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Social and Political Life in the Vijayanagara Empire (A.D. 1346 – A.D. 1646) v1.c15: Chapter IX. The Army

Social and Political Life in the Vijayanagara Empire (A.D. 1346 – A.D. 1646) v1.c15

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English

Contents

Chapter IX. The Army

Section 1. Strength

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THE militant age in which the Vijayanagara monarchs lived necessitated the maintenance of a large and powerful army. An adequate idea of the amount of labour, wealth, and skill which the Hindu rulers expended on the institution of this vital branch of their political organization can be formed only when we have examined the component parts of their army, the department which controlled it, the reforms which were introduced by the kings to make it more efficient, and the manner in which it was summoned at the commencement of a campaign.

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Foreign travellers were struck by the immense army of the Hindu monarchs. The earliest foreign traveller who gives us an account of its strength is Nicolo dei Conti. Till his days we know merely that large bodies of Hindus opposed the Muhammadans.¹ But Nicolo informs us that "in this city there are estimated to be ninety thousand men fit to bear arms".² This was the strength of the Vijayanagara army in about A.D. 1420. We may compare the estimate of Nicolo with that given by Firishtah, who describes the campaign of A.D. 1366-8. During this war Muhammad Shāh Bāhmani defeated the Hindus, whose army was made up of 30,000 horse, 3,000 elephants, 1,000,000 foot.³ Even after suffering terrible reverses at the hands of the Muhammadans, the Hindus could command a force of 5,000,000 infantry and 40,000 cavalry.⁴

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¹ Sewell, *For. Emp.*, 31.

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² Major, *India*, p. 6; Sewell, *ibid.*, p. 82.

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³ Firishtah, Briggs, *The Rise*, II, p. 309.

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⁴ *Ibid.*, p. 314.

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The next foreign traveller who has some details about the Vijayanagara army is 'Abdur Razzāq (A.D. 1442-3). "There are more than 1,000 elephants. . . . The army consists of eleven lacs of men (1,100,000)".⁵ It is not surprising that Dēva Rāya II, who possessed this great army, should have been characterized by him as the most absolute ruler in Hindustan.⁶ Firishah tells us that the Vijayanagara army in A.D. 1443 was composed of 62,000 archers (of whom 2,000 were Muhammadans, and 60,000 Hindus), 80,000 horsemen and 200,000 foot-soldiers.⁷

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⁵ Elliot, *Hist. of India*, IV, p. 105; Sewell, *ibid.*, p. 38.

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⁶ Firishtah, *ibid.*, p. 432.

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The third foreign traveller, who has remarked on the strength of the army, is Varthema. He says: "He (the Vijayanagara king) is a very powerful king, and keeps up constantly 40,000 horsemen. . . . The said king also possesses 400 elephants and some dromedaries, which dromedaries run with great swiftness".¹ This was in the year A.D. 1502.

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¹ Varthema, Jones, p. 126; Temple, p. 51; Sewell, For. Emp., p. 118.

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Duarte Barbosa (A.D. 1514) gives us some interesting facts about the army. He writes thus: "The King of Narsyngua has always more than nine hundred elephants which he purchases for one thousand five hundred and for two thousand cruzados each. . . . He has also upwards of twenty thousand horses, each of which costs him from four to six hundred cruzados. . . . Between both horse and foot the King of Narsyngua has more than a hundred thousand men of war continually in his pay, and five or six thousand women whom also he pays to march in his train . . . "²

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² Barbosa, Dames, I, pp. 209-12; Stanley, pp. 89-90.

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When we reach the times of Kṛṣṇa Dēva Rāya the Great, we find that the Hindu Government maintained the old strength of the army. The one notable event in the reign of that monarch was the military success which he won against the Muhammadans. The battle of Raichur marked an epoch in the annals of the times. According to the Hindu sources, Kṛṣṇa Dēva Rāya put into the field an almost incredible number of forces. From the Rāyavāchakamu we learn that he commanded, while fighting against the combined armies of Bijapur, Golkonda and Bidar, 120 ghaṭṭams of elephants, 60,000 horse and 500,000 foot.³ The Kṛṣṇarāyavijayam says that his army was made up of 600,000 foot, 6,600 horse and 2,000 elephants.⁴

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³ Rāyavāchakamu, The Sources, pp. 113, 120.

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⁴ Kṛṣṇarāyavijayam, ibid., p. 131.

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The foreign witnesses give us more astonishing figures. Paes affirms the following: "Now I desire you to know that this king has continually a million fighting troops, in which are included 35,000 cavalry in armour; all these are in his pay, and he has these troops always together and ready to be despatched to any quarter whenever such may be necessary. I saw, being in this city of Bisnaga, the king despatch a force against a place, one of those which he has by the sea-coast; and he sent fifty captains with 150,000 soldiers, amongst whom were many cavalry. He has many elephants, and when the king wishes to show the strength of his power to any of his adversaries amongst the three kings bordering on his kingdom, they say that he puts into the field two million soldiers; in consequence of which he is the most feared king of any in these parts".¹ According to Nuniz, Kṛṣṇa Dēva Rāya had an army which was made up of 703,000 foot, 32,600 horse, and 551 elephants, besides the camp followers, merchants, etc., and "an infinitude of people" who joined him at a place close to Raichur.² In A.D. 1515 that same monarch is said to have despatched "his general and son-in-law Seeva Ray" with 100,000 foot and 8,000 horse to march against the Muhammadans.³ This force was sent to relieve Koṇḍavīḍu. Firishtah also tells us that in the battle of Raichur the Hindus commanded 50,000 cavalry, besides a vast host of foot.⁴

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¹ Sewell, *For. Emp.* pp. 279-80. For a discussion of the numbers of men see ibid., pp. 147, seq.

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² Ibid. pp. 147, 326-8.

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³ Ibid., p. 134.

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⁴ Ibid., p. 151.

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To these accounts we have to add that of the Portuguese historian Faria y Sousa (A.D. 1521), who wrote thus: "Whilst our Governor was in the Red Sea, Crisnarao, King of Bisnagar, covered the Hills and Plains, and drank up Rivers, with an Army of thirty-five thousand Horse, and seven hundred thirty-three thousand Foot, five hundred eighty-six elephants loaded with Castles, in each of which were four Men, and twelve thousand Water-carriers to supply all parts, that the Men might not disperse to seek it. The Baggage was numberless, and there were above twenty thousand common Women. He led all this power to take the city of Rachol . . . "⁵

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⁵ Faria y Sousa, *Asia Port.*, I, P. III, p. 236; Sewell, ibid., p. 145.

