, author unknown
8. Record of the Banzhou sanmei jing, author unknown
9. Preface to the Commentary on the Shouleng'yan sanmei jing, author unknown
10. Record of the Combined Shouleng'yan jing, composed by Zhi Mindu
11. Postscript to the Shouleng'yan jing, author unknown
12. Preface to the Newly Translated Shouleng'yan jing, by Dharma Master Hongchong
13. Preface to the Faju jing, author unknown
14. Record of the Aweiweizhizhe jing, extracted from the sūtra's postscript
15. Record of the Moxi jing, extracted from the sūtra's postscript
16. Preface and Praise to the Two Sūtras, the Huiyin sanmei and the Jifangdengxue, composed by Wang Sengru
17. Record of the Shengfayin jing, extracted from the sūtra's postscript
18. Record of the Wenshushili jinglü jing, extracted from the sūtra's postscript
19. Preface to the Wangzi fayi huaimu yinyuan jing, by Dharma Master Fonian
20. Combined Three Versions of the Weimichi tuoyini zongchi, composed by Zhi Gongming
7.3
1. Preface to the Daoxing jing
7.4
Composed by Shi Dao'an
7.5
Great indeed is the perfection of wisdom (prajñāpāramitā)! The myriad holy ones draw upon it for penetration, and all honor it to achieve [their realization]. Like the earth containing [all things] or the sun shining [upon them], there is no phenomenon that it does not encompass. It does not rely upon nor abide in things, lest it be burdened by the realm of the named; yet having placed itself outside the named, it also disdains the formless. Forgetting both in the profound void, solitary and without a master: such is the guideline of this wisdom.
Now, as for longevity, none is more splendid than the supreme heavens, yet it equates this to an infant who dies prematurely; as for spiritual marvels, none is more splendid than soaring through the void, yet it considers this identical to stagnation; as for utmost virtue, none is greater than the true person (arhat), yet it compares this to rotten seed; as for exalted subtlety, none is greater than the Hero of the World (Buddha), yet it illustrates him through phantoms and dreams. Judging from this, it is truly the source venerated by all the holy ones!
Why is this? Grasping the Way and managing existence entails distinctions of low and high; this is merely the domain of the conditioned. It is not resting upon suchness (tathatā), roaming in the dharmatā, and being dark and nameless. Resting upon suchness, roaming in the dharmatā, and being dark and nameless—this is the inner chamber of the perfection of wisdom. Nominal teachings and distant conceptualizations are merely its temporary lodges. Yet among those who dwell in realization, none fail to tally with its non-arising and feel bewildered and dazzled; among those who cling to traces, none fail to resent its vast emptiness and absurdly slander it. When the movement of the Way inevitably meets with opposite reactions, the disparity between the superior and inferior brings about dazzlement and slander—is this not only to be expected?
Is it not only to be expected? In summary, this Dharma advances in parallel with the perfection of vigor (vīrya-pāramitā); roaming together with ease, the thousand practices and myriad requirements all accomplish the manifold practices through it. That it attains its reputation and that wisdom and vigor cause all phenomena to be mutually accomplished—these are to be sought within its ranks.
Moreover, as for this sūtra: it introduces the primary truth to begin its words, and recounts expedient means to head its discourse. No practice is so minute that it is not traversed; no calculation is so subtle that it is not exhausted. Its words seem repetitive, yet each has its principle; its meanings seem reiterated, yet each has its master. Those of petty views rejoice at its accessible teachings and awaken with delight; the broadly wise gaze at its distant standard and catch their breath in awe. Those who climb find it ever higher and cannot scale it; those who wade find it ever deeper and cannot fathom it. Those who deliberate cannot devise its outline; those who search cannot reach its extent. Profound and obscure! Truly it may be called the deep abyss of the great enterprise—how wondrous indeed!
Yet, as for those who would understand it: those who scrutinize the text to prove its principles are obscured as to its direction; those who examine phrases to verify its meaning are confused about its purport. Why is this? When one scrutinizes the text, discrepancies become mere diction; when one searches phrases, every category becomes an isolated purport. Becoming mere diction, it loses the intent of balanced unity; becoming an isolated purport, it overlooks the meaning of the original conception. If one follows the beginning to summarize its conclusion, or forgets the words to preserve its substance, then the profound penetration of great wisdom can be understood without leaving one's seat.
From the initial resolve to the attainment of all-knowledge (sarvajñatā), thoroughly completing and decisively determining [all stages] such that even the eighth stage holds no profound secrets—this is called wisdom; hence it is called "transcendence". The three liberations illuminate emptiness; the four inversions clarify existence. Comprehensively inspecting all phenomena so that they later find application, with both medicine and sickness dual-forgotten—this is called contemplation. If one clarifies these two practices, then regarding the three hundred thousand words, would it not be like looking at one's own palm? In haste and hurry, nothing arises apart from this.
After the Buddha's nirvāṇa, an eminent gentleman of the Western regions extracted ninety chapters to form the Daoxing pin. During the reigns of Emperors Huan and Ling, Zhu Shuofo brought it to the capital and translated it into Chinese. Following the original and according with its purport, he rendered the sounds as they were, reverently according with the holy words without adding any embellishment. However, since the sūtra was an abridged compilation brought together into chapters and sections, with differing sounds and divergent customs, transmitted orally by the translator—unless one possessed the three knowledges, who could grasp every single original context? For this reason, the Daoxing has quite a few passages where the beginning and end are obscure. When the ancients discussed it, there were often places of stagnation.
