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History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c20: Chapter XX. Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah (1316-1320)

History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c20

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Contents

Chapter XX. Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah (1316-1320)

The Interregnum

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The death of ‘Alāūddīn left Kāfūr the master of the situation. After shedding a few crocodile tears,¹ he burried the emperor's dead body in a mausoleum built by the sultan himself in front of the Jamā‘ Masjid (Quvvatul Islam mosque).² Next morning he sent for the nobles and officers of the state and showed them the will of ‘Alāūddīn nominating Shihābuddīn ‘Umar for the throne. ‘Iṣāmī writes that as the condition of ‘Alāūddīn became very critical Malik Naib suggested to him to set aside the claims of ‘Khizr Khan and nominate ‘Umar Khan for succession. On account of extreme weakness and insensibility the sultan could not give any reply, and as generally happens, his silence was interpreted as his consent, and prince ‘Umar Khan was declared heir-apparent.³ The nobles submitted to the dictates of the document bearing the king's seal and ‘Umar Khan, a child of about six years, was raised to the throne as sultan Shihābuddīn ‘Umār Khaljī.⁴

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¹ *Futūḥ* p. 341.

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² Barani, p. 369. For the location of the tomb see Appendix C.

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³ *Futūḥ* pp. 335-36.

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⁴ Barani p. 372. *Futūḥ* p. 335.

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Shihābuddīn was the most agreeable puppet Kāfūr could ever find. Despite his being a eunuch, the Naib married the infant king's mother, who was a daughter of Ramdeva,⁵ and began to rule in Shihāb's name. Malik Naib's excellent martial qualities had marked him for a great conqueror, but surely he was lacking in statecraft. Without first strengthening his position he began to rule with all the excesses of a king. He was under the presumption that all the nobles of ‘Alāūddīn were with him and in place of tactfully befriending them, he alienated them by his atrocious and unbecoming acts.

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⁵ *Futūḥ* pp. 335, 344. *Zafarul Vālī* p. 837.

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On the very first day of his accession to power, Kāfūr sent Sumbul to blind Khizr Khān at Gwalior.⁶ He gave him ‘Alāūddīn’s ring, which he had removed form the dead king’s person,⁷ to facilitate his work. He promised the Barbēgī of the court as a reward for the heinous crime.⁸ Sumbul reached Gwalior in no time. Because of the royal insignia he was enabled to reach his prey without difficulty.⁹ Poignant were the tears that rolled down the prince’s cheeks as he sat down to lose his sight. “The eyes that could not bear the touch of antimony”, says Amīr Khusrau, “now bore the tortures of a blinding needle.”¹⁰

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⁶ *Futūh* pp. 337-38. *Deval Rānī* p. 261.

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⁷ *Futūh* p. 341.

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⁸ Baranī p. 373.

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⁹ *Futūh* p. 338.

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¹⁰ *Deval Rānī* p. 263.

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On the day Sumbul was despatched to Gwalior, Shādī Khān, a brother of Khizr Khān, was blinded in the Kaushak-i-Sīrī. His eyes were sliced from their sockets “like pieces of melon.” Khizr Khān’s mother was also sent as a prisoner to Gwalior and was deprived of her ornaments and valuables.¹¹ Shortly after Mubārak Khān, another son of ‘Alāūddīn, was imprisoned at Delhi. All the other sons of the deceased monarch, viz. Farīd Khān, ‘Usmān Khān, Muhammad Khān and Abū Bakr Khān also fell into the hands of the Regent.¹²

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¹¹ She was already under detention when ‘Alāūddīn’s eyes closed. Now she was sent to Gwalior. This is confirmed by the fact that she was at Gwalior with her son Khizr Khān when he was murdered in 1318.

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¹² *Futūh*, pp. 341-42.

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Feeling secure at the score of the royal princes, whom he had either imprisoned or blinded, Kāfūr began to rule with a sense of security. He used to seat the child-king on the throne on the terrace of the Hazār Sitūn for a showboy, and address nobles and officers after the fashion of 'Alāüddin, making the high officials and barons stand in his presence. In the day he carried on the business of the government and at night used to gamble and dice in the company of his friends.¹³ When closetted with confidential associates he used to discuss ways and means of removing 'Alāūddin's scions and officers. Little did he know that his movements were spied by those whose destruction he was planning.

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¹³ In a parallel passage Nizāmuddin Ahmad and Ferishtah suggest that he played Chaupar. Prof. Hodivala (pp. 283-84) says that it may be *Pachīsī*, firstly because *Pachīsī* is a very popular and antiquated game, and secondly because *kaori* is not made use of in Chaupar while its use is necessary in the latter game. But from *Kaori bākhtan* may be meant dicing and gambling for which the term is very commonly used in India.

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The situation came to a crisis when the Regent attempted to blind Mubarak Khan whom he had already imprisoned. He had hired some footsoldiers (paiks) to blind the prince, but when they approached Mubarak, he took out a jewelled necklace from round his neck and throwing it before them reminded them of the duty they owed to the sons of the late king. Impressed by Mubarak's harangue they not only left him untouched¹⁴ but determined to finish the traitor. In the execution of this act they had the connivance of high military officers who used to see the Regent waking up all the night in bolted chambers discussing in secrecy. Four paiks whose names are given as Mubshar, Bashīr, Saleh and Munīr,¹⁵ one day went to the chambers of Kāfūr and murdered him, only thirty five days after his usurpation of power.¹⁶

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¹⁴ Ferishtah p. 124.

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¹⁵ *Futūh* pp. 342-43. Ferishtah also gives the name of two, Mubashar and Bashir.

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¹⁶ Baranī and 'Isāmī have 35 days. Ferishtah only 25. As 'Alāuddīn died on 7th Shawvāl (January 6th, 1316) and Kāfūr was killed 35 days after the former's death, he must have been murdered on or about the 12th of Zil qada 715 (February 11th, 1316).

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After the assassination of Malik Naib, Mubarak Khān was brought out of confinement and appointed Regent to Shihāb-buddīn. By his devotion to duty and attention to the affairs of the state, Mubarak won the barons over to his side. No sooner than his position was made secure he blinded Shihāb-uddīn and sent him to Gwalior two months after his assumption of regency.¹⁷ He also crushed the power of the paiks who had slain Malik Naib and on that account had become arrogant and proud. They openly boasted of having brought about the death of Malik Kāfūr and the accession of Qutbud-dīn. As such they expected preferential treatment from the Regent and the nobles. Soon after Qutbuddīn ascended the throne he ordered the execution of Mubshar and Bashīr. The other contumacious paiks were also taken to different places and beheaded.

