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New History of the Marathas v2.c24: Correction

New History of the Marathas v2.c24

Language
English

Contents

Correction

v2.c24.1

P. 216, line 20, read exhibition for expedition. P. 248, line 22, read influenced for inflamed. P. 385, lines 2 and 10, exchange words succour and suspect. P. 394, line 3 bottom, read January 14 for February 5, as on p. 403, (refer to Hingne Daftar II. 42). P. 396, line 1, read Rajputs for Rajput. P. 418, line 2 bottom, read who after Shuja. P. 507, line 13 bottom, read Kholapur for Kolhapur.

v2.c24.2

The first of these, the *Gospel of the Hebrews*, was used by the Jewish Christians of Palestine, and was probably a version of the Gospel of Matthew, though it contained some traditions not found in our canonical books. The *Gospel of the Egyptians* was used by the ascetic sects of Egypt, and was marked by a strong tendency towards mysticism and asceticism. The *Gospel of Peter* was used by the Docetists, and taught that Christ did not really suffer, but only appeared to do so.

v2.c24.3

These gospels, and others like them, were not accepted by the Church as a whole, and were gradually lost or suppressed. The Church, however, felt the need for a standard collection of writings that would serve as a guide for faith and practice. This led to the formation of the New Testament canon, a process that took several centuries to complete.

v2.c24.4

The first step in this process was the collection of the letters of Paul, which were widely circulated among the churches. Then came the four Gospels, which were accepted as the authoritative accounts of the life and teachings of Jesus. The Acts of the Apostles and the other epistles were gradually added, and finally the Book of Revelation.

v2.c24.5

By the end of the second century, the core of the New Testament was generally accepted by the Church. The process of canonization was not a formal act of a council, but rather a gradual recognition by the churches of the writings that were most valuable for their life and worship. It was only in the fourth century that the canon was formally closed by the councils of the Church.

v2.c24.6

The formation of the New Testament canon was a crucial event in the history of the Church. It provided a standard of faith and practice that helped to unify the Church and to protect it from the influence of heretical sects. It also ensured that the teachings of Jesus and the apostles would be preserved for future generations.

v2.c24.7

1682, May 18 Shahu born. 1689, November 3 Shahu is captured at Raigad. 1696, June 9 Tarabai's son Shivaji born. 1698, May 23 Rajasbai's son Sambhaji born. 1698, May 23 Kanhoji Angre made Sarkhel. 1707, February 20 Aurangzeb dies at Ahmadnagar. 1707, March 5 Azam Shah proclaimed Emperor. 1707, March 13 Shahu meets Azam Shah at Burhanpur. 1707, May 4 Azam Shah reaches Sironj. 1707, May 8 Shahu leaves Mughal Camp for south. 1707, May 25 Shahu in Khandesh joined by Maratha Chiefs. 1707, June 8 Battle of Jajav : Azam Shah killed, Bahadur Shah proclaimed. 1707, August 3 Jotyaji Kesarkar receives Imperial sanads in Shahu's name. 1707, August-Sept. Shahu at Ahmadnagar : Parad reduced ; Fatehsinh taken under protection. 1707, October 12 Shahu wins victory at Khed. 1707, October 27 Shankaraji Narayan Sachiv dies ; Shahu wins forts. 1708, January 1 Shahu captures Satara. 1708, January 12 Shahu crowned king. 1708, May 17 Bahadur Shah crosses Narmada for the Deccan. 1708, June 27 Dhanaji Jadhav dies. 1708, November 20 Balaji Vishwanath made Senakarte. 1709, January 3 Kam Baksh falls fighting. 1709, May Bahadur Shah returns north. 1709, May 16 Lodhi Khan killed near Poona. 1709, August 23 Raybhanji Bhosle dies. 1710 Parsoji Bhosle dies. 1710, December Rao Rambha Nimbalkar Mughal Faujdar of Ahmadnagar.

v2.c24.8

1711 Chandrasen Jadhav, Damaji Thorat and Vithoji Chavan rebel against Shahu.

v2.c24.9

1711, August 17 Chandrasen joins Mughals after his quarrel with Balaji Vishvanath.

v2.c24.10

1711, October 1 Santaji Jadhav is made Senapati.

v2.c24.11

1711, November 20 Shahu arrests Pratinidhi.

v2.c24.12

1711, December 2 Krishnarao Khatavkar put down.

v2.c24.13

1712 Mansinh More Shahu's Senapati.

v2.c24.14

1712, February 17 Bahadur Shah dies.

v2.c24.15

1713, February Nizam-ul-Mulk appointed Subahdar of the Deccan.

v2.c24.16

1713, November 17 Balaji Vishvanath appointed Peshwa.

v2.c24.17

1714, February 28 Balaji Vishvanath and Kanhoji Angre meet and arrange treaty of peace.

v2.c24.18

1715, January 30 Siddi of Janjira makes peace with Shahu.

v2.c24.19

1715, March 25 Kanhoji Angre visits Shahu at Satara.

v2.c24.20

1715, December 26 Charles Boone President of Bombay.

v2.c24.21

1718—1724 English War against Angria.

v2.c24.22

1718, November 2 Boone attacks Khanderi.

v2.c24.23

1721, December Bajirao defeats the English near Kolaba.