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Rāma Rāja also maintained the great standard of the Hindu army. When 'Alī 'Adil Shāh was confronted with difficulties in A.D. 1558, he despatched "Kishwar Khan and Abao Toorab to Beejanuggur, to solicit aid from Ramraj . . . ", and the latter marched to join him with fifty thousand horse and a great army of foot.⁶

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⁶ Firishtah, Briggs, *The Rise*, III, p. 120; Sewell, ibid., p. 196.

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The strength of the army on the eve of the great battle of Rākshasa-Taṅgaḍi, according to Firishtah, was the following—900,000 infantry, 45,000 cavalry, 2,000 elephants and 15,000 auxiliaries.¹ The anonymous author of the *Bakhair* gives a detailed account of the Hindu forces on the battlefield of Rākshasa-Taṅgaḍi thus:

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¹ Sewell, *For. Emp.*, p. 202. See also p. 203 for the remarks of Sewell on Firishtah's account. Firishtah, however, gives conflicting accounts. In one place he says that Rāma Rāja commanded an army which was composed of 70,000 cavalry, 90,000 infantry, besides archers and artillerymen. Briggs, *The Rise*, III, p. 247. Then again he tells us that the Hindu army consisted of 100,000 horses and 300,000 foot. *Ibid.*, p. 414.

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| I | Horses | 6,548,321 |
| II | Camels | 1,874,429 |
| III | Elephants | 18,768 |
| IV | Artillery : | | |
| | (*a*) Gunpowder casks | ... | 98,776,413 |
| | (*b*) Gunners | ... | 43,876 |
| | (*c*) Great guns | ... | 2,343 |
| | (*d*) Smaller guns | ... | 324 |
| | (*e*) Ramajunga | ... | 762 |
| | (*f*) Hattarnal | ... | 9,876 |
| | (*g*) Sutarnal | ... | 7,654 |
| | (*h*) Herrarachengees | ... | 7,646 |
| | (*i*) Rama Banas | ... | 6,782 |
| | (*j*) Banakaras (Rockets) | ... | 97,645 |
| | (*k*) Jajakees | ... | 987,656 |
| | (*l*) Hunkarguli | ... | 9,876,432 |
| | (*m*) Mahatabbs (or Blue lights) | ... | 98,765,432 |
| | (Different kinds of Fireworks) | | |
| | (*n*) Tara-Mandal | ... | 6,594,321 |
| | (*o*) Bujabra | ... | 76,768 |
| | (*p*) Rana-gaddi (or war chariots) | ... | 4,321 |
| V | Bulls | | 9,876,543,210,000 |
| VI | Foot soldiers : | | |
| | (*a*) Infantry | ... | 1,239,430 |
| | (*b*) Hunara-vanara | ... | 33,460 |
| | (*c*) Siladar | ... | 34,567 |
| | (*d*) Cuttigars | ... | 45,987 |
| | (*e*) Zomoyaldars | ... | 57,965 |
| | (*f*) Drummers and Fifers | ... | 45,678 |

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(g) Ittagars ... 43,620
(h) Puckallies ... 15,940
(i) Addahattaries ... 43,432
(j) Huyelswararu ... 98,964
(k) Rajputs ... 48,976
(l) Sila-topi navaru ... 6,456 (Iron Helmets) (1)
(m) Sena-naikas ... 4,567¹

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¹ Rāma Rāja Charitre.

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In the absence of independent evidence, it is not possible to ascertain either the names of some of the component parts of the infantry and cavalry, or the veracity of the figures given in the Rāma Rāja Charitre. The number of camp followers given in the same account is still more incredible, as will be shown in the section on the Hindu camp. Nevertheless, if the accounts of foreign witnesses can be given any credence; if it is true that as Paes and Castanheda relate, "the king could call upon a million, or even two millions, of men at will";² and, finally, if one realizes the gravity of the situation caused by the confederacy of the Muhammadans not only in the great capital, but also in the whole of the Hindu Empire, one may doubt whether the gallant old Regent was not able to summon an army which was large enough to withstand the united attempts of five powerful Sultans who were determined to subvert the riches, government and Dharma of the Hindu people. The fact that the Hindus were defeated is insufficient to cast doubt on the number of the forces on the eve of the great battle, although we admit that the anonymous author of the Bakhair cannot be relied upon for the accuracy of the numbers he has given.

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² Sewell, For. Emp., pp. 150, 279-80.

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In addition to the regular troops, there were the auxiliary forces of the feudatories and lords. About these Nuniz remarks thus: "The officials of the King who go about the kingdom are these . . . Firstly Saluvanyque, the present minister . . . he is obliged to maintain for the King, viz: thirty thousand foot and three thousand horse and thirty elephants . . . Another captain, Ajaparcatimapa . . . He is obliged to serve with twenty-five thousand foot, fifteen hundred horse and forty elephants . . . Another captain, who is called Gapanayque . . . is obliged to furnish two thousand five hundred horse, and twenty thousand foot, and twenty elephants . . . Another called Lepapayque . . . is oblgied to furnish twelve thousand horse and twenty thousand foot and twenty-eight elephants . . . The treasurer of the jewels, who is called Narvara . . . he spends on twelve thousand foot and six hundred horse and twenty elephants. Another captain called Chinapayque. . .serves with eight hundred horse and ten thousand foot (pracos). Crisnapanayque . . . serves with five hundred horse and seven hundred foot (pracos). Also Bajapanarque. . .he serves with eight hundred horsemen and ten thousand foot and fifteen elephants. . .Mallapanarque . . . is obliged to serve with four hundred horse and six thousand foot. . . . Another captain, called Adapanayque . . . He serves with eight thousand foot and eight hundred horse and thirty elephants. . . Another Bajapanayque . . . he serves with a thousand cavalry and ten thousand foot and fifty elephants. . . In this way the kingdom of Bisnaga is divided between more than two hundred captains who are all heathen . . .”¹

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¹ Sewell, For. Emp., pp. 384-9.

