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Later Mughals v2.c16: Chapter X

Later Mughals v2.c16

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Chapter X

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MUHAMMAD SHAH: COURT AFFAIRS 1721-1733 AND MAHRATTAS IN NORTHERN INDIA 1732-1738.

Sec. 84.—The Dihli Shoe-Sellers' Riot.

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The shoe-sellers' riot in the eleventh year of the reign occupies a considerable space in all the histories of the time; and, besides its value as a picture of the turbulence of the capital, it is important as conducing to the downfall of the group of palace favourites whose influence was all powerful on the Emperor's mind throughout the first twelve or thirteen years of his reign.

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By the common usage of the lower order of Muhammadans, the first half of the month Shaban is devoted to festivities, among the chief of which are the illumination of lamps and the discharge of fireworks in the streets. In the evening of the 8th of the month (8th March 1729) one Subhkaran, a jeweller belonging to the imperial establishments, was on his way home from the house of the eunuch, Hafiz Khidmatgar Khan, curator of the Jewel House. The man had been for many years protected by the all-powerful Roshan-ud-daulah Panipati, by whose aid he had obtained an imperial rank (mansab), and had received an important office on the Lord Chamberlain's establishment.*

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His way home, for he lived behind the Jauhari-bazar, took Subhkaran past the shoe-sellers' shops in the square or chauk of Sadullah Khan, situated to the south of the palace. These men were all Panjabis, and their shops, which were very large and numerous, lined both sides of the road. All were bigoted Muhammadans, strict in their prayers; their elders were men of dignity, well dressed and long bearded, many knowing their Quran by heart and able to expound it. As the munshi's palki approached, both Hindus and Muhammadans were busy letting off squibs in the street, in the way usual at that season. One of these squibs fell into the palki and burnt a hole in the munshi's darbar clothes: the servants running at his side remonstrated and after words the two parties came to blows. The retinue were armed while the shoe-makers had only their rasps; but the latter being the more numerous seized one of the sepoys and took from him his sword and shield. Subhkaran in an angry mood made his way home and at once ordered the man who had been disarmed to return and punish his assailants.

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∗ Ashob 56a-64b (basis of this narrative); Bayan-i-waqai 497-507; Warid 26-32 and 37.

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After nightfall the man, accompanied by a crowd of his friends, went back to the shoe-sellers' quarter and caught a stripling who was beaten till he almost died. Hearing the cries, one of the elders known as Haji Hafiz, rose from his cot and ran barefooted to the boy's assistance. In rescuing the boy the Haji himself received a sword cut and fell down dead. The assailants leaving the body where it fell made off home. At dawn the shoe-sellers, and after them the whole city, gathered round the body and swore that until the murderer and his employer were killed, the body should lie there unburied. All the lower class Muhammadans joined themselves to the shoe-sellers. The body was placed on a cot, and in the greatest excitement shouting Din Din they carried it off and laid it before the door of Subhkaran.

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During the night Subhkaran had sought refuge in the mansion of Sher Afkan Khan Panipati, then Lord Chamberlain (Khan-saman) and therefore his official superior. Subhkaran as already said was a protégé of Zafar Khan Roshan-ud-daulah, also from Panipat. Roshan-ud-daulah was connected by marriage with Sher Afkan Khan, and the two men for this reason and their being natives of the same town were the closest of friends. Sher Afkan Khan was the younger brother of another very influential noble, Lutf-ullah Khan Sadiq. For these two reasons (1) that the fugitive was his official subordinate and (2) was the protégé of his bosom friend, Sher Afkan Khan refused to give the man up to the mob; in fact, stoutly denied that the man was in his house. Leaving the body at the munshi’s door, the crowd went away to make complaint before the palace.

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At the time of their arrival there, Muhammad Shah was on his way back with his mother Qudsiya Begam from a visit to the garden known as Jafar Khan’s. He was greeted with cries of “The Faith”, “The Faith”, and “Justice!” “Justice!” and the men were allowed to tell their story. An order was given to Qamar-ud-din Khan the Wazir, who also held the office of superintendent of the audience chamber, to send a palace attendant to arrest the accused wherever he might be found. Sher Afkan Khan, the man’s protector, refused absolutely to comply with the order. And thus the Thursday passed.

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From early dawn on the Friday (11th Shaban 1141 H. = 11th March 1729) the shoe-sellers traversed the city calling upon every Muhammadan to join in their protest in defence of the Faith and its followers. The point of assembly fixed upon was the Great Mosque; and by the time of the midday prayer its spacious court was thronged. They so crowded on the praying space and the pulpit that the service was interrupted, while the noise and confusion increased every moment. The most demonstrative groups were those led by the Arabs, Abyssinians, and Constantinople Turks in the service of Rumi Khan and the dependents of Sayyid Arab Ali Khan the Baghdadi, most of whom had been employed in the imperial artillery from the time of Haidar Quli Khan, formerly Mir Atash or Master of the Ordnance. These men although unarmed acted as leaders. They pressed in a circle round the pulpit, the kneeling worshippers had no room to rise to their feet when required by the ritual, the officiant was prevented by rough usage from pronouncing the bidding to prayer, blows and curses were showered on the Qazi and the expounder of the law, accused of supporting the unbeliever. Swords were not drawn, no blood was shed; but the Qazi and his son were buffeted and kicked till they were nearly dead, and the expounder and the reciter were dragged off the pulpit, thrown on the ground, and thoroughly thumped till they nearly fainted.