[Zhu] Shixing felt ashamed of this. Searching for its original text, he went to Khotan and obtained it, then sent it to Cangyuan, where it was translated as the Fangguang pin. It eliminated redundancies, cut down on repetitiveness, and strived for elegance and fluency; had it been translated in full, it would have been more than three times as long. It was skillful at expressing non-arising and exceptionally deft at discussing emptiness. Such translation work is difficult to match! What these two masters produced is sufficient to make the great wisdom shine forth and reveal the hidden. Zhi Qian's complete text must have been similar. Why? When sūtras are excerpted and trimmed, much harm is inevitably done. Entrusting oneself to the original and following the sage is the utmost precept of the Buddha.
Without measuring my own lack of learning, I aspired to this intention, reciting and savoring it repeatedly so that it might not fall to the ground. Examining the original circumstances of what was translated from beginning to end, there were still fractures, blemishes, and boundless obscurities. Had there been no Fangguang, by what means could this sūtra have been understood? I am forever indebted to the former sages for the abundant benefit received.
Now I have compiled what I have understood to form explanations beneath the phrases. What was originally revealed now heads [the section], and what was previously obscured is now revealed at the end. Noting differences in the translated sūtras, I have weighed their merits and flaws, adducing the original to verify the abridgment, without daring to arbitrarily add or subtract. I hope that those who share my aspiration will correct its shortcomings.
7.6
2. Postscript to the Daoxing jing
7.7
Author unknown
7.8
On the eighth day of the tenth month in the second year of Guanghe, orally transmitted by Meng Yuanshi of Luoyang in Henan. The Indian bodhisattva Zhu Shuofo translated it orally at that time; the Yuezhi bodhisattva Lokakṣema, together with attendants Zhang Shao'an of Nanyang and Zi Bi of Nanhai, assisted; Sun He and Zhou Tili offered encouragement and assistance. On the fifteenth day of the ninth month in the second year of Zhengguang, the monk Fo Da copied it in the Bodhisattva Monastery to the west of Luoyang city.
7.9
3. Record of the Fangguang jing (in twenty fascicles)
7.10
Author unknown
7.11
Recalling the past: in the fifth year of Ganlu of the Great Wei, Zhu Shixing of Yingchuan left home to study the Way as a monk. Crossing the frontier, he traveled west to the kingdom of Khotan and copied the Fan script of the authentic text: ninety chapters in the Hu original, containing over six hundred thousand words. In the third year of Taikang, he sent his disciple Furutana (whose Jin name was Farao) to convey the Hu text of the sūtra to Luoyang, where it remained for three years; it then went to Xuchang for two years, and later reached the Shuinan Monastery in Cangyuan within the borders of Chenliu.
On the fifteenth day of the fifth month in the first year of Yuankang, the assembly of worthy ones gathered to deliberate and make a definitive transcription in the Jin script. At that time, holding the Hu text was the Khotanese monk Mokṣala; the upāsaka Zhu Shulan transmitted it orally; and Zhu Taixuan together with Zhou Xuanming acted as scribal recorders. The ninety chapters were written out in proper text, totaling 207,621 words. At that time, all the worthy ones in Cangyuan, great and small, offered encouragement, assistance, and offerings. On the twenty-fourth day of the twelfth month of that year, the copying was entirely completed.
The sūtra's meaning was profound and obscure; moreover, those who copied it earlier and later could not collate it thoroughly. On the fifteenth day of the eleventh month in the second year of Tai'an, the monk Zhu Faji came to the Shuibei Monastery in Cangyuan seeking a copy of the sūtra. Examining and obtaining five versions of the extant chapters along with the Hu text, he re-collated and copied it together with Zhu Shulan. It was completed on the second day of the fourth month in the first year of Yong'an. Compared with what was copied before and after, this collation was the most settled. Earlier copies may be taken again to be collated [against it].
Translating between the phonetic glosses of Jin and Hu, expressing the meaning clearly is difficult. May all bodhisattvas, great scholars, and students of literature who copy, make offerings to, chant, and read it be willing to ponder it deeply and forgive its inadequacies.
7.12
4. Preface to the Brief Explanation of the Combined Fangguang and Guangzan
7.13
Composed by Shi Dao'an
7.14
The *Fangguang* and the *Guangzan* are of the same original text, differing only in translation. Both of their original texts were obtained in the kingdom of Khotan and brought here, separated in years by only a little. The Khotanese śramaṇa Gidara brought the *Guangzan* in the seventh year of Taikang [286 CE]. Master Dharmarakṣa translated it on the twenty-fifth day of the eleventh month of that year. For the *Fangguang*, Zhu Fentu in the third year of Taikang [282 CE] sent it from Khotan to Luoyang on behalf of his master; it was only in the fifth month of the first year of Yuankang [291 CE] that it could be translated. It arrived four years before the *Guangzan*, but was translated nine years after the *Guangzan*. For the *Fangguang*, the Khotanese śramaṇa Mokṣala held the Hu manuscript, and Zhu Shulan translated the words. He was concise in narrative and restrained in phrase, paring down repetitious passages so that the subject matter is clearly and brightly displayed, easy to peruse. Yet following conciseness must inevitably leave things out; regarding the Indian phrasing and Teng's translation, Shulan was often lacking compared to the original. For the *Guangzan*, Master Dharmarakṣa held the Hu manuscript, and Nie Chengyuan was the scribal recorder. The language followed the Indian original, and the subject matter was not embellished. It is thoroughly detailed indeed, yet the wording favors plainness over refinement. Whenever it reaches the opening of a topic, it is often awkward; furthermore, its reciprocal elucidations are not distinct and luminous. Yet when one examines what it translated, each and every matter is comprehensive and meticulous. They complement and benefit each other, and what one realizes through them is truly abundant. It is regrettable that [the *Guangzan*] lay dormant