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¹⁷ Baranī p. 377.

Accession of Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah (1316)

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Mubarak Khān ascended the throne at the young age of seventeen or eighteen on the 20th Muharram 716 (14th April, 1316).¹⁸ As was the custom, his accession was followed by great rejoicings, and titles and honours were conferred on the dignitaries of the state. The title of Zafar Khān was conferred upon Malik Dīnār, the Shahnah-i-Pīl (Keeper of Elephants). Muḥammad, an uncle of the sultan, became Sher Khan. Malik Fakhruddīn Jūnā, son of Ghāzī Malik, was made Amīr Akhūr (Master of Horse). Maulana Ziyāuddīn, son of Maulana Bahāuddīn¹⁹ Khattāt, who was Mubārak Shāh's teacher in caligraphy, was given the post of Sadr Jahān and the title of Qazī Khān, and a dagger worked in gold and jewels was presented to him. Malik Qīra Beg was entrusted with a number of responsible offices.²⁰ The king also raised to high positions his favourites and slaves and conferred upon them big jāgīrs. But the most surprising elevation was of Ḥasan, an obscure slave of Gujarat, on whom the king bestowed special honours. He was given the title of Khusrau Khan, and the emoluments and jāgīrs of Malik Naib were bestowed upon him; and after some time, in the very first year of his reign, Qutbuddin raised him to the position of Vazir.

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¹⁸ This is the date given in *T.M.S.* Khusrau has 716, *Nūh Sipehr* Elliot vol. III. 'Isāmī also has 716. Baranī wrongly writes 717 and the mistake is repeated by Nizāmud-dīn, Badaoni and Ferishtah. Numismatical evidence confirms the year 716 as correct, as the earliest coins of Qutbuddīn were struck in 716.

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¹⁹ Ferishtah has Shihābuddīn.

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²⁰ Baranī p. 381. Later on the historian says that Qīra Beg held fourteen important appointments, p. 396.

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*An Era of Reaction.*

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With the passing of time a stable government gradually dispelled the anarchic conditions that had followed 'Alāuddīn's death. Repose and contentment began to appear among men. Whereas the new king was ease loving and generous by nature, his confinement and early privations had made him still more kind-hearted. The beginning of his reign, therefore, heralded the birth of a liberal era. On the day of his accession he had ordered the release of all prisoners. Men exiled for various offences were ordered to be returned home. This wise about seventeen or eighteen thousand prisoners were set free. He also granted a reward equal to six months' salary to the army and increased the stipends and allowances of the officers and the learned, and "the people had *tankahs* and *jitals* ringing in their pockets once again." A large number of jāgīrs, which had been reclaimed into the Khālsā by 'Alāuddīn, were returned. Heavy fines and taxes were abolished and extortionist devices like flogging and incarceration were prohibited in the Revenue Department. The sultan ordered that applications of the suppliants should be submitted to him,—a practice which had become obsolete for some time. He personally perused the petitions and wrote orders on them.²²

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²² Ibid.

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In short, the new king inaugrated an era of reaction. Most of the regulations of 'Alāuddīn fell into disuse. The strict vigilance of the conduct of the people was given up. They could now afford to be effluent with impunity, and naturally, began to amass wealth. Market regulations ceased to be enforced. The constant dread of the spies, the impossibility of obtaining favour or mercy and the fear of barbarous punishment no longer haunted the minds of the people. The dread of the king's authority left the breasts of the people and they ran after pleasures, unbridled. Since the youthful monarch was always drowned in pleasure and dissipation, the people in general also followed in his footsteps. The demand for beautiful girls and beardless boys, says Barani, made them a scarce commodity, and their prices rose to 500 and sometimes even to 2,000 *tankahs*.²³ In spite of the fact that Qutbuddīn did not rescind the restriction on drinks, wine was fearlessly smuggled, secretly distilled and freely drunk. Prices of grain and cloth rose high and the Multānī merchants rejoiced at the death of 'Alāuddīn.²⁴ They now sold articles at rates highly profitable to them, and cheated the public in every way.²⁵ Bribery and corruption were openly indulged in, and it was a red letter day for clerks and Munshis while the wages of labour increased fourfold.²⁶ With the reduction in the rate of land tax the lot of the zamīndārs and peasants was automatically improved. In contrast to the days of 'Alāūddīn, now they ate better food and wore better clothes.²⁷ To sum up, the kindness and liberality of the king as well as his own easy habits made the people happy and the agony of the days of 'Alāūddīn began to be dispelled from their minds.

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²¹ Barani p. 382.

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²³ Barani p. 384.

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²⁴ Ibid p. 385.

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²⁵ Ibid. p. 385.

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²⁶ Baranī p. 385.

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²⁷ Baranī has Hindus for agriculturists. Their well-being was unbearable to the orthodox Maulana and he feels pained to write that "the Hindus who had become destitutes of food and cloth in 'Alāūddīn's days now dressed in fine linen and rode on horses". Baranī p. 385.

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Conquest of Gujarat 1316.

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We have seen how the assassination of Alp Khān had incited the people of Gujarat into rebellion. Under their leaders Haider and Zīrak the Gujarātīs had killed the royal commander Kamāluddīn Gurg, and thenceforward the province had ceased to recognise the imperial authority. According to the author of *Futūhus Salātīn*, Malik Naib, during his regency, had contemplated to reestablish the royal authority in Gujarat. He had summoned 'Ainulmulk Multanī from Devagiri to attack Gujarat, but while the latter was marching northwards he heard about the death of the Regent and stopped in Rajputana.²⁸ Consequently, it was left to Qutbuddīn to reconquer the province.

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²⁸ *Futūh* pp. 339-40 'Isāmī says that 'Ainulmulk received the news of the Naib's death at Chittor and stayed there.