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Reports of the outbreak reached the palace and by order of the Emperor the Wazir and Roshan-ud-daulah went with their troops to allay the disturbance, restore order and cause the prayer to be completed. The Wazir was the first to reach the spot and he entered the mosque with his followers by the northern gateway. He lavished promises of help to the Muhammadan cause and by his smooth talk abated for the time the vigour of the assault on the Qazi and his subordinates. But the accession of such a great noble, as it seemed to them, only made the mob more resolute in the pursuit of their vengeance. Unfortunately Roshan-ud-daulah now appeared with his following at the eastern gate, the entrance used by the Emperor. His retinue was made up of ignorant Afghans, puffed up with notions of their valour, men from Khurja, Sikandra, and other parganas round Dihli; and leaders from Shahjahanpur, Mau-Shamsabad and Farrukhabad (the "Indian Afghanistan"), with a few men from the towns about Thanesar in Sarhind. From another direction, the southern side, came up Sher Afkan Khan, who had been trying to make the heirs of the murdered man accept the price of blood. Now, hearing that the Wazir and Roshan-ud-daulah had come, he too had turned out from his house with the whole of his armed train of Hindustanis at his heels.

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With the idea of preventing more men crowding into the mosque, Roshan-ud-daulah ordered his Afghans to close the gates. The sight of Roshan-ud-daulah and Sher Afkan Khan once more roused the mob to fury. With cries of "The Faith, the Faith" and "Strike the infidels on the face", they brought forth their only weapons, the iron-heeled shoes that they had hid under their arm-pits and the stones and brickbats they had collected in the long skirts of their coats. These they hurled at the two nobles with loud curses and foul abuse. On Sher Afkan Khan fell the first brunt of this attack; and his "dignity was subjected to the indignity" of being struck by these shoes and other missiles. Some fell on his turban; others passed him and struck the plumes of Roshan-ud-daulah's gold-brocade head-dress. The rioters then attacked the Afghans who were standing in rows behind their masters. All this time the Wazir held aloof near the pulpit, a mere onlooker.

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At last, alarmed at the danger to the two nobles, and angered at seeing the bruised and bleeding faces of their own captains, the Afghans lost all patience and set upon the attacking party, sword in hand and shield on arm. The bazar men would have soon got the worst of it. But the artillery who had taken up their cause now fell on, armed with fusils and European pistols. Joined with them was a body of unruly Mughals from the quarter of Mughalpura. One of the Habshis fired from near the pulpit at the two nobles. Thereupon the Afghans wild with excitement rushed forward; and the ranks of both sides were inextricably intermingled. The Afghans were far more numerous than the artillery men while the shoesellers were unarmed. Up to this point the Mughals round the Wazir had hardly been able to restrain themselves; but now, as the day was going against their fellow countrymen, they disregarded all the Wazir’s orders. Seizing their weapons they took part in the fray.

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The other Mughal troops were drawn up mounted in the streets outside the masjid waiting to escort the Wazir on his return. Excited at what was taking place these men rode up the flight of steps leading to the gates, dispersed the Afghans guarding them, burst them open, and with one shout dismounting ran at full speed into the masjid. Following them came the Wazir’s elephant and the camels bearing his wall-pieces and rockets. Many of the rioters lost their lives. After holding out as long as they were able and seeing many of their leaders and comrades fall, the Afghans began to yield ground. Sher Afkan Khan received a cut on his right wrist and his sword fell from his grip. Some of his followers were killed and others wounded; the rest sought safety in flight and made for the south doorway. All this time other Afghans had stood round Roshan-ud-daulah like a living shield. When Sher Afkan Khan retreated they forced Roshan-ud-daulah to follow. His bulk and corpulence rendered him incapable of nimble movement, they lifted him on their shoulders fighting as they went. Exhausted and breathless they reached the gate.

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Issuing from the mosque they fled to the mansion of Dil-diler Khan, the elder brother of Sher Afkan Khan, distant only a few paces. When the Afghans inside learnt that the two nobles had reached a place of safety they, too, left the mosque and sought the same refuge. The rioters, disregarding Qamar-ud-din Khan the Wazir’s orders, wished to follow and continue the fight, and surrounding Dil-diler Khan’s house burn and destroy it, seize their prey and wreak vengeance. In the end they were persuaded to desist. A number of nobles in the train of Roshan-ud-daulah who had no taste for fighting hid themselves in the corners and arches and turrets of the mosque. Driven from these refuges by the bullets that were flying about, they clambered over the arches adjoining the bazar and let themselves down into the street below as best they could. One great man Azam Khan in thus escaping met with a ridiculous adventure. Below the place where he climbed over was a thatched shop full of earthenware pots. In spite of the strength of the thatch his legs went through and he was caught in the beams and bamboo supports. The shop-keeper, angry at the damage done and the danger to his wares, seized a bamboo and belaboured Azam Khan’s feet so that they became all swollen and broken, and for many days he was unable to stand.

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As the result of the day’s doings the Wazir, without having moved hand or foot, became a popular hero as the defender of Islam against the unbeliever. Muhammad Shah was also delighted that the trouble of a decision had been taken off his shoulders. Removing the turban from his head, the Emperor gave it to an eunuch to carry to the Wazir as a present—with orders for his immediate attendance. Leaving men to clear the mosque of the rioters and posting strong guards at the doors, after he had said the Asar prayer in the screens at the Holy Footprints and had given thanks to God and presents to the guardians of the shrine, the Wazir returned with the eunuch to the audience-hall and reported to the Emperor. Samsam-ud-daulah First Bakhshi had remained on duty at the palace all day. Both nobles after presentation of gifts now took their leave, and the Emperor retired into the palace. The murdered shoe-seller was buried that night on the site of the munshi’s house which was demolished by the crowd; in the end a mosque was erected over the grave. For many years this affair formed the subject of poems, both in Persian and in Hindi.