v2.c24.24

The first of these, the *Gospel of the Hebrews*, was used by the Jewish Christians of Palestine, and was probably a version of the Gospel of Matthew, though it contained some traditions not found in our canonical books. The *Gospel of the Egyptians* was used by the ascetic sects of Egypt, and was marked by a strong tendency towards mysticism and asceticism. The *Gospel of Peter* was used by the Docetists, and taught that Christ did not really suffer, but only appeared to do so.

v2.c24.25

These gospels, and others like them, were not accepted by the Church as a whole, and were gradually lost or suppressed. The Church, however, felt the need for a standard collection of writings that would serve as a guide for faith and practice. This led to the formation of the New Testament canon, a process that took several centuries to complete.

v2.c24.26

The first step in this process was the collection of the letters of Paul, which were widely circulated among the churches. Then came the four Gospels, which were accepted as the authoritative accounts of the life and teachings of Jesus. The Acts of the Apostles and the other epistles were gradually added, and finally the Book of Revelation.

v2.c24.27

By the end of the second century, the core of the New Testament was generally accepted by the Church. The process of canonization was not a formal act of a council, but rather a gradual recognition by the churches of the writings that were most valuable for their life and worship. It was only in the fourth century that the canon was formally closed by the councils of the Church.

v2.c24.28

The formation of the New Testament canon was a crucial event in the history of the Church. It provided a standard of faith and practice that helped to unify the Church and to protect it from the influence of heretical sects. It also ensured that the teachings of Jesus and the apostles would be preserved for future generations.

v2.c24.29

Shri Shahu Chhatrapati

v2.c24.30

SHAHU’S POSITION STABILIZED

v2.c24.31

[1707—1715]

v2.c24.32

1 Shahu’s home-coming. 2 Battle of Khed. 3 Coronation at Satara. 4 Rise of Balaji Vishvanath. 5 Shahu and Bahadur Shah. 6 Chandrasen’s defection, rise of Kolhapur. 7 Balaji wins the Peshwaship.

v2.c24.33

1. Shahu’s home-coming.—The death of Aurangzeb on 20th February, 1707, marks a distinct break between the old order that was passing and the new that was coming. The Emperor had spent full twenty-five years of his long reign and the vast resources of his extensive dominions in a vain attempt to subdue the Marathas. This long drawn war of independence won an imperishable place for them in the annals of India. We have to begin our study of it with the life of Shahu as a prisoner in the Mughal camp.

v2.c24.34

On hearing of Aurangzeb’s death his second surviving son Azam Shah hastily returned to Ahmadnagar and performed the funeral rites. Next, on 5th March, he proclaimed himself Emperor and at once started with all his father’s camp for the north, to put down his elder brother Shah Alam who was coming from Lahore to contest the throne. Shahu had no choice but to accompany Azam Shah. His mother and party numbered about two hundred. He had long formed a friendship with the generalissimo Zulfiqar Khan who looked upon the Mughal Deccan as his future charge. After reaching Burhanpur Zulfiqar Khan presented Shahu to Azam Shah, pleaded his cause and begged that he might be released and sent back as a contrivance for keeping the Marathas divided by a domestic feud. Several Rajput princes of the camp were friendly to Shahu and urged the same course upon Azam Shah’s attention. Azam Shah honoured Shahu with gifts and dresses, but put off the actual release for one reason or another. His attention was focussed on the contest he was going to have with his brother, and he little cared for the feelings of a harmless mendicant that Shahu appeared to him to be. Leaving Burhanpur on 13th March, Azam Shah crossed the Narmada at the end of April and reached Sironj on 4th May.

v2.c24.35

With the increase of distance from his home, Shahu began to grow impatient and restless about his release and was advised, in the midst of his gloom by his never failing guardian angel the Begum Zinat-un-nisa and other friends, not to wait for formal sanads of appointment from Azam Shah, but to quit the camp at once and proceed to his home country. He readily acted upon this advice and left the Mughal camp on 8th May at Doraha about 20 miles north-west of Bhopal. The Muslim writers assert that he ran away, the Maratha writers that he obtained permission to go back, leaving behind, as hostages, a small party including his mother, wife and Madan Sinh, an illegitimate brother, in case he should upon his return home assume a hostile attitude. Jotyaji Kesarkar was left behind to obtain the formal sanads which were under preparation, when completed. That Shahu was not pursued shows that Azam Shah either tacitly consented or was helpless under the circumstances. The terms of his release as they had come under discussion from time to time were (1) that he was to rule the small swarajya of his grandfather as a vassal of the Mughal Empire ; (2) that he was to serve his liege lord whenever called upon to do so with his contingent of troops ; and (3) that he was also permitted to collect Chauth and Sardeshmukhi from the six Mughal provinces of the south. It may be noted in passing that the first two of these are the same terms which Aurangzeb himself had granted to Shivaji in 1667, and all three of which later on, Shahu obtained from Muhammad Shah in 1719 in formal sanads, notwithstanding all the wars and wranglings during the intervening period.

v2.c24.36

A month after Shahu’s departure from Azam Shah’s camp in Malwa, the contest between the two sons of Aurangzeb was decided on the battlefield of Jajav near Agra on 8th June 1707, where Azam Shah was killed and Shah Alam became Emperor under the title of Bahadur Shah. After his accession Bahadur Shah came to the Deccan during 1708, killed his youngest brother Kam Baksh in a fight near Haidarabad on 3rd January 1709, went back to Delhi and died three years later on 17th February 1712. With these events in view we must here follow Shahu's career to his homeland after leaving Doraha with only a couple of hundred followers and servants.