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According to the *History of the Carnataca Governors*, the Vijayanagara king commanded forty thousand cavalry, four thousand elephants and ten thousand camels.² His principal officer Nāgama Nāyaka, according to the same source of information, was in charge of these forces, in addition to which he had a personal contingent of six thousand cavalry and twenty thousand infantry.³ Even after the tremendous shock of A.D. 1565, the Vijayanagara sovereign, according to a Jesuit letter dated A.D. 1583, could assemble on the field a good many elephants, horse and a numerous army.⁴

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² Taylor, O.H. MSS. II, p. 1, op. cit.

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³ Ibid.

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⁴ Heras, Q.J.M.S., XIV., p. 131.

Section 2. The Component Parts of the Vijayanagara Army

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From the above description of the number of forces which the Hindu Government could summon in times of need, it is obvious that the nature of the parts which composed their army was different from that of ancient times. It is a matter of common knowledge that, according to the Hindu conception, the army was made up of four parts or divisions—infantry, cavalry, elephants and chariots. In the *Arthaśāstra* of Kauṭilya, the fourfold divisions are thus enumerated: "The infantry should be arrayed such that the space between any two men is a sama (14 aṅgulas); cavalry, with three samas; chariots with four samas; and elephants with twice or thrice as much space (as between any two chariots)".¹

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¹ *Arthaśāstra*, Bk. V., Ch., V. 372, p. 430.

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A definite advance on the ancient conception was made by Śukrācārya in the following statement: "The king should have his infantry four times the cavalry, bulls one-fifth of his horse, camels one-eighth, elephants one-fourth of the camels, chariots half of the elephants, and cannon twice the chariots".² Śukra seems to have intrdouced three new elements—bulls, camels and cannon. These raise the figure to seven, and, according to Śukra, we have, therefore, infantry, cavalry, elephants, chariots, camels, cannon and bulls. But in reality, Śukra merely gave legal sanction to two of the parts already mentioned as auxiliaries by Kauṭilya—bulls and camels—and introduced one new feature—artillery—which was unknown to the age of the *Arthaśāstra*. Kauṭilya makes provision for the bulls and camels, but only as a means to an end. "The king who has a small number of horses may combine bulls with horses; likewise when he is deficient in elephants, he may fill up the centre of his army with mules, camels and carts."³

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² *Sukraniti*, IV., vii., l. 41, p. 128. Śukra further enjoins that the ruler whose income is a lac *karsha* (or one lakh of rupees) should have every year one hundred reserve force of same age, well accoutred and decently equipped with weapons and missiles, three hundred foot soldiers armed with lesser fire-arms or guns, eighty horses, one chariot, two larger fire-arms or cannon, ten camels, two elephants, two chariots, sixteen bulls, six clerks, and three councillors. *Ibid.*, ll. 47-52, p. 219. See also I., II. 365-74, p. 24 for different kinds of kings.

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³ *Arthaśāstra*, Bk. X., Ch. IV. 371, p. 430.

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In the twelfth century the classical idea still prevailed in the Karṇāṭaka, although the actual use of one of the essential parts—chariots—had long become out of date. The four-fold divisions of the army (*hasty-aśva-ratha-padāti-balam*) are mentioned in A.D. 1143.⁴ Even so late A.D. 1302 the people remembered the *caturanga-balam*.⁵

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⁴ E.C. VIII, Sa. 58, p. 103.

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⁵ *Ibid.*, Nr. 27, p. 131.

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The Vijayanagara monarchs apparently transgressed the injunctions of Kauṭilya and the precedent of the early rulers of Karṇāṭaka as regards the four-fold divisions of their army. Sewell speaks of the troops of Vijayanagara marching against the Sultan of Gulbarga in A.D. 1419 with horse, foot, and elephants.¹ This was only partially true. For the Hindu army was made up of six parts. An inscription dated A.D. 1390-1 informs us that the Prince Dēva Raya "for a long time carried out a fierce military expedition by order of his father Harihara (II) accompanied by the six component parts of the army . . ."² The six parts of the Vijayanagara army were the following—infantry, cavalry, elephants, artillery which included "chariots" or carts, camels and bulls. The Bakhair of Rāma Rāja is the only account which gives us an idea of these six parts of the army.³ The Vijayanagara rulers, therefore, unintentionally followed the mediaeval precept of Sukra rather than the classical injunctions which restricted the forces to the four well known names. We shall now enumerate in some detail these six divisions of the Vijayanagara army.

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¹ Sewell, *For. Emp.* p. 65.

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² Butterworth-Chetty, *Nellore Ins.*, I, p. 4.

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³ For the popular conception of the army, read Lakshmīśa, *Jaiminī Bhārata*, Sandhi, VIII, v. 37, p. 165. (Sanderson).

1. Infantry

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Recruitment into the army was not restricted to any particular class of the people. The opinion of foreign travellers confirms the information supplied by early inscriptions on this matter. A record dated A.D. 1356 relates that the different contingents which made up the Vijayanagara army were composed of the Turks, Seunas, Telugus, Pāṇḍyas and Hoysalas.⁴ From the very commencement of their political career, the sons of Saṅgama sought the support of all classes for the maintenance of their Empire. And they were able to secure it by throwing open military service to the different sections of people. Barbosa in A.D. 1514 confirms the evidence of the epigraph we have cited, about the cosmopolitan nature of the Hindu forces. He writes thus: "Among these men-at-arms there are many knights, who arrive there from many parts to take service, and these do not cease to live in their creeds".⁵ As already narrated in connection with the Foreign Relations of Vijayanagara, the Hindu monarchs also enlisted Muham-madans in their service. In A.D. 1442 there were two thousand Muhammadan soldiers well skilled in archery in Vijayanagara.¹ Paes, as we shall presently describe, speaks of the Moors in the grand review held at the capital. "Then the Moors—one must not forget them—for they were there also in the review with their shields, javelins and Turkish bows, with many bombs and spears and fire-missiles; and I was much astonished to find amongst them men who knew so well how to work these weapons".² We have already recorded the testimony of Nuniz about the Moors who led the van during the decisive Raichur campaign.³

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⁴ Rice, *My. Ins.*, pp. 2, 5, op. cit.

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⁵ Barbosa, Stanley, p. 91; Dames, I, p. 212.

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¹ Firishtah, Briggs, *The Rise*, II, p. 432; Sewell, *For. Emp.*, p. 72. See supra, p. 410.