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In the very year of his accession, therefore, Mubārak Shāh sent a large force under Malik Tughlaq to join the forces of ‘Ainulmulk Multānī near Chittor, and attack Gujarat.²⁹ The royal forces arrived in Gujarat, but the rebel leaders were not daunted by the arrival of the imperialists, and marshalled their forces outside the city (of Neharvala).³⁰ Ainulmulk was not only an experienced general, he was a great diplomat too. He wrote secret letters to junior officers of the rebel army asking them to kill their two generals Haider and Vazīrak, and submit to the sultan. There was no sense, wrote ‘Ainulmulk, in the fighting of the two forces professing the same religion.³¹ At the end it was emphatically pointed out that ultimately the rebel leaders must be killed, but if the Gujarat forces deserted them many an innocent life would be saved from destruction. The ruse worked well, and as the belligerant forces encountered each other, many Gujarati officers deserted to the side of the imperialists. Haider and Vazīrak fought valiantly but the desertions of the treacherous officers very much impaired their strength. Not being able to bear the brunt of the onslaughts of the royal army, they fled from the field of battle. They were relentlessly pursued but they succeeded in effecting their escape³² and seeking shelter with some Hindu chiefs and Zamindars in far off provinces.³³

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²⁹ *Futūh*. p. 349.

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³⁰ *Ibid*. 350.

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³¹ *Futūh*. p. 350.

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³² *Ibid*. p. 351.

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³³ *Baranī* p. 388.

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After conquering Gujarat ‘Ainulmulk returned to Delhi and was profusely rewarded.³⁴ Malik Dīnār, who had been given the title of Zafar Khan, and whose daughter had been married to the sultan, was appointed governor of Gujarat. Through the sincere efforts of his able and sagacious noble the whole of the province was brought under complete control. He administered the country so well that within three or four months of his arrival people forgot the good old days of Alp Khan. Zafar Khan realised a large amount of money from neighbouring chiefs and zamindars and sent it to Delhi.²⁵

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³⁴ *Futūh* p. 352.

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²⁵ *Tab. Akb.* p. 177, *Ferishtah*, p. 125.

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Gujarat, however, was not destined to enjoy a long tenure of peace. A plot against the sultan's life while he was on a march to the Deccan shook him to his very being and after his return from there Qutbuddin became extremely cruel and reckless. He openly executed Zafar Khan, his father-in-law and governor of Gujarat, without any rhyme or reason. Zafar's death was enough to sap the imperial hegemony in Gujarat. Hisāmuddīn, a brother of Khusrau Khan,²⁶ was next given the charge of the province. The mere fact that the sultan looked upon him with some favour, turned his head, and this ungrateful wretch began to hatch evil designs. He collected his cousins, relatives and supporters, who were quite prominent in Gujarat, and raised the standard of revolt. The powerful barons and officers of Gujarat, however, caught him and sent him to Delhi. In place of taking any severe steps against Hisāmuddīn, Qutbuddin only gave him a place near him at the court. This attitude of the king frightened the noblemen of Gujarat and created bitterness and hatred in their hearts for so licentious a sovereign. After Hisāmuddīn, the governorship of Gujarat fell to the lot of Malik Vahiduddin Qureshi, who was given the title of Sadrul Mulk. Vahiduddin belonged to a highly respectable family and was one of the invaluable and rare nobles of the realm.³⁷ Sadrulmulk arrived in Gujarat and on account of his great qualities dispelled the vicious atmosphere created by the machinations of Hisāmuddin. Qutbuddin was very much impressed by the administrative talents of Vahīd Qureshi, and after the suppression of Malik Yaklakhi's revolt at Devagiri he called Vahiduddin to Delhi, gave him the title of Tājulmulk and entrusted him with the offices of the Naib-i-Vuzrāt and Divān-i-Vuzrāt.³⁸

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²⁶ Barani p. 369 has برادر مادر خسرو خان Later on he says این برادر خسرو خان . *Tab. Akb.* at one place styles him as brother of Khusrau Khan and at another as brother on the mother's side. Ferishtah also has برادر مادری . It is therefore certain that Hisāmuddin was a cousin or step-brother of Khusrau. He does not seem to have been his real brother but most certainly not his maternal uncle as Elliot has suggested. *Elliot* vol. III, p. 218. Amīr Khusrau also calls him as brother of Khusrau Khan at many places.

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³⁷ Barani p. 397.

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³⁸ An inscription of Mubarak Khalji from Jalor, Jodhpur State, engraved in Tughra style and perhaps inscribed on a mosque mentions the name of Tājulmulk, the governor of Gujarat. The date on the inscription is 5th Muharram 718 (Thursday, March 9th, 1318). *Epigr. Indo-Moslemica* 1937-38 pp. 49-50.

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Expedition to Devagiri 1318.

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After the death of Malik Naib Devagiri was lost to the sultanate of Delhi, and Harpal Deva, son-in-law of Ram Deva, had assumed perfect independence. According to Yahya, Qutbuddin had made up his mind to proceed against Devagiri in 1316 but his nobles disuaded him from going into so far off a country immediately after his accession.³⁹ In 1318, however, the sultan marched towards the Deccan with a large number of officers and men. He had determined firstly to conquer the lost kingdom of Devagiri and secondly to secure treasures from the Rai of Telingana⁴⁰ and other Deccan princes. In utter disregard of the fact that the emergency needed an experienced and strong man at the capital, the sultan gave the title of Vafā Malik to Shāhīn, an obscure mediocrity and a father in-law of the king, and appointed him viceroy at Delhi during his absence.

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³⁹ *T.M.S.* p. 83.

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⁴⁰ *Futūh*, pp. 352-53.

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The southward march was confronted with little difficulties. Many an expedition had been led before and the way to Devagiri was very well known. The first halt was made at Tilpat where many more troops joined the sultan. From there Qutbuddin marched in all pomp and splendour and by forced marches arrived near Devagiri in about a couple of months' time.⁴¹

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⁴¹ *Futūh.* p. 353.