v2.c24.37

Mahadaji Krishna Joshi, a banker, and Gadadhar Pralhad Nasikkar a priest, were the only men of note who accompanied Shahu on his return journey. By their advice he addressed formal letters to several Mahratha chiefs informing them of his expected arrival and demanding their help and obedience. After crossing the Narmada he purposely took the shorter route through Bijagad and Sultanpur into Western Khandesh so as to avoid the eastern highway via Burhanpur, the principal seat of the Mughal Government in the Deccan. He arrived at Bijagad about thirty miles south of the Narmada and was there joined by its ruler Mohansinh Rawal, who had long rebelled against Aurangzeb and co-operated with the Marathas. Mohansinh was the first to espouse the cause of Shahu and help him with troops and funds. From Bijagad Shahu proceeded to Sultanpur on the river Tapti, where he was joined by several Maratha chiefs, such as Amritrao Kadam Bande, Sujansingh Rawal of Lambkani, the Bokils, the Purandares and other representative Brahmin families, who although serving the Mughal government nominally had favoured the cause of this declared heir of Shivaji. The Purandares possibly brought with them their friend Balaji Vishvanath, who had for long been a moving diplomatic figure at Poona and round about.

v2.c24.38

Thus Shahu came to be cordially welcomed in Maharashtra, as the legitimate scion of the Bhosle family, for whose liberation a long and tough war had so long been waged. But Shahu's greatest help came from Parsoji Bhosle, the ancestor of the later Bhosle rulers of Nagpur, who was then in possession of the territory of Berar. Parsoji's example was quickly followed by Nemaji Sindia, Haibatrao Nimbalkar, Rustumrav Jadhav (Shahu's father-in-law), Chimnaji Damodar and others who were then working in Khandesh and Baglan. Having spent the two months of June and July in Khandesh in collecting troops and strengthening his position, Shahu proceeded to Ahmadnagar early in August with high hopes of a smooth passage to the capital of Satara, where he wished to rule as the Maratha sovereign.

v2.c24.39

2. Battle of Khed.—But Shahu was soon disillusioned. He received intimation from his aunt Tarabai that she looked on him as an impostor, that he had no right to the Maratha throne, that the kingdom which his father Sambhaji had once enjoyed had been lost by him, and that the present domain was a fresh acquisition made by her husband Rajaram and had now descended to her son, the young Shivaji, who had been duly crowned a few years ago. Thus the plan long contrived by Aurangzeb himself of effecting a schism among the Maratha nationals and bringing about a civil war between the followers of Shahu and Tarabai, came into operation and in consequence Shahu had to face a difficult situation. He halted at Ahmadnagar for three long months preparing for a contest with his aunt and organising his forces.

v2.c24.40

One point that he was careful about was to secure the good will of the local Muslim Government officials by deferring to their claim to overlordship. He visited the dead Emperor's tomb at Khuldabad walking there on foot, rendered pious obeisance to his memory and exhibited in an unequivocal manner his deep gratitude and devotion to the royal house of Delhi. During this absence from Ahmadnagar he had an accidental little skirmish with the villagers of Parad, about 25 miles north of Daulatabad. The Patil of the village was killed and his widow brought her little son to Shahu and sought his protection. Shahu looking upon the encounter as his first victory, gave the boy the name Fatesinh and brought him up as his own son. This boy of the Lokhande family came to play an important part at Shahu's court, was brought up as an heir apparent and would possibly have inherited Shahu's throne, if he had not declined the position himself. His family still rules at Akalkot.

v2.c24.41

This little incident illustrates the soft and kindly vein in Shahu's character. It influenced not only his personal actions throughout his long reign, but the fortunes of the whole Maratha nation. He had given his sacred word to the dying Emperor that he would run to the rescue of the Emperor's descendants whenever they needed help. In fact, Shahu never for a moment forgot that he owed what he was, entirely to the kindness of the Emperor, who could as well have put an end to his life and inflicted miseries upon his mother and other relations. He did not leave Ahmadnagar until circumstances compelled him and would even have preferred in order to avoid an open recourse to arms, to rule from that town itself, if it were possible. But Satara had behind it the claims of a legitimate Maratha capital while Ahmadnagar which had figured for centuries as a Muslim possession and more recently as the seat of Aurangzeb's government, was now ill-suited to the requirements of a Maratha king. When at Ahmadnagar Shahu learned in October 1707 that Tarabai's forces were marching against him, he moved from that place southward towards Poona and halted at Khed where he found himself confronted by a powerful army drawn up on the opposite side of the Bhima ready to attack him.

v2.c24.42

Shahu's following was after all a heterogeneous mass with no capable general to lead them into action. On the opposite bank were ranged against him seasoned troops commanded by the veteran Dhanaji Jadhav, the hero of a hundred fights, and Parashuram Pant Pratinidhi a devoted partizan of Tarabai. Afraid of certain annihilation by risking a precipitate attack, Shahu had recourse to diplomacy in which the hereditary Chitnis Khando Ballal, Balaji Vishvanath Bhat, a Brahman Sar-Subahdar, and Naro Ram, all close helpmates of Dhanaji, played a conspicuous part. These and several others had already been well convinced of Shahu's identity and impressed by his charming personality. He managed through these agents to call Dhanaji to a secret personal interview and succeeded in winning him over to his cause. Dhanaji agreed to wage a sham battle and desert to Shahu at a convenient moment. An action took place the next day on the plain of Khed on the north bank of the Bhima. in which Shahu appeared at the head of his troops in a manly deportment confident of success. The Pratinidhi fought valiantly but having been deserted by the Senapati after the action had been joined, was routed and fled for safety across the river. Shahu thus won the day and encamping on the battlefield, received Dhanaji and conferred upon him the honours of the Senapati and upon Khando Ballal the office of the Chitnis. The whole episode disclosed the weakness of Tarabai's position. The Maratha nation was solidly rallying behind Shahu and acclaimed him with full heart as against a lady, who, however competent, could not occupy the throne and whose son the young Shivaji was known to be altogether incompetent and incapable of conducting the affairs of the State.