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² Sewell, *ibid.*, pp. 277-8.

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³ *Ibid.*, p. 329, op. cit. Rangachari speaks of the Badagas under Vijayanagara. *I.A.*, XLIII., p. 113, n. (49).

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As regards the actual system of recruitment we have unfortunately not many details. In describing the origin of the Zemindari of the Doṭṭiya fort, the local chronicles give the following information: "At the time when the Padsha came against the Rayer (i.e. the king of Vijayanagara) before the capital was taken, the Rayer sent out red garments, with a message that so many as were willing to leave their families should put on those garments and prepare for war. My ancestor Macala nayaker of the Panjai valla tribe, with his people assembled; and after defeating the invaders came to the Rayer's presence".⁴

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⁴ Taylor, *Cat. Rais*, III, p. 356. See also p. 361.

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Barbosa gives more trustworthy details: "And whenever the king's officers take and enrol any man, they strip him and look what marks he has got on his body, and measure what his stature is, and set it all down in writing, and from whence he comes, and the names of his father and mother: and so he remains enrolled with all these particulars in the pay books. And after being enrolled, it is with difficulty that he can again obtain permission to go to his country; and if he flies and is taken, he runs great danger, and is very ill treated."⁵

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⁵ Barbosa, Stanley, pp. 90-1; Dames, I., p. 212.

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The Rāmarājīyamu gives us some particulars about the numbers that make up a unit. Each unit was composed of one elephant, twenty horses, sixty arches, sixty swordmen, and sixty spearmen. It seems that there were 3,500

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Sculptures representing Soldiers marching (Bottom). [Vol. I, p. 423.]

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such units in the Vijayanagara army during the siege of Kandanavōlu (Kurnool).¹

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¹ Rāmarājīyamu, The Sources, p. 102.

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Rice in a short note deals with the weapons used by the Vijayanagara soldiers. Basing his remarks on one or two weapons secured from Pura, Māṇḍya taluka, and on those preserved in the extensive armoury of the royal palace at Mysore, he speaks of certain types of weapons, amongst which a light sword with a fish tail and another like a flexible band that could be worn as a belt, deserve special notice.²

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² E.C. III, Intr. p. 34.

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There are some references to the weapons used by the soldiers under Vijayanagara both in literature and the account of foreign travellers. These may be supplemented by the sculptures as seen on the walls of the capital. Gaṅgādēvī gives us a few names of the weapons carried by the Hindu soldiers. These were the kṛpaṇa, the kārpaṇa, the prāsa, the kuṇṭa and the kōdaṇḍa.³ Gaṅgādēvī confirms the evidence of Barbosa about the cosmopolitan nature of the army of Vijayanagara in the above description.

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³ Gaṅgādēvī, Madhurāvijayam, Canto, IV, v. 10, p. 29.

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Firishtah, while describing the campaign of A.D. 1433, tells us that the soldiers were "armed in the usual manner with pikes and lances".⁴ But the Portuguese travellers have more details to give about the dress and weapons of the Hindu soldiers. Paes writes thus: "Then, turning to the troops on foot, there are so many that they surround all the valleys and hills in a way which nothing in the world can compare. You will see amongst them dresses of such rich cloths that I do not know where they come from, nor could any one tell how many colours they have; shield-men with their shields, with many flowers of gold and silver on them, others with figures of tigers and other great beasts, others all covered with silver leaf-work beautiful wrought, others with painted colours, others black and (so polished that) you can see into them as into a mirror, and their swords so richly ornamented that they could not possibly be more so. Of the archers, I must tell you that they have bows plated with gold and silver, and others have been polished, and their arrows very neat, and so feathered that they could not be better;

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⁴ Firishtah, Briggs, The Rise, II, p. 432.

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daggers at their waist and battle axes, with the shafts and ends of gold and silver; then you see musqueteers with their musquets and blunderbusses and their thick tunics, all in their order, with their (Lioes?) in all their bravery; it was indeed a thing to see".¹ His remarks about the Moors with their shields, javelins and Turkish bows, given above, are to be recounted here. Nuniz also has a few observations to make on the dress and the accoutrement of the soldiers of Vijayanagara. "All were equally well armed, each after his own fashion, the archers and musqueteers with their quilted tunics,² and the shieldmen with their swords and poignards in their girdles; the shields are so large that there is no need for armour to protect the body, which is completely covered . . ."³

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¹ Sewell, For. Emp., p. 277. For Sewell's conjectures, see ibid., pp. 201, n. (2).

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² On the quilted tunics, see Sewell, ibid. pp. 276, n. (2).

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³ Sewell, ibid., pp. 327-8.

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As regards some of the tactics practised by the Hindus, Firishtah has a few remarks to make. While describing an incident in the siege of Baṅkāpur, he says: "The infantry of the Carnatic, who value their lives but little, were quite naked, and had their bodies anointed with oil, to prevent them being easily seized . . ."⁴

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⁴ Firishtah, Briggs, The Rise, III, p. 137.

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The Portuguese writers mention some details about the battle cry of the Hindus: "When the news of this event (i.e., on the defection of Tirumala, as recorded by Caesar Frederick) reached Rāma Rāya's ears, the valiant chief . . was incensed with fury; and in order to encourage his troops he remounted his horse, and shouting several times 'Gorida; Gorida! (Garuda! Garuda!)' with his men charged the allied army".⁵

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⁵ Heras, Aravidu, p. 208.

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This refers we believe, to Gōvinda rather than to Garuḍa, as the Rev. Heras suggests.

II. Cavalry

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It may be doubted whether any other part of the Vijayanagara was so important as the cavalry. The foreign policy of the rulers was to a large extent governed by the necessity of securing for themselves a continuous supply of horses from Ormuz, and they were thus brought into close contact with the Portuguese in Goa. This was, as remarked elsewhere, due to a dearth of good horses in the Empire.¹ The Hindu rulers were so obsessed with the idea of controlling a monopoly of horses for their State that they were blind to the fact that their endeavours in this direction only aided a foreign power to settle down permanently on the west coast of their Empire.² This had an abiding effect on the history of the land. But, for the moment, the Vijayanagara monarchs allowed principles of profit to over-ride the greater question of the stability of their Empire.

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¹ Sewell, *For. Emp.*, p. 72.

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² Ibid., pp. 176-7.