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When the imperial army arrived on the borders of his kingdom, Harpal Deva and Raghava, minister of the late king Ram Deva, fled to the hills. There Raghava collected an army of 10,000 strong. Qutbuddin marched straight into Devagiri and occupied it without encountering any opposition. Khusrau Khan was sent with a powerful contingent to pursue the fugitive king and minister. Qutlugh, an officer of Khusrau's forces, was successful in seizing some of Raghava's adherents, from whom they were enabled to ascertain the strength of Raghava's army as well as its location. Khusrau Khan attacked the Maratha minister in a defile and completely routed his forces. "The Hindus, who had pretended to independence, were either slain, captured or put to flight."⁴² Raghava himself was most severely wounded but escaped capture. After this signal victory Khusrau Khan returned in all haste to Devagiri as the king had summoned him urgently. On his way back the Vazir received intelligence that Rana Harpal Deva had not submitted until then and had taken up a position in the hills at the head of a powerful army. The Khan went in his pursuit but was two or three times vigorously attacked by the Hindu Raja. At last Harpal Deva was severely wounded in a stiff engagement and was taken captive. Qutbuddin was overjoyed at this victory of his favourite general and received him "with a hundred flattering distinctions." The rebels were severely punished. Harpal Deva was inhumanly flayed alive and his body was hung on the gates of Devagiri.⁴³

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⁴² *Nūh Sipehr*, Elliot vol. III. pp. 558-59.

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⁴³ Barani p. 390.

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Rains detained the sultan at Devagiri for some time during which he brought the whole of the Maratha country under his sway.⁴⁴ The sultan established outposts in "Gulbargu, Sagar and Dharsamudra and other places⁴⁵; and appointed suitable officers to them. Malik Yaklakhi, who had served for a long time as Naib-i-Barid-i-Mumālik under 'Alāuddīn, was made the Governor of Devagiri.

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⁴⁴ Qutbuddīn built a mosque at Devagiri which was still in existence in Ferishtah's days. Ferishtah p. 125.

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⁴⁵ Ferishtah p. 125.

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Asaduddīn's Revolt 1318.

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By the beginning of Rajjab 718 (September 1318) the rainy season was at an end, and Khusrau Khan was ordered to lead an expedition into the kingdom of Telingana.⁴⁶ The sultan himself turned towards Delhi. His *haram* was with him, and as was his disposition, he was always immersed in music and mirth. The king had, moreover, recently given posts of distinction to his favourites to the resentment of the senior nobility. A plot was hatched to put an end to the Sultan's life. Asaudddin, a son of Malik Khāmosh Yoghresh Khan and cousin of 'Alāuddīn, was the originator of this conspiracy. Asad was a man brave, cliquish and influential.⁴⁷ He won over to his side some enterprising desperadoes, and they decided to kill the king when he was about to cross the Ghati of Sākūn and to place Asaduddin on the throne.

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⁴⁶ Barani p. 390. Ferishtah p. 125.

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⁴⁷ Barani p. 393.

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Luckily for Qutbuddin, when he was coming down the valley of Sakun, Arām Shah, son of Khurram Khajūrī, the Vakīl-i-dar of Jalāluddīn’s days, apprised the king about the plot.⁴⁸ Qutbuddīn at once stopped where he had arrived and ordered the arrests of Asaduddīn, his relatives and all other conspirators. An inquiry was held; the arrested were found guilty and instantly executed. After the fashion of his father, Qutbuddīn sent orders to Delhi to kill all the children of Yoghresh’s family, about twentynine in number, all of whom could possibly have no knowledge of the plot, some being mere infants. The wealth and emoluments of Yoghresh were confiscated to the state and the ladies and young daughters of his house were turned out into the streets to beg their living.⁴⁹ Qutbuddīn’s suspicions were not alleviated even with this cold blooded massacre. He determined to extirpate root and branch all those who had any connection with the royal house. When he arrived near Jhain he despatched Shādī Khatta to Gwalior to assassinate Khizr Khan and other princes who were imprisoned there. Later on, soon after his return to the capital, he ordered the execution of Zafar Khan, his father-in-law and governor of Gujarat. The next victim of Qutbuddīn’s implacable revenge was Vufā Malik Shāhīn, who had been left as viceroy at Delhi during the king’s absence in the Deccan.

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⁴⁸ *T.M.S.* p. 84.

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⁴⁹ Baranī p. 393.

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Although the punishments inflicted were severe and indiscriminate, yet the discovery of a couple of billon coins struck in 718 H in the name of one Shamsuddīn Mahmūd Shāh⁵⁰ clearly shows that the conspiracy was of a really very serious character. Not only Asaduddin at Devagiri but people at Delhi were also implicated in it. The coins clearly indicate the presence of a pretender at Delhi in whose name they were struck. And who was this pretender? Asaduddīn, Shāhīn, or a son of Khizr Khan, "whose elevation to the throne was, according to Ibn Battūtah, the object of the conspiracy?"⁵¹ Describing this revolt Ibn Battūtah writes that some nobles (he does not make mention of Asaduddin's name) tried to rise in revolt against sultan Qutbuddin, and place on the throne a ten year old son of Khizr Khan.⁵² The fact that Khizr Khan had a son by Deval Rani is attested by Hajiuddabir⁵³, but not by any contemporary historian. According to Barani, Khizr Khan was about the same age as Mubarak Khalji.⁵⁴ Again, he had married Deval Rani in 1313 or 1314. By no strech of imagination, therefore, could Khizr Khan have had a son of ten years in 1318. Moreover, Khizr Khan had been deprived of his sight and was living a secluded life in a dungeon of Gwalior Fort "getting only food and clothing."⁵⁵ Under these circumstances it is certain that Khizr Khan or his son, if there was any, had no share in the plot. The statements of Amir Khusrau in his immortal *masnavi* also lead to the same inference. Therefore, the title on the coin referred to above must either have been of Asaduddin or of Vāfā Beg. Asad was all along with Qutbuddin in the Deccan and was executed there. Since the coin was struck at Delhi it must have been in the name of Malik Shāhīn, who was at Delhi and was executed by the king soon after his arrival there.

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⁵⁰ *J. A. S. B.* 1910 pp.566-67 *J. A. S. B.* 1912 pp 123-67. Rogers: *Catalogues of the Coins in Government Museum, Lahore*, Introduction. N. Wright: *Sultans of Delhi*, pp. 109-10.

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⁵¹ *Camb. Hist. of India* vol. III p. 121.

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⁵² Ibn Battūtah, vol. XII, p. 192.

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⁵³ *Zafarul Vāli* p. 841.

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⁵⁴ Barani p. 373.

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⁵⁵ Ibid. p. 393.

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Assassination of Khizr Khan* 1318.