v2.c24.43

3. Coronation at Satara.—After this first success Shahu lost no time in marching on Satara, halting a short while at Shirwal, near which another faithful adherent of Tarabai, the redoubtable Sachiv Shankaraji Narayan, had his official residence in fort Rohida near Bhor. Shahu called upon him to surrender or take the consequences of refusal. The Sachiv confounded by this peremptory summons, put an end to his life by swallowing poison on 27th October, 1707. As he failed to appear, Shahu personally marched against him and, to his dismay, while ascending the heights met the Sachiv's dead body being brought down for cremation on the banks of the stream below. Feeling very sad at heart, he directly went up to the Sachiv's palace, comforted with soothing words the dead Sachiv's shrewd wife Yesubai, conferred the hereditary office of Sachiv upon her young son then about a year old, and with singular tact and judgment gained the affection of a large section of the Maratha populace in those homelands of the Mawals.

v2.c24.44

From Shirwal to Satara is only 35 miles, which Shahu did not take long to cover. Having secured the forts of Chandan and Vandan on the way, he appeared before Satara some time in November. The capital had already been deserted by Tarabai and her son, who had taken shelter in the fort of Panhala about 60 miles further south, leaving the defence of Satara to the Pratinidhi, whom Shahu called upon to submit. The Pratinidhi refused and defied Shahu to an open fight. The commandant of the garrison was a Muslim officer of the name of Shekh Mira, who on receiving an assurance of safety and emoluments from Shahu, put the Pratinidhi under confinement and opened the gates to the rightful heir of the Maratha raj. Shahu entered the capital on a Saturday in December, within seven months of his leaving the Mughal camp.

v2.c24.45

Thus the nation got back their king after a long and heroic struggle. The coronation ceremony was duly performed on 12th January, 1708 with all the customary pomp and ritual.

v2.c24.46

Shahu made fresh ministerial appointments on the occasion and thus ending the preliminary stage of captivity and hardship, began a new era of success and moderation, with which his name came to be associated during succeeding generations. Even at this day his name is a household word in Maharashtra signifying the king’s piety and simplicity of life and good will towards all.

v2.c24.47

Almost the first act of his new regime was an attempt to appease his aunt Tarabai in order to put an end to the domestic strife, and with that object he offered her very liberal terms, consistent with his own position as Chhatrapati. But the proud lady far from accepting the proffered hand of friendship, prepared to carry on the struggle, using all the powers of craft and diplomacy that she singularly possessed. Shahu marched on Panhala in March. Upon his approach Tarabai left that fort and fled to Rangna about 60 miles further south. Her only adviser was now the veteran Ramchandrapant, who continued to support her cause in spite of her fast dwindling resources. When Shahu arrived before Rangna in summer, Tarabai ran away to Malvan on the west coast. But the approaching monsoon compelled Shahu to give up the pursuit and retrace his steps to Panhala where he spent the rainy season.

v2.c24.48

4. Rise of Balaji Vishvanath.—While thus engaged in his operations against his aunt, Shahu had not neglected his main object of securing the northern portions of his patrimony. He had deputed his Pratinidhi Gadadhar Pralhad and his Senapati Dhanaji Jadhav to Baglan and Khandesh with his trusted confidant Balaji Vishvanath. They vanquished the local Mughal officers like Karim Beg of Junnar and plundered that city of its accumulated riches. They were now recalled by Shahu for the monsoon. On the way to Panhala, Dhanaji was suddenly taken ill and died in June 1708 at Wadgaon on the Warna, thereby dealing a severe blow to Shahu’s cause. Although Shahu at once conferred the Senapati’s office upon Dhanaji’s son Chandrasen, he was already suspicious about the latter’s loyalty on account of his well-known leanings towards Tarabai’s party. As a safeguard against possible treachery by the new Senapati, Shahu appointed Balaji Vishvanath to the post of Senakarte (organizer of forces), a new office that encroached to some extent upon the province of the commander-in-chief. Chandrasen had never taken kindly to Balaji’s views and policy of supporting Shahu, and had possibly condemned his father for having deserted Tarabai’s cause on the field of Khed. Balaji on his part did his best at this crisis to carry out Shahu’s wishes by raising funds, enlisting men and bringing to obedience such elements in the kingdom as were hostile, so that he soon outstripped all the other ministers and helpmates of Shahu in efficiency and speed of execution. In a few years, Shahu conferred upon him the office of the Peshwa or Prime Minister, a consummation which soon changed the whole character of the Maratha administration and government, and in course of time caused the position of the Chhatrapati himself to be eclipsed. Subsequent history speaks of the Peshwa as the de facto ruler of the Marathas. In order to understand the significance of this change it is necessary to go back a little and review the antecedents which raised Balaji so high in Shahu’s estimation.