in the land of Liang for ninety-one years, coming close to total loss before it finally reached this realm. After this sūtra suffered mutilation and became incomplete, the *Fangguang* was translated soon after and circulated widely in the Chinese capital. The mind-quelling upāsakas transmitted it together in harmony. The venerable Master Zhi of Zhongshan sent someone to Cangyuan to cut silk and copy it, carrying it back to Zhongshan. The Prince of Zhongshan and the sangha went forty *li* south of the city with banners and pennants to welcome the sūtra; such was its circulation in the world. For this reason, none knew of the *Guangzan*. Formerly, while in Zhao and Wei, I came upon its first chapter by chance; knowing that this sūtra existed, I sought it but could not find it. It was only when I met Huichang, Jinxing, Huibian, and others who were traveling to India: passing through Liangzhou on their way, they copied it despite hardship. Passing through Qin and Yong, it finally reached Xiangyang on the twenty-fourth day of the fifth month in the first year of Taiyuan of the Jin [376 CE]. Examining it and pondering it, I rejoiced in the benefit received; I have therefore recorded its merits to make an abridged commentary, as follows: Prajñāpāramitā is the root of the supreme, correct, and true Way. 'Correct' means equal; it is the non-dual entry. The equal Way has three meanings: the dharmakāya, knowing, and the limit of reality. Therefore, as a sūtra, it takes Suchness as its beginning and the dharmakāya as its primary theme. 'Suchness' means 'being so.' Root and branch are equally so; nothing can cause it not to be so. Through the arising and passing away of the Buddhas, it endures unbroken and constantly exists, unattached and resting upon nothing; hence it is called 'Suchness.' The dharmakāya is singular and constantly pure. Being and non-being are equally pure, having never possessed names. Thus in morality, there is neither precept nor violation; in concentration, there is neither samādhi nor distraction; in wisdom, there is neither wisdom nor foolishness. Silently, all is forgotten, and dualities and triplicities completely cease. Luminous and unsoiled, it is therefore called 'pure'; it is the constant Way. The limit of reality is non-attachment: serene, motionless, still, and mysteriously level. It is non-action, yet there is nothing it does not do. The ten thousand dharmas belong to the conditioned, yet this dharma is profoundly silent. Therefore it is said: 'That which has nothing is the true nature of dharmas.' For this reason, the ten thousand practices in this sūtra are doubly discarded; at every chapter, they are negated. Why is this? In ignorance, nowhere does one go that is not a boundary; speaking all day long, one is entirely bound by things. Hence there are the eighty-four thousand gates of dust and defilement. In wisdom, nowhere does one go that is not subtle; speaking all day long, one is entirely aligned with the Way. Hence there are the eighty-four thousand perfections that cross over the limitless. This is what is meant by 'holding fast to great purity so that the ten thousand practices become correct.' Being correct without impairing the subtle is greatness! Generally, when discussing prajñā, those who infer the conquered realms of all illnesses are those who penetrate the principle; those who track the territories of all medicines are those who sever traces. Those who talk loftily of penetrating traces lose that by which the direction is guided. What guides the direction are matters such as not abiding in the Chapter on Provisional Designations, and not being haughty in the Chapter on the Five Supernormal Powers; these are what allow one to tread among a hundred rulers without losing the meridian. One should closely scrutinize its penetration of traces and also contemplate that toward which it points; only then can one begin to speak of wisdom with such a person. Why is this? The various teachings from the five aggregates up to sarvajñatā are the teachings of wisdom manifested by the bodhisattva in coming and going, the 'Way that can be spoken of.' The various teachings of the single mark and the markless are the true wisdom manifested by the bodhisattva in coming and going, illuminating the 'constant Way.' Because it can be spoken of, subsequent chapters say 'the conventional' or 'expounding for oneself.' As for the constant Way, they say 'unconditioned' or 'speaking again.' Both of these are equally called 'wisdom,' and neither can be dispensed with. These are the vital essentials of turning the wheel of the Dharma, and the constant rule of Prajñāpāramitā.
7.15
Record of the *Sūtra of the Deva Suvikrānta* (Number 5)
7.16
Author unknown
7.17
Regarding the *Sūtra of the Deva Suvikrānta*: on the eighth day of the eleventh month in the second year of Taishi [266 CE], at Baima Monastery inside the Qingmen gate of Chang'an, the Indian bodhisattva Dharmarakṣa recited and translated it. Those who orally conveyed the language at that time were An Wenhui and Bo Yuanxin. Those who recorded it by hand were Nie Chengyuan, Zhang Xuanbo, and Sun Xiu. It was completed at the hour of the sheep [1:00–3:00 PM] on the thirtieth day of the twelfth month.
7.18
Record of the *Puyao jing* (Number 6)
7.19
Author unknown
7.20
Regarding the *Puyao jing* [Lalitavistara]: in the second year of Yongjia, the year being wuchen [308 CE], on the day of the regular fast in the fifth month, the bodhisattva-śramaṇa Dharmarakṣa held the Hu text in hand and proclaimed it in the Jin language at Tianshui Monastery. The scribal recorders at the time were the śramaṇas Kang Shu and Bo Faju.
7.21
Record of the Translation of the *Bhadrakalpika-sūtra* (Number 7)
7.22
Author unknown
7.23
Regarding the *Bhadrakalpika-sūtra*: on the twenty-first day of the seventh month in the first year of Yongkang [300 CE], the Yuezhi bodhisattva Zhu Dharmarakṣa obtained this Bhadrakalpika-samādhi from a śramaṇa of Kapiśa; holding it in hand, he orally proclaimed it. At that time, Zhu Fayou sent [the paper] from Luoyang, and the recorder was Zhao Wenlong. May this merit and blessing flow to the ten directions, so that all may universally receive grace and be freed from the hindrances of sin. As for this sūtra, one successively beholds the thousand Buddhas, reverently receives their instruction in the Way, receives the bodhisattva prediction, and attains the forbearance of non-arising up to all dharmas; the same applies to the ten directions.