Sec. 85.—Court Parties and Court Favourites (1721-1733)

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Throughout his reign Muhammad Shah was influenced by private favourites, most of them women and eunuchs, whom his weakness encouraged to interfere in public affairs. As one writer [Ashob, 11a] says, the nobles of this time delighted in nothing but childish stories such as that of Hamza the Arab, who fought in seventy-two battles although he had become a martyr in the first of them—or the rubbish of the Shahnama and the Mahabharat: and to them these lines applied

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Birds of a feather flock together,
Children are fond of childish things ;
A crow goes gladly to roost with other crows,
How could he prefer the nightingale’s song?

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As we have already seen, these intriguers coalescing with Nizam-ul-mulk’s public rivals had been able to render his tenure of the post of chief minister so intolerable that he had abandoned the field to them and retired to the Dakhin. During the first half of the reign the most conspicuous and the most influential of these favourites was the woman Rahim-un-nissa, known familiarly as Koki Jiu (Madam Foster-sister), with her acolytes Hafiz Khidmatgar Khan, a palace eunuch, Roshan-ud-daulah Zafar Khan of Panipat, known usually by the nickname of Turra-i-baz (Falcon’s Crest), and the holy man Shah Abdul-ghaffur. During the same period the baneful influence of Khan Dauran Samsam-ud-daulah the Amir-ul-umara was equally paramount. The Wazir was an indolent man of intemperate habits ; while Muhammad Shah’s only share in the government was, as one writer says, “to sit on the throne and wear the crown.” [K. K. 940, Warid 44.]

Koki Jiu.

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This clever and capable woman, Rahim-un-nissa by name, was the daughter of Jan Muhammad, geomancer (rammal), originally thatcher in Old Dihli. He became a Muhammadan in his childhood, obtained some education in the schools of his quarter, and having acquired a knowledge of geomancy gained his living through telling fortunes by that method of divination. His six children, four sons and two daughters, were sent to school and all obtained some proficiency in letters. But the eldest girl Rahim-un-nissa was the most intelligent and excelled her brothers in handwriting and composition. She visited the mansions of the nobility as her father's messenger and thus acquired most polished manners. By degrees the fame of her father increased until he was consulted by the ladies in the harems of the royal Princes dwelling in the palace-prison of Salimgarh. Like all eastern women they had the liveliest faith in omens and the casting of dice, whether proved by the event to be true or false. One of the chief palace-friends of Rahim-un-nissa was Nawab Qudsiya, the mother of Roshan Akhtar (afterwards Muhammad Shah). During the illness of one of her children Jan Muhammad's prophecy of a recovery was fulfilled; from this time the Begam became a devout believer in him and his powers. Among other things Jan Muhammad, after consulting his dots and lines, had announced that Roshan Akhtar would soon ascend the throne. After this the Princess could not bear Rahim-un-nissa to be out of her sight. The doorkeepers, however, interfered with the woman's free access and a thousand wiles and entreaties were necessary before she was admitted. To overcome these obstacles it was given out that Rahim-un-nissa had been suckled by the same nurse as Roshan Akhtar, and that while still unweaned the Prince had become very fond of her. From this time forth, she became known as Koka or Koki Jiu, that is, Madam Foster-sister. She was employed to write letters and to act as intermediary between the Begam and her friends outside, a service she performed skilfully without detection. [K. K. 940, Siyar 75, Ashob 45b, Warid 44, Khush-hal 1042.]

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During the first two years of Muhammad Shah the Sayyid Wazir and his brother were all powerful and the Emperor a mere cypher. But after their disappearance and the sudden death of Muhammad Amin Khan, Muhammad Shah obtained a certain amount of liberty in State affairs, and in the exercise of this power Koki Jiu's voice was predominant. It is doubtful whether she became the Emperor's concubine; more probably she was not. Her power came from a belief in her or her father's power to read futurity and prescribe the course leading to success and fortune. The Emperor himself, a youth of eighteen when he came to the throne, was occupied in frivolous pursuits, and to the neglecting of all public business, spent his time in idle talk and jesting with Amir Khan Umdat-ul-mulk and others of the same character. One day Muhammad Shah is reported to have said that if she were a man he would make her Wazir. A disrespectful courtier suggested that Roshan-ud-daulah's beard should be cut off and stuck on her face.* It is said that during the period of her power Koki Jiu held possession of the imperial seals and was permitted to impress them on documents on the Emperor's behalf. In the opposition to Nizam-ul-mulk during his ministry, Koki played a leading part, provoking the Wazir to compose a satirical quatrain, of which the last line was "To-day a filthy woman is in the place of Alamgir." [Bayan, 530.] A specific instance of the court paid to her is found in a statement made by Muhammad Khan Bangash that on his appointment to the Government of Malwa he paid or promised her one lakh of Rupees (£10,000). There can be little doubt that a considerable portion of these douceurs surreptitiously found its way into the pocket of the Emperor. He was not wise enough to see that for a little immediate profit he was ruining the State. [J. A. S. B. p. 306; Ashob 45b.]

Hafiz Khidmatgar Khan.

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One of the triumvirate who acted as Koki Jiu's agents was the eunuch Hafiz Khidmatgar Khan. Under the name of Khwaja Ambar he had been from childhood in the service of Alamgir by whom he was educated. His training by Alamgir had produced in him an appearance of ability which he did not actually possess. He was like 'gilded copper', and in reality he retained the qualities of slaves and eunuchs, who prefer men of base birth and low habits to the well-born. One writer, Warid, declares that Khidmatgar Khan, refused to take bribes, and being thus a hindrance instead of a help, Koki after one year's trial dispensed with his services. Be that as it may, he was generally believed to be one of her confidants and agents until his death, which took place on 21st June, 1732. His chief man of business, Khush-hal Chand Kayasth, was cruelly treated in order to make him disgorge the money obtained from the eunuch's office of privy-purse-bearer, and the accumulation from his lands in pargana Mirat. Dogs were set upon the man and his flesh torn by them before he would reveal the place where the money was hoarded. [K. K. 940 ; Warid 44, 47 ; Ashob 45a—46 b ; Khush-hal 1060.]