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They spent enormous sums on horses imported from Ormuz. Nuniz tells us that the Emperor bought every year 13,000 horses from Ormuz. "The King every year buys thirteen thousand horses of Ormuz, and country-breds, of which he chooses the best for his own stables, and he gives the rest to his captains, and gains much money by them; because after taking out the good Persian horses, he sells those which are country-bred, and gives five for a thousand *pardaos*, and they are obliged to pay him the money for them within the month of September; and with the money so obtained he pays for the Arabs that he buys of the Portuguese, in such a way that his captains pay the cost of the whole without anything going out of the Treasury".³ Whatever may be the principle underlying such a policy of economizing the revenues of the State, it is clear that the Vijayanagara monarchs were in dire need of horses. Nuniz writes thus about Sāḷuva Nṛsiṁha: "He caused horses to be brought from Oromuz and Adeem (Aden) into his kingdom and thereby gave great profit to the merchants, paying them for the horses just as they asked. He took them dead or alive at three for a thousand *pardaos*, and of those that died at sea they brought him the tail only, and he paid for it just as if it had been alive".⁴ The idea which lay behind the system of paying for a dead horse is also inexplicable.

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³ Ibid., pp. 381-2.

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⁴ Ibid., p. 307.

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The actual price of a horse, which the reader must have noted from the observations we made while describing the country in general, varied, as can be seen by comparing the account given above with that relating to Kṛṣṇa Dēva Rāya the Great. On his way to meet 'Ali Ādil Shāh, the monarch "bought six hundred horses from the Portuguese at the rate of 4½ for 1,000 *paradaos*".¹ Nuniz, who gives us these details, was himself a trader in horses in Vijayanagara. He tells us that the king bought twelve or fifteen country-bred horses for a thousand *paradaos*.² Under ordinary circumstances, therefore, the Vijayanagara monarchs were not constrained to resort to measures which Tirumala adopted when he attempted to recover from the effects of the great battle of Rākshasa-Taṅgaḍi. We may here note that one of the centres which contained a number of superior saddlers was Baṅkāpur.³

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¹ Sewell, For. Emp., p. 361, n. (2).

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² Ibid., p. 381.

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³ Commentaries of Albuquerque, III, pp. 246-7.

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Nuniz further tells us the following about the manner in which the king maintained the horses: ". . . he has sixteen hundred grooms who attend to the horses, and has also three hundred horse trainers. . . To the six thousand horsemen the King gives horses free and gives provision for them every month, and all these horses are marked with the King's mark; when they die they are obliged to take the piece of skin containing the mark to Madanarque, the chief master of the horse, so that he may give them another, and these horses which he gives are mostly country-breds. . ."⁴

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⁴ Sewell, ibid., p. 381.

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From the inscriptions we can gather a few facts about the system by which the Government secured fodder for their horses. A copper-plate grant dated A.D. 1447 contains a *nirūpa* or written order of a *sēvaka mānya* or service *mānya*. "The following *nirūpa* of a service *mānya* was granted by the *Mahāmaṇḍalēśvara* Pratāpa Rāya to Pedda Cheppappa Reḍḍi, the *dēśāyi* of Māyikollāpura. For their service of supplying grass to our horses, we have ordered that the lands now in the enjoyment of your people of the Samudra-kulāchāra, wherever they may reside, should be free from imposts (specified) and. . . (*kirti varṇādulu naḍapukōṇi*). You are at liberty to cultivate the lands in your places well and to enjoy in succession whatever crops you may grow, with all rights (specified) and without any molestation".⁵ Another inscription dated Saka 1451, Virōdhi, Māgha (A.D. 1530, January) narrates that a certain Timmarasa built a choultry and made provision for feeding twelve Brahmans at Yalape (Bellary district) which was a mukāsa village given to him by Kṛṣṇa Dēva Rāya to maintain horses.¹

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⁵ E.C., XII, Tm. 52. The meaning of the expression *kirti-varṇādulu* is not clear. Ibid., p. 14, n. (2), text, p. 49.

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¹ 216 of 1913. The date Saka 1451 (Virōdhi, Māgha) is evidently meant for expired Saka 1451. Swamikannu, Ind. Eph., V. p. 262. "Mukhasa—a village or land assigned to an individual either rent free or at a low quit rent condition of service." Wilson, Glossary, p. 352.

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Some powerful viceroys, however, resorted to force in procuring the necessary supplies. Tirumala Nāyaka, on hearing of the invasion of Diṇḍigul by the Mysoreans, called together the Pāleyagāras and addressed himself to Raṅgaṇa Nāyaka the Pāleyagāra of Diṇḍigul, thus: "As we are going to fight against the capital of the Mysore country, and as for many years past you have acquired a great extent of territory, having had the full proceeds of all revenues from the privilege of being an adopted child of Madura, (heretofore accorded to your ancestors) it is now fit that you contribute sixteen thousand (gold) chakra-pons towards the expense of the army." But when he pleaded that he was unable to pay such a huge amount, it was reduced to 7,000 pons.²

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² Taylor, O.H. MSS. II, p. 171.

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The remarks of Nuniz that the king gave the horsemen provisions every month may be set side by side with those of Barbosa, who, as we saw while dealing with the royal kitchens, speaks of the monthly allowance of four or five paradaos given to the knights, with a groom and a slave girl for personal service, and daily provisions supplied from the great royal kitchens.³

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³ Barbosa, Dames, I, p. 210, op. cit.

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Paes gives us the following particulars about the dress of the Hindu cavalry: "Now I should like to describe to you how they were armed and their decorations. The cavalry were mounted on horses fully caparisoned, and on their foreheads plates, some of silver but most of them gilded, with fringes of twisted silk of all colours, and reins of the same; others had trappings of Mecca velvet, which is velvet of many colours with fringes and ornaments; others had them of other silks, such as satins and damask, and others of brocade from China and Persia. Some of the men with the gilded plates had them set with many large precious stones, and on the borders lace-work of small stones. Some of these horses had on their foreheads heads of serpents and of other large animals of various kinds, made in such a strange manner that they were a sight to see for the perfection of their make. The horsemen were dressed in quilted tunics, also of brocade and velvet and every kind of silk. These tunics are made of layers of very strong raw leather, and furnished with other iron (plates) that make them strong; some have these plates gilded both inside and out, and some are made of silver. Their headpieces are in the manner of helmets with borders covering the neck, and each has its piece to protect the face; they are of the same fashion as the tunics. They wore on the neck gorgets (cofos) all gilded, others made of silk with plates of gold and silver, others of steel as bright as a mirror. At the waists they have swords and small battle-axes, and in their hands javelins with the shafts covered with gold and silver. All have their umbrellas of state made of embroidered velvet and damask, with many coloured silks on the horses. They wave many (standards with) white and coloured tails, and hold them in much esteem—which tails are horses' tails".¹

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¹ Sewell, *For. Emp.*, pp. 275, 276, n. (2), 277. Sewell on p. 276, n. (2) refers to the description of the dress of the Hindu cavalry by Barros. For a description of the horse during festival times, see ibid., p. 377. Infra Volume II, Chap. IX. Festivals, Games and Amusements.