7.24
Record of the *Pratyutpanna-samādhi-sūtra* (Number 8)
7.25
Author unknown
7.26
Regarding the *Pratyutpanna-samādhi-sūtra*: on the eighth day of the tenth month in the second year of Guanghe [179 CE], the Indian bodhisattva Lokakṣema translated it in Luoyang. The bodhisattva Dharmarakṣa—those who orally conveyed the language at the time were the Yuezhi bodhisattva Lokakṣema instructing Meng Fu, courtesy name Yuanshi, of Luoyang in Henan, an attending bodhisattva; and Zhang Lian, courtesy name Shao'an, recorded it with the brush. It was caused to be widely circulated thereafter. In the thirteenth year of Jian'an [208 CE], it was collated and brought to completion in a Buddhist temple. Those who copy it in later times will all attain namo buddhāya. Another account says: it was collated at a temple in Xuchang on the eighth day of the eighth month in the third year of Jian'an, the year being wuzi [198 CE].
7.27
Preface to the Commentary on the *Śūraṅgama-samādhi-sūtra* (Number 9)
7.28
Author unknown
7.29
Regarding the Śūraṅgama-samādhi: in the Jin language, it is called the 'valiant and subjugating concentration of mind.' It means that a person of the Ten Stages forgets what is fitting, yet his merit is manifest; he does not act, yet his tasks are accomplished. The name 'valiant and subjugating' arose merely from those who aspire to and admire it. Though his merit is the highest in the world, how could it be tied to a name? Simply because he forgets the essential, names are established and names are relinquished. Thus his name is valued as a model across the three thousand [realms], enumerating the records so that the multitude of living beings look up to him without reaching him, and delve into him without comprehending. If not for an extraordinary accomplishment transcending the profound, how could one correspond to it? That which the sacred records call 'valiant' is indeed difficult to scale! 'Concentration of mind' means that traces of benevolence and wisdom are severed, and being and non-being are both forgotten. Although he responds to stimuli in stillness, when has his benevolent grace ever failed to reach the multitude of living beings? Illuminating with benevolence and wisdom and based on the profound principle, the reason for his stillness cannot be differentiated. Therefore its chapter says: 'Extending completely throughout all realms, there is no differentiation, yet the dharmakāya is not destroyed.' It means that although he responds to stimuli like flowing water and his body fills the universe, how could there be anyone intentionally acting? It means that the transformer takes non-transformation as his foundation, and the actor takes non-acting as his master. When acting as master, he forgets himself; how could forms be differentiated? If the ultimate principle could be differentiated, it would not be the utmost ultimate. If it can be differentiated, there is deficiency; if it is formed, there is dispersion. What is called the dharmakāya transcends formation and deficiency and relinquishes joining and dispersion. His spiritual mirror runs abreast of the profound wind; his perfect spirit shines together with the sun. His brilliance does not divide, yet the myriad kinds see it variously; is it not fitting that the dharmakāya saves completely? Hence it says: 'Undifferentiated, there is nothing destroyed.' In the Śūraṅgama, the soaring breeze surpasses the loss of knowledge, and the grand continuity resides in forgetting words. Its subtle purport is exhausted in the seven stages; its outward traces are made manifest in the three expedients. It penetrates the ultimate mysteries of the double obscurity, shines upon the transforming valley of the eight superiorities, erects the profound mark of the high tree, establishes the ten standards to observe capacity, and savors the wonderful purport to cultivate and practice. Having practiced and dissolved, one knows the profound; abandoning compassion, compassion is thereby pervasive; relinquishing illumination, illumination is thereby magnified. Thus there is the molding and transformation that nurtures all things, carrying forward the great design. If one does not grasp the profound principle and reach the extraordinary purport, how could one be said to have plumbed it? As for the śramaṇa Zhi Daolin: his mind for the Way was mysteriously attuned to ancient times, and his spiritual awakening issued from nature. Preeminent, luminous, and clear, he mysteriously reflected form and emptiness; opening up past teachings, he set forth the Three Vehicles. At times I consulted him and was privileged to hear one part of it. Presuming upon my ineptitude, I have attached this to the end of the lines, hoping that future sages will assist in editing and emending it. (Master Dao'an's Canon Catalogue says: translated by Lokakṣema on the eighth day of the twelfth month in the second year of Zhongping [185 CE]. The opening of the sūtra omits 'Thus have I heard,' stating only that the Buddha was on the Vulture Peak mountain in Rājagṛha.)