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Shadi Khatta, the Sar-i-Silahdār,⁵⁶ arrived at Gwalior from Jhain. He was deputed to assassinate Khizr Khan, Shadi Khan and Shihābuddīn, the three sons of 'Alāuddīn, and to bring their families to Delhi.⁵⁷ These princes had already been blinded and were permitted only bare sustenance. According to Amir Khusrau, who does not say anything about Asaduddīn's revolt, the Sultan sent a message to Khizr Khan beginning with a sympathetic introduction but ending with a preposterous request. "You have lost sight of the eye and health of the body", wrote Qutbuddin. "You know I have not been instrumental in all this...but now the oppressor (Malik Naib) is dead. If you were thrown into imprisonment, time for your release has arrived. I will make you governor of a province, an honour you amp'y deserve. You should, however, not burn in the fire of love for Deval Rani who is after all your slave. I hear that she has attained to such an elevation that you lay your head at her feet. Even if she was as beautiful as the Moon, she was not worthy of your worship. We wish that she may not be left with you. As she has been given to you by the Royalty, it is desired that she may be sent back to us. When your infatuation (lunacy) for her is a little abated she would be sent back to you to serve you as a slave."⁵⁸

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⁵⁶ Barani p. 393. *Deval Rani* p. 275. At another place Khusrau (*Deval Rani* p. 278) says that he was a low-born Hindu. Ferishtah p. 125.

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⁵⁷ Barani p. 393.

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⁵⁸ *Deval Rani* pp. 273-75. On the authority of Husām Khan, Hajiuddabir writes that when a son was born to Deval Rani Khizr Khan was asked to divorce her, because it was a custom that when a princess got a child she was divorced from her husband. Khizr Khan loved Deval Rani passionately and refused to separate her. This reason for Qutbuddin's demand for Deval Rani has not been given by any other historian and seems absurd. *Zafarul Vāli* pp. 841-43.

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The demand filled the helpless prince’s eyes with tears and heart with rage. He remonstrated saying that since he had lost everything in the world except his beloved, it behoved the king to leave at least Deval to him. In the end Khiẕr Khān declared that he would prefer death to her separation.⁵⁹ In short the king who sought a pretence to kill his step brother ordered the death of Khiẕr Khān. Consternation and then despondency spread in Gwalior Fort as the arrival of Shādī Khatta was made known. Khiẕr Khān took a touching farewell from his companion and prepared to die. Amīr Khusrau and Ibn Baṭṭūṭah give a graphic account of the execution of the princes. The Egyptian traveller learnt all about it at Mecca from Qāzī Zainuddīn Mubārak of Gwalior who happened to be an eye-witness to the execution⁶⁰. According to the Qāzī, Khiẕr Khān’s mother, who was present in the fortress, was locked up in a room. Khiẕr Khān’s spirits quailed at the sight of the sword and he started wailing aloud. But soon the fatal blow silenced him for ever. Shādī Khān was all fire at the cruel doom decided for the innocent victims. In his rage he leapt upon the executioner and threw him on the ground. But all in vain. Very soon he and Shihāb “drank of the same cup”, each being killed by turns.⁶¹ The wails and cries of the royal ladies added to the poignancy of the situation. In a turret of the fort known as the Vijaya Mandir were buried the dead “just as gems are hidden in stones.”⁶²

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⁵⁹ *Deval Rani* p. 275.

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⁶⁰ Ibn Baṭṭūṭah vol. III, pp. 192-93.

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⁶¹ *Deval Rani* pp. 284-85.

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⁶² Ibid. p. 287. Khiẕr Khān’s mother remained alive long after his death and Ibn Baṭṭūṭah met her at Mecca in 728H (1328 A.D.). Ibn Baṭṭūṭah vol. III, p. 194.

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A word about the unlucky Deval. Her life after the death of her husband is tantalizingly obscure. Baranī only says that all the ladies staying at Gwalior were brought to Delhi.⁶³ He does not say what happened to Deval Devi, nor does Khusrau. Hājiuddabīr, however, says that Qutbuddin married her against her will and everybody condemned this action.⁶⁴ Ferishtah also says that Qutbuddin took into his *haram* Deval Devi, the wedded wife of Khizr Khan.⁶⁵ This may not be improbable. Qutbuddin had little moral scruples and the taking possession of the wives of a dead prince by the ruling monarch was a common practice in those days. With the murder of Qutbuddin at the hands of Khusrau Khan the affairs at Delhi became chaotic. According to Barani, Khusrau Khan married the wife of Qutbuddin.⁶⁶ He does not say that she was Deval Devi. Obviously she must have been the chief wife of Mubarak Shah. Some later Persian writers and a few modern historians, however, suggest that she was the ill-starred Deval Devi, perhaps because of the tragedy associated with her name. But their surmise is not supported by any contemporary evidence. In fact nothing is known of the end of this princess to whom the fates seemed to be deliberately inimical.

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⁶³ Barani pp. 393-94.

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⁶⁴ *Zafarul Vali* pp. 841-44.

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⁶⁵ Ferishtah p. 125.

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⁶⁶ Barani pp. 410-11.

Qutbuddin and Nizāmuddin Aulia

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So vindictive was the sultan's nature that since Nizamuddin Aulia was a pir of Khizr Khan, Qutbuddin began to entertain a feeling of animosity towards him.⁶⁷ He even abused the Shaikh openly and ordered his nobles to refrain from visiting him. Through sheer discourtesy he declared a reward of a thousand *tankahs* for one who would cut the saints' head.⁶⁸ He even did not acknowledge the salutations of Nizāmuddin when they once chanced to meet at the tomb of Shaikh Ziyāuddīn Rūmī. He began to patronize Shaikh-zādā Jām, who had for long been an opponent of Niẓāmuddīn, and even called Shaikh-ul Islām Ruknuddīn from Multān.⁶⁹

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⁶⁷ Ibid. p. 394.

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⁶⁸ Ibid. p. 396.

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⁶⁹ Barani p. 396.