III. Elephants

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The third main division of the Hindu army was made up of elephants. 'Abdur Razzāq, as we have already seen, was astonished at their size; and he tells us of the houses in which they were lodged.²

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² Elliot, *Hist. of India*, IV, pp. 105, op. cit.; Major, *India*, p. 27.

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As regards the method in which they were armed, we have the following from Paes. "The elephants in the same way are covered with caparison of velvet and gold with fringes, and rich cloths of many colours, and with bells so that the earth resounds; and on their heads are painted faces of giants and other kinds of great beasts. On the back of each one of them are three or four men, dressed in their quilted tunics, and armed with shields and javelins, and they are arrayed as if for a foray".³

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³ Sewell, ibid., p. 277.

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This number of men carried by an elephant which Paes gives agrees with that given by Faria y Sousa, who, as remarked in a previous page, says that each elephant carried four men in its "castle". Nuniz says: "The war-elephants go with their nowdalis (castellos) from which four men fight on each side of them, and the elephants are completely clothed, and on their tusks they have knives fastened, much ground and sharpened, with which they do great harm".¹ Varthema tells us, however, that in the very large and strong wooden box carried each on side of the elephant, there were in all seven persons, among whom was included the elephant driver. The description of a war-elephant given by Varthema has already been cited.²

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¹ Sewell, For. Emp., p. 328.

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² Varthema, Jones, p. 126; Temple, p. 51. Cf. The description of the war elephants given by Nikitin, Major, India, p. 12; Sewell, ibid., p. 104.

IV Camels

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These formed a regular division of the Vijayanagara army. But we have very meagre notices of the camels either in literature or in the accounts of foreign travellers. Vijayanagara, according to tradition, as we have narrated, commanded a force of 10,000 camels, which was in charge of Nāgama Nāyaka.³ Varthema's remarks about the dromedaries which run with great swiftness, have already been noticed. The Rāma Rāja Charitre, we may add, gives the number of camels on the battlefield of Rākshasa-Taṅgaḍi as 1,874,429.⁴

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³ Taylor, O.H. MSS., II, p. 1, op. cit.

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⁴ Mack. Coll.

V Bulls

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About the contingent of bulls too very little can be gathered from reliable sources. The Bakhair of Rāma Rāja gives an incredible number of bulls in the army: 9,876, 543,210,000! We do not know whether this formidable figure is in any way trustworthy. While describing the conquests of Kaṇṭhirava Narasa Oḍeyar, who "conquered Denaikancotta (Daṇāyakanakoṭṭa) Sattimungal (Satyamangalam) and other places," Wilks in his Sketches says that "Nagana Naid, described to be the head of the bullock department of Acheta Deva Rayeel of Vijayanuggur, founded the dynasty of the Naieks of Madura about the year 1532, with the aid of a colony of Telingas, which seems to have been planted in that country sometime before by the government of Vijeyanuggur".¹ Nuniz, as we shall see, speaks of sumpter-mules and asses, and of great numbers of oxen which carried all the supplies of the camp.²

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¹ Wilks, Sketches, I., p. 54, n. (1810); I., p. 34, n. (1869).

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² Infra, A Picture of the Hindu Camp.

VI Artillery

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Unlike the two foregoing parts of the Vijayanagara army, the last division which was made up of artillery has figured in the writings of foreign travellers as well as in indigenous records. Firishtah, while describing the campaign of A.D. 1368 and the complete failure of the Hindus against the Muhammadans, writes thus: "According to the Tohfut oos-Sulateen, two thousand elephants, three hundred gun-carriages, and battering rams, seven hundred Arabian horses and a sing'hasun set with jewels, were included in the booty of the King—all other articles were left to the officers and soldiers".³

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³ Firishtah, Briggs, The Rise, II, p. 312.

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Briggs, who accepts the veracity of the above narrative,⁴ comments thus on the passage: "If any reliance is to be placed on Molla Dawood Bidury, the author of Tohfut-oos-Sulateen, guns were used at this time by the Hindoos; and in a subsequent passage, it is remarked that the Mahomedans used them for the first time during the next campaign. But I am disposed to doubt the validity of both these statements. From the latter passage it seems possible, indeed, that the Mahomedans might have procured guns from the West in 1368, because they are said to have been used eighteen years previously by Edward III at the battle of Cressy, though it is very improbable; and Ferishta, in stating it to be the first time the Mahomedans employed them, also observes, that Toorks and Europeans, skilled in gunnery, worked the artillery. That guns were in common use before the arrival of the Portuguese in India, in 1498, seems certain from the mentioned made of them by Faria-y-Sousa, who represents the Moorish vessels in India, in 1502, bearing down upon the vessel of Peter de Ataide, called the 'St. Peter, into whom she passed her shot, and then made away, and was pursued and taken off the bay of Cananor.' . . .¹ Faria-y-Sousa, who accompanied the early Portuguese in India, writes in chap. ix., p. 99. ibid.: 'The Moors of Sumatra, Malacca, and the Moluccoes (by which last appellation he means those princes bearing the title of Moolk, that is, the several princes of the Deccan) were well disciplined, and much better stored with artillery than we that attacked them, A.D. 1506'. All these circumstances, however, do not lead to the conclusion that the Hindoos had guns before they were introduced from the West by the Mahomedans, who adopted their use from Europe".²

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⁴ Sewell also relies on Firishtah. For. Emp., pp. 34-5, 35, n. (2).

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¹ Faria y Sousa, *Asia Port.*, I, p. 58.