v2.c24.49

The early career of Balaji Vishvanath is little recorded in history. We know that his ancestors were Deshmukhs of Shrivardhan on the west coast under the jurisdiction of the Siddi of Janjira, a naval officer first of the Nizamshahi Kings of Ahmadnagar and, after its extinction, of the Emperor of Delhi. While Balaji’s elder brother Janoji looked after the Deshmukhi work of Shrivardhan, he himself was employed as a clerk in the salt works at Chiplun also owned by the Siddi. Tradition says that having been persecuted by the Siddi, Balaji left his home and went out in search of employment to the upper regions of the Western Ghats, where Shivaji was then just opening fresh fields of activity for those who were strong in arm. We cannot say definitely whether Balaji had the chance to work in any of the offices established by Shivaji : the earliest recorded notice we get of him refers to the year 1689, the year when Sambhaji was put to death by Aurangzeb, wherein Balaji is mentioned as a revenue clerk or writer under Ramchandrapant Amatya. Many letters have been discovered for the twelve years 1695-1707 in which Balaji is addressed by Ramchandrapant and other ministers of Rajaram as the Sar-Subah of the districts of Poona and Daulatabad, just the districts in which the Emperor was conducting his war against the Marathas. He is also mentioned as a revenue collector working under the Senapati Dhanaji Jadhav.

v2.c24.50

We know that the Mughal Emperor conducting a relentless war against the Marathas, had cantoned his armies at Poona and Khed during the two successive monsoons of 1703 and 1704, and that Balaji Vishwanath as a Maratha officer executing orders of the Chhatrapati and his ministers, had also his headquarters at Poona at the same time. A question arises how could Balaji escape being captured and put to death by the hostile Emperor. Perhaps the answer is that Balaji did not belong to the fighting force, was probably helpful as a revenue officer of the district and as such was expected to supply the various necessaries of life, draft animals, carts, labourers and other requirements as much to the vast Mughal camp as to his own employers. Scanty scattered evidence proves that Balaji had made friends with the various officials of Aurangzeb and was possibly introduced even to his daughter Zinat-un-Nisa Begam’s notice.¹ Balaji looked after the captive Shahu’s concerns and supplied means to convey and bring him news of happenings outside. One may presume that he was privy to the affair of Shahu’s proposed conversion and may have been consulted in the selection of brides for his marriage. In 1703 when the Emperor captured the fort of Sinhgad, it was stoutly defended by the Marathas against Tarbiyat Khan’s formidable artillery, and a letter printed in the Purandare Daftar mentions how Balaji Vishwanath tried to save this famous stronghold from falling into the Emperor’s hands. From such circumstantial evidence it would not be unfair to conclude that during the five years of arduous campaign conducted by the Emperor personally between 1699-1704 against the hill forts round about Poona and Satara, Shahu and Balaji Vishwanath became well attached to each other. Possibly the young Sawai Jaya Sinh who had distinguished himself in the capture of Vishhalgad in April 1702 was also equally acquainted with them both. Prominent figures working together in a narrow field of action, cannot long remain utter strangers. Balaji rendered invaluable service to Shahu on the eve of the battle of Khed and he in return rewarded him with the Peshwaship after a full trial of years, in which Balaji had exhibited an uncommon grasp of the political situation as it developed between the Marathas and the Mughals and a rare capacity for handling it to the best advantage of the Mahratha nation. History has justified Shahu’s choice and done credit to his discernment.

v2.c24.51

¹ An unpublished Maratha Bakhar at Osmania University.

v2.c24.52

5. Shahu and Bahadur Shah.—Shahu’s fortunes during these early years of his kingship were severely controlled by the Emperor Bahadur Shah, a clever and conciliatory ruler, who had gained long and varied experience of war and government under his exacting father, so that to all appearances he gave promise of a long and prosperous reign avoiding the extremes which had ruined his father and fully controlling the disruptive forces that had set in. His early death was a blow to the Empire. But during his five years rule Shahu had to reckon with this Emperor’s policy in controlling the Marathas.

v2.c24.53

Bahadur Shah’s first concern after his coronation was the recovery of the southern Mughal dominions which his brother Kam Baksh had seized. He immediately started from Agra and arrived on the Godavari in June 1708 when Shahu was conducting operations against his aunt Tarabai. Bahadur Shah called upon Shahu to join him with his forces. Shahu sent excuses for his absence. Kam Baksh prepared for the contest and in a sanguinary fight met his death near Haidarabad on 3 January 1709. After arranging the administrative affairs of the conquered territory, Bahadur Shah started back from the Deccan, and reached Ahmadnagar in May, where Shahu’s Pratinidhi Gadadhar Pralhad and Raybhanji Bhosle offered him obeisance and begged for sanads or written undertakings, confirming the grants of Chauth and Sardeshmukhi for their master Shahu in order to have his position legalized. Tarabai too was not inactive in this respect. Through her agents she made a similar request for the grants, contending that Shahu was not the rightful heir to the Maratha throne.