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∗ Dalpat Singh's Malahat-i-naql, B.M. Or. 1828, 32a.

Roshan-Ud-Daulah.

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We have already mentioned the rise of Khwaja Muzaffar in the first year of Farrukh-siyar. During the changes of Government following the deposition and death of Farrukh-siyar, he succeeded in making friends among the men of the new régime. Early in the reign of Muhammad Shah he formed a close alliance with the favourite Koki and soon acquired great wealth from the presents made to him to secure his support. He had no obvious qualities to account for his great position, but he possessed no doubt the suppleness required in a courtier.* Outside the Court he did not shine ; his service as faujdar of the troublesome country of Mewat did him no credit. But he was gracious in manner and hospitable, and the repute was great of his charity, more especially to religious mendicants. He was a devoted follower of the holy man Shah Bhik, who is buried at Thaska near Thanesar. Roshan-ud-daulah's yearly illumination of the road from Dihli to the shrine of Qutb-ud-din was long a subject of popular talk. He was also a great builder. In Dihli he built a mosque near the palace and a college with mosque in the main street or Chandni Chauk, both having their domes and minarets adorned with copper-gilt plates. In Panipat he erected in the same style another school and a tomb for himself. In Karnal and Panipat he added gilt domes to the shrines of Shah Sharf Buali Qalandar, also arches and a pulpit. In Thaska also he adorned the shrine of the same saint and added a house for pilgrims, a hall of assembly and a relief kitchen, which he endowed with several villages. At Dihli he also repaired and cleaned annually the shrine known as Qadam-i-sharif (The Holy Foot-prints) and on the twelfth day of Rabi I., the day on which the prophet was born, he distributed there food gratis and other largesse.* [M. U. ii. 333 ; Ashob 47b-56a ; Ghulam Ali 17a.]

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∗ Or, as Warid (58) says, applying a proverb to him, "He showed you wheat (as sample) but delivered you barley,"—i.e., he was a man of great promise and small performance.

Sec. 86.—Shah Abdul-Ghaffur : His Career and Influence.

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The third member of Koki's group of councillors was Shah Abdul-ghaffur a native of Tattha, who passed as a Sayyid but is believed to have been really a cotton-weaver. In the reign of Alamgir he found his way to Kabul and secured the friendship of a eunuch in the employ of Prince Muazzam (afterwards Bahadur Shah), then governor of that province. In the end he was expelled from the province as a forger. He resided for a short time at Lahor, then joined Bahadur Shah's camp when he was on the way to Agra to contest the throne with his brother Azam Shah. During the advance from Agra to the Dakhin, Abdul-ghaffur followed to Haidarabad, himself on foot and his wife on a pack-bullock belonging to the eunuch who had formerly befriended him. In the same manner he found his way back to Hindustan. After the disturbance at Lahor following on the death of Bahadur Shah (1712) Abdul-ghaffur went off to Dihli.

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In the popular belief Abdul-ghaffur was the intimate of jinns and devils, from whom he had learnt magic spells and incantations. In his early days he had served a Hindu recluse who lived a life of solitude on the summit of a hill in the wild country beyond the Indus. From this man Abdul-ghaffur received his initiation, and went to and fro as his emissary to the Rajahs of the hill country and his other disciples. Some time afterwards the Jogi died and Abdul-ghaffur succeeded. His ambition was not satisfied however with such a confined domain, and he made his way, as already stated, to the camp of Shah Alam (afterwards Bahadur Shah), then governor of the Kabul province. Here he altered his appearance to that of a Muhammadan mendicant.

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∗ He loved to clothe himself in gorgeous raiment and to use gold in every possible way. This is shown by the gilt covering he gave to the domes of his buildings. It was a tradition that after his retinue had passed through the streets, poor people swept up the dust in order to recover the atoms of gold-dust that had fallen from his attire. [Ghulam Ali, 52a.]

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When he followed the camp of Jahandar Shah to Dihli Abdul-ghaffur took up his quarters in an old mosque outside the city, having with him one or two Sindi followers. These men hawked about in the city the amulets he wrote and on the proceeds they and their master lived. Gradually his fame spread and people flocked to consult him. [Ashob 68a—69b.] He claimed to know every science and every art and professed to read the future. One part in ten of his pretences was true : the rest false. The ignorant guards at palace gates and the illiterate eunuchs became his disciples, and he was asked by women of the imperial harem for amulets against sickness. Nawab Qudsiya mother of Mhd. Shah became his patron and he was asked to interpret her dreams, and this increased his reputation. Some of the persons to whom he had given amulets recovered. He and Koki his firm friend had sworn an oath to stand by each other. She made him out to the Begam a saint (wali) with supernatural powers (tasawuf). He pledged his word for the competence in geomancy of Koki and her father. At length through his friend the eunuch and the recommendation of Qudsiya Begam he made the acquaintance of Muhammad Amin Khan Itimad-ud-daulah. Over this noble he soon obtained great influence, his glibness of tongue secured belief in his universal knowledge and he was soon admitted to his patron's most secret councils. Owing to this intimacy the common people believed the Shah to be the spiritual director of Mhd. Khan. In the intrigues leading to the assassination of Husain Ali Khan, we have seen him play a prominent part, passing between the conspirators and Muhammad Shah's private tents in the disguise of a milkwoman and carrying Mhd. Amin's letters. On Muhammad Amin Khan's death shortly after his accession to power, Abdul-ghaffur attached himself to Koki's party and for twelve years was nearly as powerful as she was herself. Qamar-ud-din Khan supported him out of respect to his father's memory, and Nizam-ul-mulk, during the short period that he was at Dihli, paid deference to Abdul-ghaffur's apparent claims as a holy man. [Warid 39-42 ; Ashob 64-72 ; Khush-hal 1041-1042.] Subsequently Abdul-ghaffur having made an alliance with Koki Jiu became all powerful and accumulated immense wealth. His income from his offices is said to have amounted to five thousand Rupees a day, in addition to as much more from bribes. Of these latter something under one-fourth was made over to the Emperor ; the balance was divided in equal shares between Koki and Abdul-ghaffur. His habits were miserly in the extreme. [Warid 58-71.]