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² Briggs, *The Rise*, II, p. 312, n.

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There are reasons to doubt the soundness of the conclusion arrived at by Briggs. According to Firishtah, who continues the description of the campaign of A.D. 1368, "Mahomed Shah, by the advice of Khan Mahomed, did not lay siege to Adony, but collecting a train of artillery which had never till then been employed by the faithful in the Deccan, he gave the command to Mookurrib Khan, son of Sufdur Khan Seestany, attaching to him a number of Toorks and Europeans acquainted with the art of gunnery".³ The Muhammadans, therefore, made use of artillery in A.D. 1368. The statement of Faria y Sousa refers to the year A.D. 1502. One may question whether the assertion of the Portuguese historian can be made to disprove the statement of Firishtah. Without entering minutely into the question, we may note in passing that mention is made in the *Sukraniti* of gunpowder and gunners.⁴

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³ Firishtah, Briggs, ibid., II, p. 312, n.

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⁴ *Sukraniti*, II, ll. 393-6, p. 83; IV, ii. ll. 60-3, p. 140. VII, ll. 386-418, pp. 235-237, 237, n. (1).

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But this does not certainly prove that the Vijayanagara monarchs used guns in or about A.D. 1368. It is the inscriptions which enlighten us on this point. That the author of the *Tohful-us-Sulatin* was not far wrong in stating that in or about A.D. 1368 the Hindus had guns can be gathered from a record dated A.D. 1388 which contains the earliest reference to firearms in Vijayanagara history. The inscription narrates that on the death of the match-lock man (*kōvikāra*) Dēvayya Nāyaka, son of Chikkagoṇḍa of Muṭṭuguppe, by snake-bite, his wife Muddana kēṭi performed *sahagamana*.¹ There is another inscription, probably of the times of Dēva Rāya II which mentions gunpowder in unmistakable terms. It relates that on "Eṇiva-Maḷaga driving along an elephant for the city elephant of the Male-rāyya—the *Mahā-prabhu* Bayicha Gauḍa, who was supplying gunpowder to the Naḍaṅgiri-nāḍ Rāja (*naḍaṅgiriṇāḍ rājaaa [rājana] maddin sēvayım*), . . . slew some powerful enemies and went to *svarga*".² It is quite likely, therefore, that somewhere between the years A.D. 1360 and 1420, the Hindus might have borrowed the idea of using guns from the Muhammadans, whose acquaintance with cannon in about A.D. 1420 is confirmed by Nicolo dei Conti. This traveller says: "The natives of central India make use of balistae, and those machines which we call bombardas, also other warlike implements adapted for besieging cities".³ There is nothing improbable in the Hindus of southern India having imitated the Muhammadans in this respect prior to A.D. 1420, especially when we remember that these people were brought together more often on the battlefield than on platforms of peace and mutual goodwill.

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¹ E.C., VIII, Sb. 433, p. 81; P. II, p. 218. The date of the record is Saka 1310, Vibhava Samvatsara = A.D. 1388. Swamikannu, *Ind. Eph.*, IV, p. 378. There is no other means of verifying the date.

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² E.C., VIII, Sa. 68, p. 104. P. II, p. 282. The date is given as *śaka-varushada sāvirada munnūṛ elpatta mūṛ samvat vistārada-abda-Durmatiyō Ashāḍa-māsa Sudha Pādya*. In the Romanized version we have *Samvatsarad abdada*, p. 197. This epigraph contains some chronological difficulties. The name of the king is given as Immaḍi Dēva Rāya Mahārāya (A.D. 1446-67), the son of Dēva Rāya II. The record may have been assigned to the times of Immaḍi Dēva Rāya II, but the cyclic year Durmati agrees with Saka 1363 and not with Saka 1373, the cyclic year of which was Prajotpatti. Saka 1363 Durmati, Ashāḍa-māsa Su. Pādya = A.D. 1441, June, Monday the 19th (?). Swamikannu, ibid., V., p. 84. In the absence of more reliable data, the suggestion of Rice is followed here. B.A.S.

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³ Major, *India*, p. 31; Sewell, *For. Emp.*, p. 86. These machines mentioned by Conti were evidently the *sutarnals* and the *hattarnals* mentioned in the *Rama Rāja Charitre*.

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We have already mentioned the number of cannon used in the great battle of Rākshasa-Taṅgaḍi. The total, according to the *Bakhair*, was 2,667. Nuniz merely says that "Several cannon were also taken" during the Raichur campaign.⁴ The chariots mentioned in the *Bakhair* were evidently carriages on which the cannon were transported. If they had used chariots as an independent unit of the army, foreign travellers could not have failed to notice them.

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⁴ Sewell, ibid., p. 328.

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The *raṇagaddi* mentioned in the Bakhair were altogether 4,321 on the battlefield of Rākshasa-Taṅgaḍi.¹

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¹ Mack. Coll.

Section 3. The Military Department

A. Designation

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Without dwelling at length on the details of the military department as given in the *Arthaśāstra* and *Śukranīti*², we may observe that the idea of entrusting the charge of the army to the care of a commander-in-chief called *daṇḍanāyaka* or *daṇṇāyaka*, was borrowed by the Vijayanagara monarchs from their predecessors, the rulers of Hoysala-vaṃśa. Under these the office of a *daṇṇāyaka* sometimes combined in itself the functions pertaining to the civil and military departments. This is evident from the designation of *Mahāpradhāna*, *Sarvādhikari*, *Sēnadhiptai Hiriya Haḍavala* (*periya paḍaivala* in Tamil) Sokkimayya (Bōkimayya) in A.D. 1155.³ They were sometimes also given the title of *sāmantādhipati* when they were placed over the feudatory chiefs. But the military designation generally remained as *sēnādhipati* or *daṇḍanāyaka* or, as in later times, merely *dalavāyi*. The life-guards, as we might term them, were called *garuḍas* under the Hoysalas. The general Chokimayya (Bōkimmayya) claimed to be Biṭṭi Dēva's (Viṣṇuvardhana's) *Garuḍa*. The Prince Lakshmaṇa was Ballāḷa Dēva's *Garuḍa*.⁴

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² *Arthaśāstra*, Bk., Ch. 11, pp. 398-402; *Śukranīti*, IV, vii, pp. 216-7; Sarkar, *Pos. Back.*, II, P. 1, p. 114.