v2.c24.54

In this predicament Bahadur Shah’s Wazir Munyim Khan, rejecting Zulfiqar Khan’s advice to confirm Shahu’s nomination, went through the details of the representations and ordered that Shahu and Tarabai should settle the dispute by fighting it out and then the sanads would be issued to the party that would win. This decision fully answers those critics who argue that Tarabai was fighting for the principle of complete independence as established by Shivaji and denounce Shahu for accepting subordination to the Emperor. Tarabai followed the tactics of Shahu. Raybhanji Bhosle, one of Shahji's illegitimate sons, was during these negotiations Shahu's main support and adviser pleading his cause at the Emperor's Court. He had served Aurangzeb for several years and obtained a rare insight into the various political currents of the Mughal-Maratha relations. Raybhanji died on 23rd August, 1709 soon after Bahadur Shah had left the Deccan, so that Shahu had none in the Mughal camp to support his cause.

v2.c24.55

6. Chandrasen's defection, rise of Kolhapur.—Shahu's activities in the region of Poona had not ceased during the new Emperor's presence in the south. A capable Mughal officer named Lodi Khan from his seat at Chakan used to harass the Maratha agents, but he was killed in an action at the pass of Purandar on 16th May 1709, by Shahu's troops under Gadadhar Pralhad. Lodi Khan's collaborator the powerful Karim Beg of Junnar was captured alive and kept in confinement. These two notable successes which at once established Shahu's authority in the region between Satara and Junnar, were however, of short duration, and Shahu's position quickly received a set back chiefly through the machinations of Chandrasen Jadhav, who out of spite towards Balaji's rising power, began open hostilities against him. A trivial incident aggravated the tension between them. During the summer of 1711, as both Chandrasen and Balaji were conducting an expedition near Karhad, a deer being pursued and wounded by one of Balaji's troopers, casually entered the kitchen tent of Chandrasen's Brahman clerk (one Vyasrao), who sheltered it and refused to give it up. The dispute soon reached the principals and incited them to open hostilities. Balaji was worsted by Chandrasen and had to flee for life when closely pursued. Balaji escaped capture and sought Shahu's protection through intermediaries. Chandrasen sent a strong threat to the king that unless Balaji was delivered into his hands for punishment, he would quit his service and join the standard of Tarabai. Shahu had no alternative. He determined to support Balaji against the insolent Senapati whose loyalty was never firm and who was beyond hope of appeasement.

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A very serious situation at once developed for Shahu. Chandrasen moved heaven and earth against him in all directions. Tarabai greeted him with expressions of the warmest respect and fed his vanity with all the arts of flattery. Shahu sent Parasurampant and Khanderao Dabhade to mediate and settle the dispute. The former was released and promised the coveted office of Pratinidhi if the mission proved successful. But these two noteworthy figures were easily won over by Chandrasen and they deserted Shahu’s cause. Several local chiefs such as Damaji Thorat, Krishnarav Khatavkar, Udaji Chavan and others of lesser repute, seized this opportunity of rising against Shahu in order thereby to gain their own selfish ends. Not one of these had a moment’s thought for the national interests as such. Thus the latter half of 1711 filled the cup of Shahu’s misery to the brim. His only hope was centered in Balaji, who, though by no means a soldier, possessed unrivalled fortitude, power of planning and resourcefulness.

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But Tarabai’s main weakness lay in the want of solidarity or cohesion between the various elements that formed her following. She had absolutely no funds and an army cannot march on empty stomachs. Chandrasen was a mere braggart without any capacity for leadership. Ramachandrapant, her former minister and adviser, had been too much offended to feel enthusiasm or interest in her concerns. He was secretly negotiating for a place in the newly formed ministry of Shahu. Balaji rose to the occasion. Through friends and bankers he borrowed large sums, engaged and organized what later on came to be styled the Huzrat, or the King’s own troops, and with a rapid stroke put down Khatavkar and sufficiently checked Thorat and Chavan. He also won a phenomenal diplomatic success against Kanhoji Angre, another formidable adherent of Tarabai, as will be described later. Thus within two years 1712 and 1713 Shahu’s difficulties were settled to a large extent.

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But the severest blow to Tarabai came from the jealousies in her own family. Rajaram's second wife Rajasbai and her son Sambhaji II were not content to remain nonentities. During the monsoon of 1714 Rajasbai contrived to put Tarabai and her son Shivaji in confinement and place her own son Sambhaji in the Chhatrapati's seat. In this connection Tarabai wrote long afterwards, "In the course of time we were compelled to undergo a sad experience. Rajasbai and her son Sambhaji managed through some of their agents to put us in confinement and inflict hardships upon us. Sambhaji was seated upon the throne." Evidently there was a strong opposition to Tarabai's domination, and she had to pass the remaining 47 years of her life practically behind prison walls, a spectacle of great regret and commiseration for such a gifted and heroic lady. As Chandrasen does not figure in this revolution, he was perhaps not trusted by either party.

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This change in the Kolhapur government must have been supported, if not initiated by Ramchandra Nilkanth himself, the only man of capacity and experience in that party. The famous *Ajnapatra*, completed on 19th November 1715, expounding Shivaji's policy, is addressed by Ramchandrapant to Sambhaji II, then 17 years old as to a beloved pupil, conveying lessons in the art of governance and pouring forth all the accumulated wisdom of Shivaji's policy in which the Amatya was the principal instrument of execution. The language and diction are in harmony with the exalted subject, so that this treatise is considered of singular value in disclosing the high ideals of the founder. Ramchandra Nilkanth either died or retired after the issue of this *Ajnapatra*.²

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² An inscription has been recently discovered pointing out the spot where his funeral took place in fort Panhala.