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Abdul-ghaffur was not loved himself by either the courtiers or the crowd ; but the hatred to him was as nothing to that provoked by his son and daughter. Early in the reign Abdur-rahim, his son, a good-looking youth, was raised to the rank of 6,000 zat. But his conduct was exceedingly dissolute ; he never hesitated at taking life, with or without pretext. One of his freaks was to dress up as a loose woman with his hands and feet henna-dyed and wearing many gold ornaments ; in addition a sword and shield hung across his shoulder by a gold-embroidered belt. In this guise he would parade the streets preceded by mace-bearers and matchlockmen with matches lighted. They entered every assembly and took part in every disturbance. At other times, clad in complete steel, with nothing to be seen but his two eyes, he would ride out with his retinue similarly attired. Woe to anyone who looked their way : without fail he was cut down. But if the other side was too strong for him, he fled. Dancers were called to dance at his gate while he sat there wine-cup in hand. In a little, he would attach rattles to his ankles, cover his head with a shawl and join in the dance. Armed men were posted at each end of the street to prevent anyone passing up or down. If anyone persisted, his life was taken. Litters carrying the wives of poor men were stopped ; the women were brought before him, and those he approved were appropriated. For the gratification of other and more unnatural passions he expended large sums of money. The daughter was even more shameless. [Ashob 66b.]

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When towards the end of 1144 (June 1732) the eunuch Hafiz Khidmatgar Khan died, his servants were very harshly treated in an attempt to obtain possession of his wealth accumulated as clerk of the privy purse. About the same period disgrace began to overtake the other members of the combination, for whose downfall Samsam-ud-daulah had been plotting from the first. Koki lost her hold over the Emperor. One of her brothers, Ali Ahmad Khan, gave offence by his conduct as superintendent of the office of Confirmator (arz mukarrar); and worst of all the Queen Malika Dauran quarrelled with her. Koki's money was demanded. She replied that it was all the Emperor's and sending the key of her rooms in the harem to the Begam left the palace. Samsam-ud-daulah brought against Roshan-ud-daulah a charge of having embezzled the money granted to him for payments to keep the roads from Peshawar to Kabul open. And Abdul-ghaffur at length disgusted even the Emperor by the absurd length to which he carried his claims of authority, spiritual and secular. [Khush-hal 1061-1062.]

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Roshan-ud-daulah's disgrace came about in this way. Early in the reign he had become the intermediary for the payment of a monthly sum to keep open the passes into Kabul. This money was disbursed by the hand of Nasir Khan, the provincial governor, who had obtained his appointment through Roshan-ud-daulah; the payment is stated to have been five lakhs of Rupees a month, but that is most probably an exaggeration. Roshan-ud-daulah also managed the affairs at Court connected with the port of Surat and with many parganas of the Gujarat province. Samsam-ud-daulah charged Roshan-ud-daulah with embezzling the Kabul money, and since, according to him, the State obtained no benefit, this payment to the pass Afghans was abolished. Remonstrances and appeals were sent again and again by Roshan-ud-daulah but passed unregarded. From this time Roshan-ud-daulah fell out of favour with Muhammad Shah, and soon demands were made upon him to account for all the Government money that he had received. The auditors stated the balance still at three krors of Rupees.

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Under this pressure the Nawab paid in two krors of Rupees and escaped further molestation. But his influence, already shaken by his ignominious share in the shoe-sellers' riot of 11th March 1729, never revived. His position was also weakened by the conduct of his third brother Munavvar Khan, one of the Emperor's boon companions, who fell in love with and carried off Nur Bai, a dancing woman who was Muhammad Shah's mistress. At first Munavvar Khan's death was decreed; in the end his life was spared but he lost his rank and jagir. After some years Ishaq Khan the new favourite procured his restoration and he was given the office of Bakhshi to the Ahadis. Roshan-ud-daulah died at Dihli on the 12th Zul Hijja 1148 H. (23rd April 1736).*

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As Muhammad Shah paid no attention to public business, Abdul-ghaffur for full twelve years held the supreme direction of affairs; if he opposed, nothing could be done, even the Emperor's wishes were then ignored. At length in his thirteenth year Muhammad Shah rebelled. [Warid 60.]

Sec. 87.—Fall of Abdul-Ghaffur.

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A small thing first of all provoked the Emperor's anger. One day he paid a visit to the shrine of Qutb-ud-din Bakhtiyar. Near by was a large handsome chapel lately erected by Abdul-ghaffur. Muhammad Shah expressed a desire to inspect it, but the doors had been firmly closed up and the keys taken away. The door had to be opened with a borrowed key: and for the time nothing was said. Next came a complaint made by outcry below the palace balcony by Shaikh Muhammad Fazil and Moti Lal, two men employed by the Shah in his office as Master of the Mint. Muhammad Fazil had left the mint to take a contract lease of Sonepat, one of the Shah's parganas, coupled with a loan of one lakh of Rupees for working it. Time passed and the lessee fell into heavy arrears. Stronger and stronger pressure was put upon the debtor and abusive language was addressed to him. In revenge Muhammad Fazil, bringing his successor at the mint Moti Lal over to his side, now made formal complaint that Abdul-ghaffur had embezzled public money.