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Thus, after the Devagiri expedition, all the qualities of generosity and large-heartedness which were characteristic of Quṭbuddīn at the beginning of his reign, disappeared, while his grosser nature gained an upper hand of his self. Gujarat and the Deccan had been brought under control and there was no independent chief or king in the country strong enough to challenge his authority. While this security, external and internal, had made Quṭbuddīn proud, Asad’s abortive conspiracy had made him ruthlessly cruel. Now he would not listen to any advice, nor would he trust anybody. There is no doubt that the plot was responsible for making him ruthless and unscrupulous, but his disgraceful habits were themselves responsible for the conspiracy. And though he extirpated the guilty as well as the not-guilty, he did not improve his own conduct. On the contrary his debauchery increased with time. Like the profligate Elagabalus of Rome (3rd century A.D.) the passions of the sultan could not be satisfied with “a long train of concubines” or a number of beardless boys. He preferred to dress himself in female attire and ornaments embroidered with laces and adorned with gems,⁷⁰ and occasionally went about dancing in the houses of the nobility. The king used to enjoy the sight of young eunuchs and ribald and dissolute women come stark naked to the court and cut indecent jokes with high officials like ‘Ainulmulk Multānī and Qara Beg. Toubah, a clown from Gujarat, openly used to abuse the noblemen and insult them with obscene pleasantries.⁷¹ In short, the court of Quṭbuddīn presented licence and obscenity in its utter nakedness. It was his sheer luck that the Mongols did not knock at the gates of India and the revolts against the sultanate were quickly suppressed.

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⁷⁰ Gibbon: *Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire*, vol. I, p. 128.

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⁷¹ Barani p. 396.

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*Revolt of Malik Yaklakhi at Devagiri.*

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About the time that Qutbuddin sent Malik Vahiduddin Qureshi as governor of Gujarat, intelligence arrived that Malik Yaklakhi had risen in revolt at Devagiri and had assumed the paraphernalia of royalty.⁷² The sultan was all rage and at once ordered some prominent nobles⁷³ to march to Devagiri, imprison Yaklakhi and send him alive to Delhi. A large force with a number of officers like Malik Talbagha Yaghda, Shadi Satila, Qutlugh the Amir-i-Shikar, Malik Tajulmulk and Khvaja Haji marched southwards to quell the insurrection.⁷⁴

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⁷² *T.M.S.* p. 84.

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⁷³ According to 'Isami and *T.M.S.* Khusrau Khan was sent to suppress the revolt of Yaklakhi, but that is wrong. Both Barani and Ferishtah only say that some prominent officers were sent. Khusrau Khan was already present in farther south, reducing Warangal and raiding cities in M'abar. *Futuh*. pp. 353-54. Barani p. 398.

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⁷⁴ *Futuh*. p. 356.

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After about two months the royal army reached the destination. Malik Yaklakhi was exceedingly proud and neglected to strengthen his position. He little knew that his army was not loyal to him and the officers and men whom he had imprisoned during his revolt were definitely inimical to him. Thus when the actual warfare started many of his officers and men deserted to the royal camp. To crown it all Talbagha of Nagor, Nasiruddin and Shams, who Yaklakhi trusted as his supporters, one day arrested him and his followers when they were dead drunk.⁷⁵ Then they sent Yaklakhi and his companions in chains to Delhi where his ears and nose were chopped off⁷⁶ and his partisans severely punished. The governorship of Devagiri was conferred on Malik ‘Ainul-mulk Multānī, and the deputy governorship on Malik Mujīr-uddīn Abu Rijā.⁷⁷ Malik Tājulmulk, son of Khvājā ‘Alā Dabīr, was appointed as the latter’s secretary. In a short time they brought the country under perfect control.⁷⁸

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⁷⁵ Ibid. pp. 357-58.

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⁷⁶ Barani p. 397.

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⁷⁷ Barani p. 398 has مخيرالدين ابورجا Mukhir has no meaning while Mujīr means protector against oppression. Hājīuddabīr, *Zafarul Vāli* p. 157, gives the correct name Mujīruddīn, writing on Barani’s own authority. Obviously his Ms. of Barani had the correct spelling of the name which is Mujīruddīn Abu Rija.

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⁷⁸ Barani p. 398.

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*Khusrau Khan in Farther South.*

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It has been said before that when Qutbuddīn had left Devagiri after crushing Harpal Deva he had nominated Khusrau Khan to lead an expedition into farther south. Khusrau Khan accordingly marched into Telingana and on his arrival there the Raja and officers of the country fled away. The invader obtained some loot, and about one hundred elephants fell into his hands.⁷⁹ Barani, always deficient in the description of battles is altogether silent about the engagements which Khusrau Khan fought in the Kākatiya country. But Amīr Khusrau gives a graphic, and at places, an exaggerated account of the exploits of Khusrau Khan. The advance of the imperial army was marked by ravages committed equally by the Hindu and the Turkish soldiers. Every inhabited part on the route was made desolate. When the army arrived in Warangal the Hindu inhabitants fled confused. The royal forces encamped “three bow-shots” from the city. Khusrau Khan ascended an eminence from where he reconnoitred the fort. The Hindu horsemen of the Rai numbered more than 10,000 whereas the foot-soldiers were beyond computation. Despite their numerical superiority the southerners were overwhelmed in the battle by the small Muslim cavalry.⁸⁰ Some booty of gold and jewels fell into the hands of the imperial army which pursued its enemy to the gates of the citadel and burnt down all the gardens and groves so that the "paradise of idol-worshippers became like hell." Next morning Khusrau Khan attacked the outer walls of the fortress which were breached. A large number of Hindus were slain and many others taken prisoner. Anil Mehta, the principal commandant of the fort fell in this engagement. After taking the outer walls Khusrau began the investment of the inner fortress. He ordered Khvājā Hāji, the 'Āriz, "to distribute the army to the proper posts, to dig the trenches, and spring a mine." These preparations alarmed Pratap Rudra Deva and he sent messengers to sue for peace. He agreed to surrender five districts and promised to pay a large tribute including more than 100 elephants, 12,000 horses, gold, jewels and gems beyond compute. Flushed with victory the imperial general subjected the Rai to many indignities before accepting the truce, but in the end he relinquished most of the ceded and conquered territory except the fortress of Badrkot "which the Khan had object in demanding."

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⁷⁹ Ibid. p. 398.

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⁸⁰ *Nūh Sipehr*, Elliot vol. III p. 560 gives the number of Muslim cavalry at 300. So vast a difference between the strength of the two forces is incredible.

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After defeating the Raja of Warangal, Khusrau Khan marched towards M'abar. According to both Baranī and Iṣāmī he attacked Masulipatam (Patan of the Muslim historians, lying near Motupille on the mouth of Krishna) and there robbed a wealthy merchant Khvājā Taqi by name.⁸¹ Sirāj Taqi was a very rich man and having learnt that a *Muslim* army was coming on, had not fled. Khusrau robbed him of his jewels and wealth and killed him. 'Iṣāmī's version that Khusrau Khan asked Sirāj Taqi to surrender his daughter to his embraces,⁵² and the old Musalman preferring death to such a humiliation committed suicide, does not seem to be improbable.