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The dual monarchy in the Chhatrapati's line has been the source of perennial evil affecting the unity of the Maratha nation. Sambhaji established his seat at Kolhapur, having found the fort of Panhala suitable for the close guarding of Tarabai and her son. Although Sambhaji did not entertain a more conciliatory attitude towards Shahu, the rigour of his rivalry certainly declined in the course of time. He now and then disturbed Shahu's peace by playing into the hands of Nizam-ul-mulk : but the Peshwa Bajirao proved a match for them both, and relieved Shahu of his anxieties. Shahu defeated his cousin in open fight after enduring from him repeated acts of treachery, but gave him generous terms by the treaty of Warna in 1731, which forms the foundation charter of the present house of Kolhapur, as the sequel will show.

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Shahu desired to inflict severe punishment upon Parasuram Pant for his treachery, but was induced by the mediation of his devoted Chitnis Khando Ballal to relent and to restore him to his old office of Pratinidhi. After his death on 26 May 1716, his second son Shripatrao was appointed to the Pratinidhi’s post, the eldest son Krishnaji having already accepted the same office under the Kolhapur branch.

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7. Balaji wins the Peshwaship.—How Balaji contrived to secure his appointment to the Peshwa’s office is an interesting story. He won over to Shahu’s cause another opponent greater in resources and valour than Chandrasen, viz. Kanhoji Angre, the warden of the west coast and head of the Maratha navy, whose career has become well-known in Anglo-Indian history. Kanhoji had vastly extended his power during the regime of Tarabai and readily joined Shahu on his arrival from the imperial camp and tendered his obedience and help to him. But after the defection of Chandrasen Jadhav, he went over to Tarabai’s party and started war upon Shahu. He captured several forts above the Ghats belonging to Shahu, who sent his Peshwa Bahiropant Pingle to put him down. But Bahiropant was no match for Kanhoji, who seized and confined him at Kolaba and almost threatened Shahu’s capital of Satara. Tarabai’s triumph during the monsoon months of 1713 knew no bounds. At this very moment the highly capable Nizam-ul-Mulk was made the Emperor’s Subahdar in the Deccan, thereby menacing Shahu’s position still more.

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Shahu was at a loss how to curb Angre’s aggression. He asked the Sena-Karte Balaji to proceed against him and promised him the Peshwaship if he succeeded. Balaji thereupon urged that he was quite willing to execute the king’s commands, provided he went out as the accredited Peshwa possessing powers to decide delicate issues of war and peace. “Here is an enemy,” he added, “who has dared to capture and confine your Peshwa, and insinuates thereby that he would deal similarly with the Chhatrapati himself. Is it not then necessary to impress upon Kanhoji that another Peshwa has already taken the place of the one that is gone and that the king's government goes on without interruption? This is the only way to put him down." This argument was irrefutable. Balaji gained his object, Shahu immediately conferred upon him the office of the Peshwa with due ceremonies of investiture on the field of Manjri, 8 miles south of Poona, where they were then camping. Thus the 17th of November 1713 was a proud and momentous day not only for Balaji and his family but for the Maratha nation as well, as it marked the beginning of the transfer of power from the Chhatrapati's to the Peshwa's hands. In due course the other ministerial posts were also filled up out of the new Peshwa's partizans whose loyalty and devotion had been found unshakable. Ambajipant Purandare was appointed the Peshwa's Mutalik or Vice-Peshwa, and Ramajipant Bhanu his Phadnis or purser, an office which later descended to another well-known member of the family named Nana Phadnis. Thus the Bhats, the Purandares, the Bhanus and several other families of future note, came to be locked together in a revolutionary change for weal or woe, jointly bearing the responsibilities of the Maratha State in future.

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Kanhoji Angre and Balaji had long been known to each other as friendly neighbours inhabiting the same coastal region of the west. Through common friends and secret agents Balaji appealed to Kanhoji's conscience, how both their personal and national interests would be highly promoted by their acting jointly under Shahu's suzerainty and how they would be ruined by adhesion to the Kolhapur party then like a broken reed. He urged that the Maratha raj was a sacred legacy left behind by the Great Shivaji, which it was their duty at the present crisis to preserve through common co-operation and harmonious working of the two forces, the army and the navy: that Shahu was a generous and large-hearted ruler incapable of harming even an adversary; that Kanhoji himself was surrounded by enemies, like the Siddis, the British and the Portuguese, against whom he could not hold his position long single-handed, unless he had at his back the full support of the central Government. Reasons both of policy and interest, therefore, required that Kanhoji should not alienate Shahu’s sympathies, and at the same time Balaji promised to stand guarantee as the Peshwa to see that all promises made to Angre would be solemnly carried out.

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This forceful appeal had its effect at once. Shrewd words proved effective where arms had failed. Kanhoji agreed to receive Balaji with the respect due to a Peshwa and personally arrange terms for their future relations. Balaji marched from Poona some 30 miles west to the vicinity of Lohgad where Kanhoji had taken his station. The latter came down from the fort and they had a cordial meeting at Valvan, a suburb of Lonavla, early in January 1714. They held a long conference discussing terms of a lasting peace between the Chhatrapati and the Sarkhel, which later proved a basis for a similar settlement with the other feudatories, thus gradually building up a fresh constitution for the future Maratha expansion, as the old constitution had fallen into utter confusion during the period of war and unrest that followed Shivaji’s death. The terms having been solemnly agreed to with Shahu’s knowledge and approval, the two chiefs proceeded together to Kolaba where the treaty was ratified on 8th February and the ex-Peshwa Bahiropant was released from confinement. Kanhoji came to pay his respects to Shahu at Satara, where the Holi festival of 1715 was performed with particular rejoicing.³ In the main the treaty demarcated the Angrian and the Chhatrapati’s possessions and provided for mutual co-operation and common defence.