7.30
Record of the Combined *Śūraṅgama-sūtra* (Number 10) (The Hu text is the same; the Jin translation is 'Valiant and Subjugating Concentration of Mind')
7.31
By Zhi Mindu (A combined commentary on three sūtras by Xie Fu, in four fascicles in all)
7.32
The original text of this sūtra has a record stating that it was translated by Lokakṣema. Lokakṣema was a man of the Yuezhi. During the reigns of Emperors Huan and Ling of the Han, he came to China. His extensive learning was profound and wondrous, and his talent and thought fathomed the subtle. Almost all the sūtras he translated were deep and profound; he prized substance and moderation and did not maintain literary embellishment. The present *Aṣṭasāhasrikā*, the *Ajātaśatru*, the *Dundubhisvara*, and the *Pratyutpanna* were all translated by Lokakṣema. There was also Zhi Qian, courtesy name Gongming, who was likewise a man of the Yuezhi. His father also came to pay tribute to China during the reign of Emperor Ling of the Han. Zhi Qian was born in the Han, and it seems he did not manage to meet Lokakṣema. Furthermore, Zhi Liang, courtesy name Jiming, studied under Lokakṣema, so Zhi Qian was able to receive instruction from Zhi Liang. Zhi Qian's talent and learning were deep and penetrating, and he was fully versed in both internal and external texts. Because the latter age valued literary style and the times favored conciseness, the sūtras he translated considerably followed literary elegance. Yet in composing phrases and analyzing principles, his style was refined without being excessive, and concise with the meaning made clear; he may truly be called one who penetrated deeply. Amid the turmoil at the end of the Han, he crossed southward and fled to Wu. From the Huangwu to the Jianxing eras [222–253 CE], the various sūtras he translated totaled several tens of fascicles, which have their own separate biographies and records. It is also said that he translated this sūtra, but today it is no longer seen, and there is another variant text. However, this *Śūraṅgama* itself has slight differences: the phrasing has abundance and brevity, and the text has Jin and Hu elements. Examining and investigating them, they are basically not enough to consider them separate translations by different hands. I suspect that Zhi Qian disliked Lokakṣema's translation for its plain language and frequent Hu sounds, so he pruned and corrected the differences, while transmitting what was identical without change. The two masters each have their own records. This single version is the most concise and convenient among the various texts, and it also has fewer Hu sounds; it circulated widely in the world and is precisely the one emended by Zhi Qian. At the beginning of the Great Jin, there were the śramaṇa Zhi Dharmarakṣa and the layman Zhu Shulan, who both retranslated this sūtra. Seeking their meaning, they mutually elucidate one another. But leafing through and investigating three texts is laborious and difficult to manage together; wishing to allow students to find the counterparts immediately, I have now taken Zhi Qian's emended version as the mother text, Dharmarakṣa's translation as the son, and attached Zhu Shulan's translation to it. Where something is lacking, I have noted and distinguished it in its place. Some passages have text and meaning that are identical, and some have identical meaning with slight additions or subtractions in the text that are not worth writing out again; these I have combined as identical. Although this is of no benefit to the overarching purport, the division of chapters and sentences can be seen reasonably clearly.
7.33
The Record of the Valiant and Subjugating Concentration states: On the ninth day of the fourth month in the first year of Yuankang [291 CE], the Dunhuang bodhisattva Zhi Dharmarakṣa held the Hu sūtra in hand and orally produced the *Śūraṅgama-samādhi*. Nie Chengyuan was the scribal recorder. He wished to enable the four assemblies to comprehend, hold fast to, and proclaim it, and to observe the differences and identical meanings.
7.34
Later Record of the *Śūraṅgama* (Number 11)
7.35
Author unknown
7.36
In the third year of the Xianhe era, with the year in guiyou (328 CE), Zhang Tianxi, the Regional Inspector of Liangzhou, produced this Śūraṅgama-sūtra in his province. At that time there was a Yuezhi upāsaka, Zhi Shilun, who held the Hu manuscript in his hands. Zhi had a comprehensive knowledge of the various sūtras and was especially adept at the vaipulya samādhis; his aspirational endeavor was the study of the Mahāyāna. He produced the Śūraṅgama, the Xulai (Surata), the Shang jinguangshou (Śrīgupta?), and the Ruhuansanmei (Māyāsamādhi). At that time, in Liangzhou, an assembly gathered below the Zhanluxuan Pavilion in the Zhengting Hall of the prefecture. At that time, the translator was the heir apparent of the King of Guici (Kucha), Bai Yan, who was skilled in the Chinese and Hu pronunciations. Bai Yan thoroughly understood the various texts, combining both inner and outer learning. The receivers [of the text] were the Regular Attendant Zhao Xiao of Xihai, the Magistrate of Huishui Ma Yi, and the Palace Attendant Lai Gongzheng. These three men were all persons of outstanding virtue who had their minds set on the Dao and virtue. Present in the assembly were the śramaṇas Shi Huichang and Shi Jinxing. Liangzhou itself provided the phrasing; the intent of the phrasing adhered to the original without adding literary embellishment. Embellishment is close to the vulgar, while plainness is close to the Dao; to combine literary elegance and plainness belongs only to the sage.