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³ E.C., X, Bp. 9, p. 136; E.C., P.I., V, Hn. 69, p. 21.

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⁴ Rice, *My. & Coorg.*, pp. 170-1.

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The military department under Vijayanagara was called *kandāchāra*.⁵ The royal grant of a rent-free *agrahāra* in the villages of Hosakere, otherwise called Kṛṣṇasamudra, and Gaurāpura in Pāṇḍya-nāḍ, in A.D. 1551, was caused to be written on stone by Lakshmaṇa Bhaṭṭa of the *kandāchāra* as a perpetual service (*sadā sēve*).⁶

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⁵ Rice, *My. Gaz.* I, p. 472. (1st. ed.); I, p. 579 (Rev. ed.).

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⁶ E.C., XI, Jl, 24, p. 87.

B. Organization

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(i) The Commander-in-chief

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'Abdur Razzāq is the earliest foreign traveller who gives us the official designation of the commander-in-chief of the Vijayanagara forces. According to him the danāik (daṇṇāyaka) was also the chief justice and "his residence lies behind the palace of the king".¹ The Brahman daṇṇāyaka, who returned to the capital after ravaging the territory of Gulbarga, gave him "an assignment for 7,000 fanams on the mint the very day of his arrival".² This presupposes a harmonious working of the civil and military departments about which unfortunately nothing can be gathered.

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¹ Elliot, Hist. of India, IV, p. 108; Sewell, For. Emp., p. 91.

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² Elliot, ibid., p. 122.

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We are again unable to ascertain the powers of the daṇḍanāyaka. From Chennamarāju's *Chāruchandrōdaya* we learn something about the insignia of a Vijayanagara general. 'Abdur Razzāq's information regarding this point is interesting, but the seven coloured umbrellas, the mace-bearers and the penegyrists³ are all associated with a court of law rather than with the office of a general. Chennamarāju, however, tells us that the following were the insignia of a general: a triumphal banner of Garuḍa-Nārāyaṇa, a costly red cloth with golden flowers worked upon it, a turāyi or tiara, an elephant, a costly horse, a necklace called *vīra malahāri*, a square-piece pendant on the breast known as *tāḷichaukaṭṭu* (?), pearl-bangles, an anklet called *gaṇḍapeṇḍāram*, and a sword ornamented with a tassel at the hilt.⁴

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³ Ibid., p. 108.

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⁴ *Chāruchandrōdaya*. The Sources, p. 242. The ornament called *Gaṇḍapeṇḍāra* was in great fashion under the Hoysalas. See E.C., VII, Sk., 153, of A.D. 1039, p. 109; Sk. 138 of 1194, p. 106; Sk. 95 of A.D. 1215, pp. 61-2. Cf. *Gaṇḍapeṇḍāra* with *dakshiṇapeṇḍāra*. E.C., XII, Gb. 58, p. 27.

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(ii) Minor Officials

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The daṇṇāyaka may have had under him the nāyakas (or chiefs who held *nāyaṅkars*) mentioned elsewhere.⁵ But about the details of the military department nothing can be gathered from the epigraphical records. Foreign travellers, on the other hand, enlighten us on the subject. Paes tells us the following: "In this city the king held another review of the troops of his guard, and he distributed pay to all because it was the beginning of the year, and it is their custom to pay salaries year by year. An inspection is held by the officers of his house, and they write down the name of each one, and the marks that he has on his face or body. There are men of the guard who have a thousand *pardaos* pay, and others eight hundred, others six hundred and more, and a little more or less; there is a difference, and also a difference in the persons. Some men of them who are of higher rank than others have two horses or three, and others have no more than one. These troops have their captains, and each captain goes with his guard to mount guard at the palace according to order and custom; the king has in his guard five hundred horse, and these watch outside the palace armed with their weapons. There are two watches inside, and people with swords and shields".¹

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⁵ A.S.R. for 1908-9, p. 185.

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¹ Sewell, *For. Emp.*, pp. 283. We have seen that, according to Barbosa, before admitting recruits into service, the Government entered their names in books after noting all the marks on their bodies. What Paes relates refers to an annual review and the same procedure is repeated obviously with the idea of checking earlier reports. B.A.S.

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The evidence of Nuniz cannot be made to reconcile with that of Paes as regards the number of the king's guard. Thus writes Nuniz in his *Chronicle*: "When the King rides out there go with him usually two hundred horsemen of his guard whom he pays, and a hundred elephants, and this in addition to the captains, forty or fifty in number, who are always in attendance with their soldiers. He takes with him two thousand men with shields, all men of good position, ranged in order on the flanks, and in front goes the chief *alcaid* with about thirty horsemen having canes in their hands like porters; the chief *alcaid* bears a different wand; he who is now chief *alcaid* of this King is called Chinapanaique. Behind with the rearguard goes the Master of the Horse with two hundred horsemen, and behind the cavalry go a hundred elephants, and on their backs ride men of high estate. He has in front of him twelve destriers, saddled, and in front of these horses go five elephants, specially for the King's person, and in front of these elephants go about five-and-twenty horsemen with banners in their hands, and with drums and trumpets and other music playing so loudly that you can hear nothing. Before these goes a great drum carried by men at the sides, and they go now and then striking it; the sound of this is heard a long distance off; and this drum they call *picha*. After the King has mounted he counts the two hundred horsemen and the hundred elephants and the shield-bearers of the guard, and whoever is missing is severely punished and his property confiscated".¹

v1.c15.s3.t2.13

¹ Sewell, *For. Emp.*, pp. 371-2.

v1.c15.s3.t2.14

Why the king after mounting should himself count the two hundred horsemen and the shield-bearers when even, according to Nuniz's own narrative, there were important officers like the chief alcaid (?) and the Master of the Horse and the various captains on the scene, cannot be made out. In a later passage he explains more clearly the nature of the king's guard: "The King has continually fifty thousand paid soldiers, amongst whom are six thousand horsemen who belong to the palace guard, to which six thousand belong the two hundred who are obliged to ride with him. He has also twenty thousand spearmen and shield-bearers, and three thousand men to look after the elephants in the stables; he has sixteen hundred grooms who attend to the horses, and has also three hundred horse trainers and two thousand artificers, namely blacksmiths, masons, and carpenters, and washermen who wash clothes".²

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