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⁸¹ Baranī pp. 398-09. *Futuh*. pp. 459-60.

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⁵² *Futūh*, p. 359.

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Khusrau Khan marched on (up to the mouth of the river Krishna) and attacked Maithli (Motupille).⁵³ Twenty elephants and a diamond weighing six dirhams fell into his hands. Having captured this booty he entered the country of M'abar.⁵⁴ Heavy rains detained Khusrau Khan in M'abar. He had quite a large army and some captured booty. On his way to M'abar he had entertained evil designs against his master. He was an upstart and possessed an evil disposition. As in the case of 'Alāuddīn, the wealth of the Deccan had aggravated his ambitions. It has been said before that when he was settling terms of treaty with the Kakatiya Raja, Khusrau Khan had insisted on the occupation of "Badrkot, a fort as high as heaven, which the Khan had an object in demanding."⁵⁵ He had planned to kill those nobles whose confidence he did not enjoy and to rule over M'abar with the support of his forces. But Khusrau's designs were soon known to many a well-wisher of the state and Malik Tamar, fief holder of Chanderi, Malik Mal Afghān, Malik Talbagha Yaghda of Kara, Malik Tigin and Malik Haji, the Naib-i-Ariz, one day openly asked Khusrau to return to Delhi before his foolish plans were known to the king. As these nobles had large contingents under their command, Khusrau Khan dared not oppose them and prepared to return. But the nobles who apprised the king of Khusrau's evil designs did not even receive the attention they deserved. The sultan only ordered that Khusrau Khan should at once be sent back to Delhi. From Devagiri Khusrau was taken in a palanquin post haste to Delhi where he arrived in a week's time. For the time being his grandiose schemes were shattered to pieces.

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⁵³ *T.M.S.* p. 85.

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⁵⁴ Ibid. p. 85. Badaoni, Ranking, vol. I p. 286.

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⁵⁵ *Nuh Sipehr*, Elliot vol. III p. 560.

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At Delhi the sultan was extremely delighted to see him, and regarded the loot of some gold and jewels and the hundred elephants as quite large a booty. The disappointed Vazir finding the sultan so joyous at his exploits began to whimper and complain against Maliks Tamar and Talbagha, who had stood in the way of fulfilment of his designs in the Deccan. The sultan, blinded by the infatuation he had for Khusrau, severely punished these well-wishers of the state without even letting them have their say. Malik Tamar was thrown into prison and his *Jagirs* were given to Khusrau. Malik Talbagha, who had exposed the Vazir a little too openly was publicly insulted, his fief was seized and he was imprisoned. These acts of flagrant injustice disgusted the courtiers and many of them resigned their honours and jobs on one pretext or another. The outcome of it all was that no one dared in future to apprise the king of Khusrau's machinations for fear of similar punishments.

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*Death of Qutbuddin.*

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After such a quick fall of his enemies the work of the Vazir became easy. The cruel treatment meted out to Maliks Tamar and Talbagha and the ascendancy of Khusrau had induced many a selfish noble to side with him.⁹⁶ Many other victims of the Sultan's licence or wrath also clung to him. Bahāuddin Dabir, who had been ordered to send his wife to the royal *haram* sought the protection of Khusrau and became one of his best supporters.⁹⁷ One day Khusrau pleaded to the king that while he was so kind to him as to send him on distant expeditions, the officers accompanying him did not obey him. They had large forces at their command and since he had none of his people with him they could overlook his orders with impunity. If, therefore, he could call some relations and friends from Gujarat⁸⁸ he could be very successful in future campaigns. The request was granted and a large number of Khusrau's friends and relatives arrived in Delhi. On their arrival he took them into his confidence and gave them horses and robes and wealth. Thus, according to Ferishtah, he was enabled to marshall a corps of 40,000⁸⁹ Barvaris, all his loyal supporters. He used to consult the leaders of these Barvaris and some other trusted adherents such as Yūsuf Sūfī and the sons of Qīrat Qīmar about his intended revolt. About this time the sultan went to Sarsava⁹⁰ and the Barvaris decided to kill him while he was busy in sport. But Yūsuf Sūfī and some others warned Khusrau that if they attacked the king so openly, the royal army would fall upon them and cut them down. On the contrary if the king was killed in his own palace, and the antagonistic nobles imprisoned, the way to the throne would be rendered very easy. At last it was unanimously decided to finish the king in the palace of Hazār Sitūn.⁹¹ In the meantime the sultan returned from Sarsava and the crafty Vazīr begged for another favour from him. He left the palace so very late every night, said he, that he was deprived of the company of his relations who had left their native place only for his sake. If, therefore, they could be allowed to enter the palace at night they could come and see him there. Qutbuddīn ordered that the keys of the palace gates should be left with Khusrau's men so that they could enter the palace any time they liked. This is Baranī's version. Ibn Baṭṭūṭah, however, says that it was customary in those days that when a Hindu accepted Islam, the sultan used to present him with a robe of honour and a gold ornament. According to his narrative Khusrau Khan informed the sultan that some of his relations wanted to embrace Islam but felt shy in waiting upon him in the day time. The king allowed them to come and pay respects at night.⁹² Whatever the pretence, Khusrau was successful in securing entrance for his men into the palace at night.

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⁹⁶ Barani p. 401.

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⁹⁷ Ferishtah pp. 126-27.

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⁸⁸ Barani has, p. 402, در بهلوال و زمین گجرات بفرستم Behalvāl may be either be Naharvala, capital of Gujarat, or Bhilmal about 50 miles west of Abu. Since Barani always spells Naharvala correctly it is probably Bhilmal, then ruled by Parmar Rajputs. It may be recalled that Khusrau's brother Hisamuddin had collected followers at Patan to rebel against Delhi sultanate. So the ground for Khusrau's rebellion had been in preparation for some time past.

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⁸⁹ Ferishtah p. 127.

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⁹⁰ It is a small town in the Saharanpur district of the United Provinces.

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⁹¹ Barani pp. 402-3.

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⁹² *Ibn Battūtah*, vol. III pp. 197-98.