7.37
Preface to the Newly Translated Śūraṅgama-sūtra, No. 12
7.38
Composed by Shi Hongchong
7.39
The Śūraṅgama-samādhi is indeed the dragon ferry of the divine Dao, the deep treasury of sage-like virtue. Subtle and imperceptible, it is not signified by forms and images; profoundly dark and deeply tranquil, how could it be discussed through sentiments and words? It crowns the nine stages to ascend into emptiness; it brings the myriad practices to fruition and complete fulfillment. It assesses the knowledge of all forms to exhaust [the levels of] sagacity; it cuts off peril and approximation to govern in serenity. Thus it can open the ten grounds of the spiritual terrace and bolt [the gates of] the Dharma cloud; like the Wangxiang, [it resides] in the center of the ring, while its spiritual designs lie beyond. Although the mind is clear and unified, its responses are everywhere comprehensive; although concentration is congealed and still, wherever there is resonance it arrives. Therefore, when illuminating the fundamental principle, the three masteries are equally quiet; when discussing skillful salvation, the six perfections are all encompassing. When distinguishing awe-inspiring efficacy, formidable māras are subdued and bound; when speaking of its diverse transformations, they are as numerous as stars by the billions. It goes so far as the faint designation of Longshang concealing its traces in the dust of the world, and phenomenal manifestations proclaiming to the various vehicles that there is exhaustion without annihilation. These are all the mysterious workings of entering into concentration, the manifest deeds of accomplished ability, the pivotal guide to salvation through expedient means, and the grand essential for courageous subjugation. Master Kumārajīva in his youth spoke of the Dao and his thoughts penetrated the Dharma gates. In the past, he directed his steps to the right of the Pass and translated this sūtra. Since it spread like clouds, it has been expounded with ever-increasing eagerness. The restoration has inaugurated a new era, and the secular way has flourished; the splendour of its proclamation and transmission has grown ever more brilliant with each passing day. The Grand Preceptor, Prince of Jiangxia, has comprehensively mastered the various texts and engages in deep and keen discussions. Whenever he reads this fascicle, he feels a particularly profound and far-reaching sentiment. I, Chong, being shallow and ignorant, have occasionally joined the abstruse forums; in the past I encountered the former master, who instructed me in the phonology and text, and I also listened to Confucian and apocryphal texts, faintly catching the meaning of the writings. In the second year of the Daming era of the imperial Song dynasty, with the year in yanmao (458 CE), I composed a brief commentary at the Fayan Hermitage, hoping to encourage transmission among those who have not studied it and daring to admire the sense of 'thus have I heard'. If there are errors, I await [correction by] the noble gentleman.
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Preface to the Dharmapada, No. 13
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Author unknown
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The Tanbo (Dharmapada) verses contain the essential doctrines of the various sūtras. Tan means dharma (fa); bo means verses/phrases (ju). The Dharmapada has several distinct recensions: some have nine hundred verses, others seven hundred, and others five hundred. Gāthās are closing verses, like poetic hymns. They were uttered by the Buddha as occasions arose, not spoken at a single time; each has its origin and context, distributed throughout the various sūtras. The Buddha was all-knowing; his nature was of great benevolence, and he took pity on all under heaven. He arose and appeared in the world to open up and reveal the meaning of the Dao so as to enlighten mankind. The essential doctrines of the twelve divisions of sūtras summarize the core, and there are additionally the four Āgamas. After his parinirvāṇa, in what Ānanda transmitted, whether the fascicles were large or small, all stated 'Thus have I heard', [recording] where the Buddha fully elaborated his teachings. Thereafter, the śramaṇas of the five schools each gathered four-line and six-line verses from the sūtras, arranged their meanings, and divided them into chapters. They culled from all the twelve divisions of sūtras, and having no other specific title for it, they named it the Dharmapada. Now, the various sūtras are Dharma sayings (fayan), and 'Dharmapada' likewise means Dharma sayings. In recent times, Mr. Ge transmitted seven hundred verses; the meaning of the verses was extremely deep, but when the translator produced it, it was rendered rather vague and rambling. Truly, the Buddha is difficult to encounter, and his words are difficult to hear. Furthermore, the various Buddhas all arise in Tianzhu. The language of Tianzhu has sounds different from Chinese; their writing is called heavenly writing and their speech heavenly speech. Since names and things are different, transmission is truly not easy. Only in the past did Master Landiao, the Marquis of An, Shigao, and the Commander Fodiao translate from Hu into Chinese, accurately capturing the substance. This made it difficult to follow in their footsteps. Though later transmitters could not be as precise, they still valued accuracy and roughly captured the main idea. In the beginning, Vighna came from Tianzhu, arriving in Wuchang in the third year of the Huangwu era (224 CE). I received this five-hundred-verse text from him and requested his companion Zhu Jiangyan to translate it. Although Jiangyan was skilled in the language of Tianzhu, he was not yet fully conversant in Chinese. In what he transmitted, he sometimes followed the Hu language or gave the sound based on meaning, bordering on the crude and straightforward. At first, I disliked its lack of elegance, but Vighna said: 'The Buddha's words should rely on their meaning without need for embellishment; taking up his Dharma does not require grandeur in its transmission. In sūtras, one should make them easy to understand without losing the meaning—that is what is good.' All those seated said: 'Laozi stated, "Pleasing words are not trustworthy; trustworthy words are not pleasing." Zhongni (Confucius) also said, "Writing cannot fully express speech; speech cannot fully express thought." This clarifies that the sage's intention is profound and boundless. In transmitting the Hu meaning now, it is indeed fitting that it be thorough.' Therefore, I exerted myself to receive it from the translator's mouth, following the original intent without adding literary embellishment. What the translator did not understand was omitted and not transmitted; thus there are omissions and much that was not produced. However, although the phrasing is plain, the meaning is deep; the text is concise, but the sense is vast. The events connect to the various sūtras; each section has its origin, and each verse has an explanatory exposition. In Tianzhu, for those who begin their studies, not to learn the Dharmapada is called transgressing the order. It is indeed the gradual progress of the beginner and the profound treasury of the advanced. It can open the eyes of the ignorant, resolve doubts, and encourage people to stand on their own. The effort required to study it is slight, but that which it encompasses is vast; it may truly be called marvelous and essential. When this was translated in the past, some parts were not produced. It happened that when Jiangyan came, I again consulted him and received these verses, obtaining thirteen additional chapters. Together with collating the past [translation], some additions and revisions were made, and the chapters were ordered into a single text of thirty-nine chapters, totaling 752 verses. It is hoped that this will be of benefit and broaden the understanding of all.