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∗ Khush-hal 1061b; Ashob 53-55a; Ghulam Ali 47-54.

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Behind the scenes these obscure men were urged on by Samsam (First Bakhshi) and Saadat Khan (governor of Oudh). They pressed the complaint home and the Emperor said that the money must be recovered. Abdul-ghaffur was contumacious and refused to listen to the Wazir who was on his side and counselled submission. The Shah abused the Wazir in good set terms and proceeded to send for Muhammad Fazil and Moti Lal, the two men who had dared to complain. Roz Afzun Khan, a palace eunuch, brought this act to the Emperor's notice, and Abdul-ghaffur was prevented from doing anything. Matters were pushed further, and as much as 60 lakhs of Rupees was found to be the amount of his defalcations.

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Abdul-ghaffur turned a deaf ear to Qamar-ud-din Khan the Wazir, who wished him well, and listened in preference to Samsam-ud-daulah and Saadat Khan, who were only plotting his ruin. To increase his extravagance of conduct they pretended that the Emperor was inclined to forgive and forget and was about to appoint the Shah to be governor of the Tattha (Sind) province. With this idea in his head he became more violent than before. One day he started for the imperial audience although the Wazir had warned him that he was not master of himself and had better remain at home.

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Now, in deference to his character of holy man, he was never called upon to make obeisance but uttered instead the usual greeting between equals of "Peace be upon you", to which the Emperor would reply in the appointed form of words. On this day Abdul-ghaffur marched in and said nothing. Muhammad Shah without any comment, himself said "Peace be upon you." Omitting to return the salutation the Shah began to use strong language. The Emperor rose in silence and retired towards his apartments. When he had gone a pace or two, he called the Wazir to his side and said "I suffer all this through you." The Wazir answered "How could this slave dare such a thing?" "Then having placed your hand on my feet, renounce all interest in this matter." The Wazir acted accordingly.

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Returning to his house Abdul-ghaffur continued to curse and swear. But of what avail was his empty talk! An account was now drawn up requiring from him 3 krors of Rupees. A chela was sent to obtain the money or to bring the Shah in a prisoner. Abdul-ghaffur’s only answer was abuse and the question “Does the palace still stand?” He was arrested and put in prison in the palace. In spite of what was got rid of, cash to the amount of one kror of Rupees was seized besides property and buildings. His principal servants were imprisoned until they gave up their hoards—his chief man Dakhni Rai paid one lakh, his head clerk Kunwar Sen, and Sampat Rai (Dakhni Rai’s brother and the brother-in-law of the historian Khush-hal Chand), the Shah’s deputy in the Horse Market, and other employés paid varying sums according to their standing. [Khush-hal 1059b-1061b.]

Sec. 88.—Another Account of the Downfall of Shah Abdul-Ghaffur.

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The historian Warid gives a very detailed account of Abdul-ghaffur’s decline from favour and his last days: Muhammad Shah, after having been under Abdul-ghaffur’s tutelage for years, at length rebelled and in the thirteenth year (1731-32) called upon the auditors to report the total income received by Abdul-ghaffur from his offices and, after deducting the sum he had paid into the treasury, to report the amount still due. The balance of actual revenue due was found to be twenty-five lakhs. The Wazir was told to realize the money. Qamar-ud-din, on account of his father’s friendship with Abdul-ghaffur, was on the whole well inclined towards him. After a stormy interview, the minister advised Abdul-ghaffur to pay one half, and he, the Wazir would provide the other. Abdul-ghaffur rejected the proposal with indignation. When the officials arrived to confiscate his property Abdul-ghaffur declared that he would have them beaten with shoes. Thereupon the Wazir reported to the Emperor that he had done what he could to befriend the man, and whatever measures were thought necessary might be resorted to.

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Muhammad Shah was already displeased with the conduct of Abdul-ghaffur’s son, who though a beardless and smooth-faced youth was already an oppressor of the helpless. Abdul-ghaffur himself was also a harsh man. A month before his fall, he called for a servant who happened to be at his prayers. Another man was sent to drag him to his master, whether he were kneeling or standing up. Abdul-ghaffur said to the culprit “By God! Your only lord, without whom you would starve, is Abdul-ghaffur—and he is seated here. What God were you worshipping away there? If you do it again, I will punish you.” Another story is that once when asked to disburse the money to put a half finished building in repair before the rainy season—he dragged the man to the side-room where his treasure was locked up and said: “Here have I had locked up for many years the god in whose power all things are; both cloud and rain are under my control, and without my will not a drop of rain can fall.”

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When the Wazir had thrown over Abdul-ghaffur, the Emperor, easy-going as usual, sent some slaves for the unpaid money. If the man had met the demand by prompt payment he would probably have been pardoned; but he sent instead a sharp answer. Guards were placed over him to prevent his either eating or drinking. In a few days he paid up twenty lakhs and some thousands of Rupees, and obtained a respite of twelve days within which to produce the balance. After sixteen days men were sent to Abdul-ghaffur, who instead of producing the money used language about the Emperor that could not be applied with decency to the lowest in the land. One of the slaves repeated the language; and at last Muhammad Shah’s anger burst forth. Abdul-ghaffur was ordered to be arrested, the whole of his hoards to be cleared out, locked up, and placed under seal. This time he made no resistance but announced that shortly the palace and all in it, Muhammad Shah included, would disappear. As he had made Muhammad Shah so would he destroy him. When, in reply to his questions, he was told that the palace still stood and the Emperor lived, he would say half aloud that Muhammad Shah was dead though the fact was concealed by the courtiers. The various stages in his downfall occupies two or three months, but it was on the 4 Zul Hijja 1144 H. (28th May 1732) that he was finally arrested and locked up in the fort. After having been in prison at Dihli for one year Abdul-ghaffur, his wife, son, and daughter were sent to the fortress of Ruhtas in the province of Bihar. He died there on the 22nd Shawwal 1148 H. (5th March 1736). His character is thus summed up by Warid: "He never spent money on a good work, never conferred a favour, never did a kindness." [Warid 60-69, Khush-hal 1061b.]