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In delivering the keys of the palace gates the sultan handed over his own death warrant to the Barvaris. Every night, after it was quite quiet, about three hundred well armed Barvari's used to enter the palace and move about here and there. The people saw these armed ruffians freely enter the palace at dead of night, but they dared not inform the sultan of their movements for fear of his wrath. But intelligent people understood everything and whispers of the intended revolt of Khusrau went round the palace. Qazī Ziyāuddin, the Vakil-i-dar, however, could not bear to see such a state of affairs. He had been tutor to the king in calligraphy and so could speak to him pretty plainly. One day he openly told the sultan of what was going on in the palace. "I rely on the mercy of Your Majesty," began the veteran officer, "and will say what I see every day. The Barvaris enter the palace every night and everybody knows that their intentions are wicked. The life of Your Majesty is in danger. During the regime of the late sultan 'Alāuddīn if somebody drank water more than usual, the sultan was at once informed of it. It is strange indeed that while such a great noise is being made in the palace and your life itself is in jeopardy, Your Majesty is quite neglectful. I request you to inquire into the matter. If there is something fishy, you may take steps to punish the miscreants. If you find the allegations unfounded, your love for Khusrau will only be increased.”⁹³ The sultan at once lost his temper and scolded the Qāzī in unbecoming terms. In place of holding an inquiry, he repeated to his favourite all that the Qāzī had said. Khusrau at once began to shed crocodile tears. “Since Your Majesty bestows upon me your favours”, said Khusrau, “the great nobles are anxiously trying to bring about my death.” Quṭbuddīn consoled the cunning Vazīr saying that he was the only person in whom the sultan reposed his implicit trust.

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⁹³ Barani p. 405.

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Late on the same night as Qazi Ziyāuddīn, the superintendent of the night guard was taking his rounds, and very few persons had remained in the palace, Randhol, a relation⁹⁴ of Khusrau Khan, entered the palace with a few Barvarīs and accosted him. He offered the Qāzī a *pān* and while they were talking, Jahariya, another Barvarī, shot an arrow at the Qāzī and killed him on the spot. This cold blooded murder created consternation in the Hazār Sitūn, which was now filled with Barvarīs. Quṭbuddīn heard the noise from his chamber and asked Khusrau Khan to go out and see what the matter was. The clever intriguer came out on the terrace, shouted a few words to show that he was scolding somebody, and then returned to the king's presence saying that some horses had been let loose and people were trying to catch them.⁹⁵ Just then Jahariya dashed towards the king's private apartments and killed its chief guards Ibrāhīm and Is-ḥāq.⁹⁶ Then alone did Quṭbuddīn realise the situation and he tried to escape into the *haram*. But Khusrau was too cunning to lose him at that stage and caught him by the hair. The king had drunk hard that night and due to his intoxications and physical strength he easily threw the traitor on the ground and sat tight upon him. Jahariya reached the spot, which was indicated to him by the shouts of Khusrau pinned under the weight of the sultan.⁹⁷ He struck off the head of Qutbuddin and threw it down the battlements of the palace. A few servants of the king, who had been left on the upper storey, also fell to the daggers of the Hindus. According to the author of the *Tarikh-i-Mubarak* Shahi Qutbuddin was murdered on the night of the 5th of Rabiul Avval 720 (April 26th, 1320).⁹⁸

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⁹⁴ Barani p. 406 has نیاے خسرو خاں. Niya means grandfather as well as maternal uncle.

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⁹⁵ Barani pp. 406-07

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⁹⁶ Barani p. 407, Ferishtah p. 128.

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⁹⁷ *Barani* pp. 307-8. *Futūh*, p. 363.

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⁹⁸ Amir Khusrau gives the date to be Jamadi-us Sani 720 (July 1320). The text of *T.M.S.* p. 86, wrongly has 721 H. but the translator's Ms. had the correct year 720 H. (*T.M.S.* Tra. p. 86). Ferishtah also wrongly has 721. *Tab. Akb.* and *Badaoni* have 720. Later events lead us to the conclusion that the date of *T.M.S.* is preferable to that of Khusrau's *Nūh Sipehr*. Also see the last footnote in the next chapter.

An Estimate of Mubarak Shah

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The way in which Qutbuddin met his death goes to show how depraved and foolish he was. The qualities of generosity and kindheartedness with which he was rewarded by his early hardships disappeared on his attaining to unlimited power. He had received little education and from whatever little experience of life he had, he had refused to learn that unbridled debauchery led to disaster. The grosser appetites of man dominated his self and he practised every vice that goes to debase human nature. It need hardly be mentioned that the king did not say the daily prayers and did not observe the fast of Ramzan.

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Qutbuddin's arrogance knew no bounds. In his pride he ordered barbaric punishments, and the tortures inflicted upon Harpal Deva and the relations of Yoghresh bear witness to his perverted mentality. So haughty and malicious was he that he refused to acknowledge the salutations of a pious man like Shaikh Nizāmuddīn Aulia: and while great monarchs like 'Alāūddīn addressed themselves only as "Yamīnul Khilāfat" (Right hand of the Khalīfā) or "Nāṣir-i-Amīrul Mauminīn" (Defender of the faithful),⁹⁹ Quṭbuddīn took the title of Khalīfā to himself. He declared himself "Al Imām-ul-A‘zam, Khalīfā-i-Rabbul 'Almīn", "Khilāfat-ul-Lah", and "Amīrul Mauminīn".¹⁰⁰ Not only was he keen on adopting pompous titles, he had in fact a passion for the novel, the beautiful. His coins and inscriptions stand out for their boldness of execution and variety of inscriptions. His coins are round and square, of gold, silver, billon and copper. The square coin was for the first time introduced by him in 718 H.¹⁰¹ The engravings on his inscriptions are "typically ornamental naqsh", in *sulus* and in *tughra* "of intricate type".¹⁰² He patronized scholarship, was fond of music and composed verses too.¹⁰³ But the fact that the fear of royalty vanished completely, and the prestige of the Delhi sultanate lost its lusture during his regime, prove that he was a worthless king. It was his good luck that so long as he ruled no Mongol invasion threatened the peace of the country, no famine devastated the land, military enterprises were successful and rebellions were quickly suppressed; yet his ways disgusted the nobility and encouraged rebellions. Qutbuddin well deserved the doom meted out to him.

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Cites (6)