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Record of the Aweiyuezhizhi jing (Avinivartanīyacakra-sūtra), No. 14 (in Jin, the Sūtra of the Wheel of the Non-Retrogressive Dharma, in four fascicles)
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Postscript to the Translation of the Sūtra
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On the fourteenth day of the tenth month of the fifth year of the Taikang era (284 CE), the Bodhisattva-śramaṇa Dharmarakṣa obtained this Sanskrit manuscript of the Sūtra of the Wheel of the Non-Retrogressive Dharma in Dunhuang from Meizihou, the Deputy Envoy of Kucha. He expounded it orally in the Jin language and bestowed it on the śramaṇa Facheng to distribute, so that all might hear and know it.
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Record of the Moni jing (Māra-pratyanīka-sūtra), No. 15
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Postscript to the Translation of the Sūtra
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On the second day of the twelfth month of the tenth year of the Taikang era (289 CE), the Yuezhi Bodhisattva Dharmarakṣa held the Sanskrit text in his hands and recited it orally in the Jin language. Nie Daozhen was the scribal recorder. It was first produced in Baima Temple west of the city of Luoyang. Zhe Xianyuan copied it so that its merit might spread and all might receive blessings and deliverance.
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Preface and Eulogy to the Two Sūtras: the Huiyin sanmei jing (Jñānamudrā-samādhi) and the Ji fangdeng xue jing, No. 16
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Composed by Wang Sengru
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Now, the six lines [of the hexagrams] produce one another, suspended alongside the sun and moon without changing; once two characters are uttered, they outlast heaven and earth without altering. Although writing does not fully express speech, speech cannot be made clear without writing; although speech does not fully express thought, thought cannot be articulated without speech. Therefore, one listens attentively and reflects well, receiving this benefit and joy; bowing the head and bending the knees, one reverently receives and upholds it. Whether reading or reciting, whether spoken in the past or spoken now, not a single sound or single verse fails to be a boat or bridge; every single praise and every single invocation constantly becomes a cart and track. How much more so when the five powers are rounded out and the four means of embracing are unflagging, opening the gate of expedient means, revealing the true mark, disseminating the subtle teachings of the vaipulya, and attaining the supreme cause of bodhi! Bathing in this jeweled pool and illuminated by this Dharma torch, fragrant clouds drift gently and the dew of wisdom flows abroad; issuing from the marvelous city of Gayā, springing forth from the jeweled trees of the śāla. His Highness the Prince of Jian'an harbors refinement; his fundamental nature nurtures virtue to form his character. His reputation for benevolence overflows like autumn waters; his moral beauty shines like the winter sun. His deeds surpass the Ancestral Mound and the Rabbit Park; his fame eclipses the earlier Yi and later Cang. He diminishes himself to benefit others, forgetting the self to save beings; broadly conversant and universally benevolent, he is without hindrance or partiality. Like an empty valley that must echo, like a great bell that receives in emptiness, he protects the Dharma and promotes the Dao, delighting in doing good. Furthermore, he planted manifest causes through eternal kalpas and inherits marvelous fruits in this present life; lodging his intention in continuation and prosperity, he focuses his mind on taking refuge. He subtly penetrates emptiness and existence, deeply discerning expedient and real. Yet his jade body has been unwell, compromised by cold and heat. In practicing benevolence none was more evident, yet the Lord of Chu daily saw his recovery; in bestowing virtue without words, the Chancellor of Han only then enjoyed his pleasure. Cassia leaves and turtle brains are certainly easy to dispel wind and cold; litchi blossoms and luan bones may further cause one to soar aloft. How much more so with the body of wisdom gradually developing and roots of goodness planted from past lives! There is no need to wash the bowels and cleanse the stomach; there is no waiting to observe the complexion and examine the voice. There was a resident of Nanhai Commandery in Guangzhou named He Gui. In the fourteenth year of the Tianjian era, with the year in xieqia and the month in huangzhong, on the twenty-third day of the tenth month (515 CE), he gathered medicinal herbs on Mount Huyi in Yuzhang. Fortunately not an exiled son or banished minister, he was rather akin to one seeking immortals or inviting hermits. Climbing the peak for some ten li, there was a rustling sound as if someone were coming. As he was about to follow a winding path, he was first blocked by a clear stream; at times it seemed like stagnant water, then suddenly had a pure flow. Just as he was about to wade across and gather up his clothes, before crossing over, he suddenly and unconsciously saw an elder on the western bank of the stream. He told He Gui not to cross. He Gui immediately stopped. That person's facial complexion was purely dark green; he went barefoot without shoes. His age was around eighty or ninety; his face was already wrinkled, his beard five or six inches long, his mustache half the length of his beard. His ears extended beyond his eyebrows, and his eyebrows both hung downward. The long hairs of his eyebrows were two or three inches long, swaying with the wind. His lips were very red, and his voice was resonant and clear. His fingernails were purely yellow, and the hair on his fingers was also two or three inches long. He wore an ochre cloth cape, and underneath he had an ochre cloth antarvāsa. In his hand he held a scroll of scripture, which he cast from afar to He Gui. He Gui immediately received and held it, bowing three times from a distance. He told He Gui: 'You may give this sūtra to the Prince of Jian'an,' and also mentioned the Prince's surname and given name. 