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By the year 1734 the favourites who had held Muhammad Shah in thrall from the beginning of his reign were discredited and dispersed. Samsam-ud-daulah thus obtained for a time a free hand. But it was not long before the weak monarch was once more under the control of new favourites, of whom the most prominent were Muhammad Ishaq and Amir Khan Umdat-ul-mulk, having as time went on Abul Mansur Khan Safdar Jang (governor of Oudh) for their ally. For the present we turn to other subjects.

Sec. 89.—Increasing Encroachments of the Mahrattas (1732—1735).

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We have already carried the story of the Mahratta invasion of India north of the Narmada to the point where Gujarat had been partly occupied, Bundelkhand partitioned, and Malwa temporarily overrun. This brought us to the year 1145 (1732) and Rajah Jai Singh Sawai's appointment to be governor of Malwa. The northern advance by way of Gujarat was now stayed, partly because that province was difficult of subjugation, partly because the Rajput principalities of Udepur and Jodhpur more or less barred the road. The Mahratta efforts to reach the heart of the Empire at Dihli and Agra were now concentrated upon Malwa and the smaller Rajput States to the north of it. It was here that the Peshwa Baji Rao found a fitting field for his genius as partisan leader and diplomatist. It was his lieutenants, Malhar Rao Holkar and Ranuji Sindhia who founded the States of Indor and Gwaliyar, the ruler of the latter wielding from 1790 to 1803 supreme power in Upper India. Let us now devote our attention to the events in Malwa and the country adjoining it from 1732 to 1738, and in so doing the narrative will be more clear if we divide it into parts corresponding to the period of Mahratta activity in each year beginning with the 1st October, about the period of the Dasahra festival, and ending with the 30th June of each year, when the rainy season had usually set in and the armies on both sides were accustomed to retire into quarters.[*]

Campaign of 1145-46 H., 15th Year of Mhd. Shah

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(1 October, 1732—30 June 1733).

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Times had changed since, as Warid notes (p. 80), two thousand Mahrattas could be put to flight by one hundred Hindustani horsemen, and the Mahratta women and children could not with safety pass two nights in succession in the same place. For several years the plunderers had not ventured outside of Malwa; but now becoming bolder they swarmed over the country up to a few miles from Agra, and the Hindu States, obtaining no help from the Mughals, compromised with the invaders by paying their demands.

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One after another the great nobles were ordered to proceed against the enemy; but all with one consent began to make excuse. [Warid 117.] At length Muhammad Shah, though wedded to ease and idleness, resolved to march in person. The tents were sent out and in Shaban 1145 H. (February 1733) he made one or two short marches and then crossed the Jamuna. After proceeding for a short distance along the river bank he crossed back again. In this cowardly and childish manner several months were consumed. The imperial camp never got beyond Faridabad, sixteen miles south of Dihli, there was confusion and disorder throughout the camp, and the open season was fast coming to an end.

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Qamar-ud-din Khan, the chief minister, knowing the Emperor's character guessed that he was in reality disinclined to take the field. To the Emperor's great relief, the Wazir offered to undertake the campaign and his offer was at once accepted. He started from Dihli on the 21st Shawwal (5th April 1733). With him went his cousin Zahir-ud-daulah and his son-in-law Firuz Jang (son of Nizam-ul-mulk). On reaching Agra they were joined by Muhammad Khan Bangash. It was reported that the Mahrattas were between Sironj and Narwar engaged in plundering the Umait landholders. An advanced division was sent on beyond Narwar to Loda Dangar, south of Kularas. There it was learnt that the Mahrattas had recrossed the Narmada in spite of a feeble attempt by Rajah Jai Singh to hinder their retreat. After this the Rajah had sent off his baggage towards his own country of Amber and had already moved himself one march in that direction. Either thinking the campaigning season was over or obeying an order from Dihli, the Wazir recalled his troops, and they rejoined him at Shiupuri. Some say that he received urgent and reiterated requests from the Emperor to return at once to Court, —one of the letters quoting the line "With you wine is lawful; without you, water prohibited." On his return march the Wazir turned down the Duaba to Ghazipur [in the Fathpur district] to punish Bhagwant son of Udaru Kichar, who in March 1732 had killed Jan Nisar Khan, faujdar of Kora Jahanabad. After the first day's bombardment, Bhagwant fled to Asothar. Here Muhammad Khan was left to settle the matter, while the Wazir hurried back to Dihli to thwart a combination against him between Samsam-ud-daulah, Burhan-ul-mulk and Mubariz-ul-mulk. He reached the capital about the end of June 1733. Warid attributes the futile nature of his proceedings to the constant use of alcohol and his addiction to the company of women. [Khush-hal 1063b, Rustam Ali 265, Warid 85, Ghulam Ali 54b.]

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∗ Warid on the Mahrattas, 76, 80-85, 91-96, 99-100, 116-127 (carrying the history down to March 1734).

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CAMPAIGN OF 1146-47 H.—16TH YEAR OF MHD. SHAH (1 October 1733—30 June 1734).

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This year the Mahrattas returned with more boldness than ever. They spread themselves from Gwaliyar to Ajmer, a distance of 220 miles. They were specially active in the Bhadawar country a few miles east of Agra. The Rajah who was at Court obtained leave to return for the defence of his country. But it was too late. Before he arrived the villages and towns had been plundered. He took refuge in his fort and resisted for a time. But he soon saw that to look for imperial help was useless. He might as well try "to measure the sun with an ell-wand or imprison the wind in his closed hand". He paid three lakhs of Rupees to the Mahrattas and thus persuaded them to retire. [Warid 118, Siyar 289.]

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At this juncture the shortcomings of Rajah Jai Singh of Amber came into special prominence. For twelve years he had been governor of Agra and for four or five governor of Malwa. From the gates of Dihli to the banks of the Narmada he was in supreme authority. But in spite of all the disorder around him, the Rajah, supported by the Court influence of Samsam-ud-daulah, sat calmly at home and did nothing, though he possessed an army of 30,000 horsemen and a still larger number of matchlockmen. Several times in previous years the Rajah had received from Muhammad Shah large sums, as much as thirty lakhs or twenty lakhs it is said, for payment to the Mahrattas. Half would be paid to them and half retained by the Rajah; the Mahrattas then went home and Jai Singh returned to his own State. After two or three years of this procedure, the Mahrattas began to expect their "breakfast", as Warid styles it, and every time grew greedier and more avaricious. But for fears for Samsam-ud-daulah's displeasure, Muhammad Shah was afraid to take away the Government of Agra or Malwa from Jai Singh. Samsam-ud-daulah himself, although well able to do so, undertook no campaign against the invaders. [Warid 119—120.]

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For years it had been the custom at Court, when the Dakhin intelligencers reported the invasion of Gujarat and Malwa to send out Muhammad Shah on long visits to the various gardens round the capital, or to distract his mind by hunting and shooting expeditions in the many royal preserves. Meanwhile the Wazir sought relaxation by a visit to his country-house on the canal about twelve miles from Dihli, where he would remain a month or longer. His time was taken up with fishing or hunting deer. All business was suspended, and the country remained practically without a Government. The pious Muhammadan could do no more than raise his helpless hands to Heaven.*

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This year (1733-34) it was the turn of Samsam-ud-daulah to be ordered out against the Mahrattas. He spent three or four months in sending out and bringing back again his advance tents, or in fruitless efforts to persuade someone else to take his place. At length, when the season was nearly over and the Mahrattas would be about to retire as usual, Samsam-ud-daulah sent for his brother Muzaffar Khan, long governor of Ajmer, from his head-quarters at Narnol in Mewat. The first orders were issued on the 28th June 1733, but it was not until the 20th February 1734 that his tents were set up in the gardens near the city. Another month was spent in further preparations and at last on the 30th March 1734 the first march of six miles was made. By this time the spies had reported that the Mahrattas had begun to retreat; and it was quite clear that before Muzaffar Khan could reach Agra they would have recrossed the Narmada. In December there had been a contest between Malhar Holkar and Yar Muhammad Khan of Bhupal, in which several lives were lost.

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Muzaffar Khan succeeded in reaching Sironj, but the enemy had disappeared, and thus without once coming into action, it would seem, the army retraced its route on the 21st June 1734. Muzaffar Khan was admitted to audience on his return to Court. [Ghulam Ali 54a, Rustam Ali 265b, Siyar 289.]

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CAMPAIGN OF 1147-48 H., 17TH YEAR OF MHD. SHAH (1 October 1734—30 June 1735).

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In this year, the Mahrattas having spread over a very wide extent of country, it was resolved to send out two armies, one under the command of the Wazir, Qamar-ud-din Khan, and the other under that of the Mir Bakhshi, Samsam-ud-

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∗ Warid (123) quotes the proverb,

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'The earth dried up, the clouds without dew,
Alas! for the poor handful of grass.'
Khak-i-khushk wa abr-i-be-nam,
Wai bar musht-i-gyah.

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daulah, the former taking the defence of the eastern and the latter of the western half of the invaded territory.

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Qamar-ud-din Khan received his audience of leave-taking on the 20th November 1734. The Wazir marched by way of Agra against Pilaji Jadon and Baji Rao, having with him his own troops and artillery and the whole of the Turani Mughal leaders. The Rajahs through whose States he passed were called upon to serve. From the 3rd to 12th February 1735 he was in contact with and fighting the Mahrattas. Apparently this was in the neighbourhood of Narwar, and his antagonist Pilaji Jadon. The army advanced as far as Sipri and Kularas on the boundary of Malwa. Pilaji Jadon continued to oppose the advance at the head of 30,000 to 40,000 Mahrattas. There were three or four encounters in which the Wazir had the advantage. As soon as the rainy season was at hand, the Mahrattas, obeying Baji Rao's order of recall, returned to the Dakhin. The Wazir reached Dihli on the 21st May 1735, having been preceded, eleven days earlier, by Samsam-ud-daulah. [Ashob 104-106, Khush-hal 1066-67, Rustam Ali 267, Ghulam Ali 54b.]

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On his side Samsam-ud-daulah marched out with all his own troops and the Wala-shahi or bodyguard, a corps distinguished by red turbans, accompanied by many nobles and Rajahs. He was joined en route by Rajah Jai Singh of Amber and his army. The objective was Ajmer, where Malhar at the head of a much smaller force was plundering as usual. Sambhar was one of the places which had suffered from his marauders. There is no record of any fighting; and Jai Singh was for a long time at Tal Kakariya. Samsam-ud-daulah was persuaded by Jai Singh that the wisest measure was to accede to the Mahratta demands. It appears that the exacting of the one-fourth of the revenues was agreed to, before the Mahrattas would retire beyond the Narmada. An annual sum of 22 lakhs of Rupees from Malwa was promised. One Mahadeo Pandit was accepted as the Peshwa's agent and the imperial army went no further than the Kota and Bundi States. All the new recruits, who had gone to great expense to buy horses, were at once dismissed. Samsam-ud-daulah reached Dihli on the 21st or 22nd May 1735. [Ashob, Bayan 532, Rustam Ali 266-67, Khush-hal 1067a.]

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