'When this sūtra arrives, he should hold a three-week fast for illness. If he does not understand the method of the fast, he may ask Master Fu of Xialin Temple.' Master Fu was someone whose observance of the precepts was rigorous and ascetic, tranquil and non-acting; he abandoned cravings, treated the noble and base alike, sustained himself on greens and beans, and was unflagging in dhyāna quietude. When this elder finished speaking, he departed. Within ten or so paces, he was suddenly seen no more. He Gui opened the scroll and reverently inspected it; its title was the Huiyin sanmei jing (Jñānamudrā-samādhi-sūtra). The purport of the sūtra takes the non-characteristic ultimate Dharmakāya as its substance; its principle transcends the hundred negations, and its doctrines and metaphors go beyond names and marks. Serene, it is identical with the nature of dharmas; subtle, it equals suchness. It means that wisdom merging with this principle is like a perpetual seal, with the mind illuminating in congealed tranquility; hence it is named samādhi. Afterward there was also the Ji zhu fangdeng xue jing. Below this it was also inscribed: 'Sangha of Tianzhu, Sahobhe(?), gave it to King Haihu.' The purport of the sūtra is to circulate the ultimate teaching with proper norms and forms; thus it admonishes and instructs great beings on the methods of transforming beings, saying that if one is to deliver all the common people, one should promote the teachings of the vaipulya. 'Vaipulya' is the general name for the Mahāyāna, the ultimate and vast principle. Its roller inscription states: 'Produced by the Bodhisattva-śramaṇa Zhi Fahu (Dharmarakṣa) of Dunhuang, with Zhu Fashou as scribal recorder; joined into a single fascicle and copied for circulation.' The roller used pure lacquer; the writing was extremely tight and neat, and the punctuation and layout were impressive. Investigating its doctrinal purport, it is at times subtle, at times manifest; it states that on Mount Luoyue (Rājagṛha) one practices dhāraṇī, having neither coming nor going, neither abiding nor ceasing. This is indeed a separate record from Vulture Peak and the Crane Grove, a subsequent account from the Jeweled Palace and the Solitary Garden; it is no different from a jade tally, no different from a jeweled casket. Its principles transcend the subtle and imperceptible, and its words profoundly elicit deep meaning. This is indeed an authentic discourse, never a heterodox teaching. Even Wang Zun's obtaining the Forty-Two Sections or An Qing's producing the One Hundred and Sixty Chapters could not cause any doubt or divergence.
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"May the Great King bathe, uphold, and reverence it, kneeling to grasp and delve into it. Copy it extensively, narrate it widely, and elucidate its mysterious purport! Who is not the King of Medicine? This is indeed that medicinal tree. It requires no closed eyes or nods of sleep, nor does it cause the toil of bitter taste; cast aside the six arts, dismiss the ten shamans. In the past, writings were bestowed on the bridge at Yi, and the art of divination was received within the mountain valley; sometimes these were allegories, or borrowed from dreams—never before has there been such a manifest response, shining forth with such supreme clarity! Commissioned despite my humble talent to signal this superior Way, I dare rely on this base worth to guide the naive and unlearned. The encomium says:
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The thunderous voice vibrates and resounds; / the bamboo tablets and green silk record it. / Without words, how could there be teaching? / Without traces, nothing could be transmitted. / Relying on the marvelous images, / it is truly entrusted to the profound snare. / Illuminated by the lamp of wisdom, / ferried across by the precious vessel. / Sincere indeed, supreme indeed! / In response it attains this perfection. / Covering like dense clouds, / soaking like these joyous ripples. / Rescuing from fire, delivering from drowning, / dispelling the coverings, dissolving the fetters. / Resplendent are the sons of Ying and Han, / glorious are the scions of He and Chu. / The pine stands solitary, the cassia lush; / the luan roosts, the roe ascends. / Illuminating the wilderness, brightening the court, / moistening the mountains, replenishing the dried-up islets. / The overflowing spring is ever-enduring; / the overturned baskets of earth are already manifold. / Flourishing into a trunk of the feudatories, / raising aloft these heavenly branches. / Entrusting sincerity beyond the Brahma realm, / placing affection upon the dhyāna slopes. / Touching the feet of Śākyamuni, / the mind aims directly at marvelous awakening. / Thereby relinquishing lingering defilements, / thus purging worldly impurities. / Nothing aimed at is not the truth; / what is turned from that is not the mundane? / Once sensation and perception are forgotten, / tastes and touch will be diminished. / No virtue goes unrewarded; / every heartfelt impulse brings a response. / Breathing out that divine judgment, / revealing to us the mysterious essentials. / Both dispelled and brought to an end, / retaining splendor and youth, / equal to the northern Ganges, / matching the radiance of the east."
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In my youth, I, Sengyou, explored the sūtras and vinayas, furtively peering into the depths of the various collections. However, all things change and evolve, and the myriad affairs shift and alter through errors; thus variations between ancient and modern times are found everywhere among all kinds of texts. Hence fish (魚) was mistakenly written as Lu (魯), and Tao (陶) erroneously成了 Yin (陰). Examining the catalogues of scriptures by the various worthies of Guanzhong since the end of the Jin: the Huiyin sanmei jing (Seal of Wisdom Samādhi Sūtra) was produced by Zhi Qian; the Ji fangdeng dacheng xue jing (Sūtra on the Great Vehicle Studies Rescuing the Vaipulya) was produced by Dharmarakṣa. A postface to the Sheng fayin jing (Sūtra on the Holy Seal of the Dharma) states: 'In the fourth year of the Yuankang era of the Jin dynasty, the bodhisattva-śramaṇa Zhi Dharmarakṣa translated this sūtra in Jiuquan, and his disciple Zhu Fashou served as the scribal recorder.' Yet the scripture text acquired by He Gui contains two sūtras bound together in the same scroll: it titles the Vaipulya under Dharmarakṣa, but confuses the samādhi with Zhi Qian. This was in fact caused by the copying process; it was not a fabrication. However, upon a preliminary viewing, doubts might easily arise. I have briefly recorded what I recall and placed it at the very end. Thus I produced this separate record.
First 54 of 67 passages. Read on
Linked texts (1)
- 出三藏記集 — 僧祐, Classical Chinese