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³ The full text of the treaty can be studied in Mawji and Parasnis’ printed collections.

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This happy conclusion of what at first had appeared a calamity had its natural effect upon the policy of the Siddi of Janjira and the English at Bombay, two constant enemies of Kanhoji, who had all along shown determined opposition to any Maratha ambition. The Siddi readily concluded a peace with Angria on 30th January, 1715, an engagement which was not disturbed for seventeen years.

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But the English of Bombay would not so easily give up the game and needed a lesson, particularly their pugnacious President Charles Boone, who assumed office on 20th December 1715. Shahu's power and prestige were fast improving all round and were resented by the impulsive and aggressive temperament of Boone, who organized a strong naval expedition to extirpate the pirate, as Angria was then styled by the English. As special histories have fully detailed what followed, there is no need to treat the episode here at length. Clement Downing's published diary is eloquent and describes how miserably the English venture failed and how it was repeated, year after year. Ultimately the English formed a coalition with the Portuguese of Goa and launched a conjoint attack against Angria during 1721, when Balaji Vishvanath was dead, and his son Bajirao who had just entered his new office, earned his first laurels by suddenly swooping upon the English by land and routing them near Kolaba. The English thought it wise to retrace their steps by concluding a treaty of peace with the Peshwa, which was not disturbed for several years.

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The first of these, the *Gospel of the Hebrews*, was used by the Jewish Christians of Palestine, and was probably a version of the Gospel of Matthew, though it contained some traditions not found in our canonical books. The *Gospel of the Egyptians* was used by the ascetic sects of Egypt, and was marked by a strong tendency towards mysticism and asceticism. The *Gospel of Peter* was used by the Docetists, and taught that Christ did not really suffer, but only appeared to do so.

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These gospels, and others like them, were not accepted by the Church as a whole, and were gradually lost or suppressed. The Church, however, felt the need for a standard collection of writings that would serve as a guide for faith and practice. This led to the formation of the New Testament canon, a process that took several centuries to complete.

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The first step in this process was the collection of the letters of Paul, which were widely circulated among the churches. Then came the four Gospels, which were accepted as the authoritative accounts of the life and teachings of Jesus. The Acts of the Apostles and the other epistles were gradually added, and finally the Book of Revelation.

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By the end of the second century, the core of the New Testament was generally accepted by the Church. The process of canonization was not a formal act of a council, but rather a gradual recognition by the churches of the writings that were most valuable for their life and worship. It was only in the fourth century that the canon was formally closed by the councils of the Church.

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The formation of the New Testament canon was a crucial event in the history of the Church. It provided a standard of faith and practice that helped to unify the Church and to protect it from the influence of heretical sects. It also ensured that the teachings of Jesus and the apostles would be preserved for future generations.

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1671, August 11 Nizam-ul-Mulk born. 1708 Mughal Subahdars of the Deccan. 1708-13 Daud Khan Pani. 1713 Feb.—1715 April Nizam-ul-Mulk. 1715 May—1718 Nov. Saiyad Husain Ali. 1718 Dec.— 1720 Aug. Alam Ali. 1720 Aug.—1722 Jan. Nizam-ul-Mulk. 1709-10 Rajput alliance against the Emperor. 1711 Wazir Munyim Khan dies. 1712 February 17 Bahadur Shah dies. 1713 January 12 Zulfiqar Khan put to death. 1713 January 19 Farrukhsiyar becomes Emperor. 1713 Nov.—1714 July Saiyad Husain Ali invades Marwar. 1713 Jayasinh Sawai appointed Subahdar of Malwa. 1715 May 10 Jayasinh defeats the Marathas in Malwa. 1715 August 26 Daud Khan Pani killed in battle. 1717 January 11 Khanderao Dabhade appointed Senapati by Shahu in the place of Mansinh More. 1718 Shankaraji Malhar negotiates Maratha help for Saiyad Husain Ali. 1718 August 1 Shahu enforces terms of agreement. 1718 November Balaji Vishvanath leads Maratha expedition to Delhi. 1719 February 13 Emperor meets the Saiyad Brothers. 1719 February 28 Emperor deposed: some Marathas massacred near Delhi. 1719 March 3 Grant of Chauth ratified. 1719 March 15 Grant of Sardeshmukhi ratified. 1719 March 20 Balaji Vishvanath leaves Delhi on return. 1719 July 4 Balaji Vishvanath reaches Satara. 1720 April 2 Balaji Vishvanath dies.

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the *dēmos* of the Athenians, and the *dēmos* of the other Greeks, were not the same. The Athenian *dēmos* was a political entity, a sovereign body of citizens, whereas the *dēmos* of other states was often a social class, the common people, frequently in conflict with the *oligoi* or the wealthy. Thucydides uses the term in both senses, but he is acutely aware of the difference. When he speaks of the *dēmos* in the context of the Athenian empire, he is often referring to the democratic faction in a subject city, which the Athenians supported as a means of maintaining control. This is a crucial distinction for understanding the dynamics of the Peloponnesian War.

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The *dēmos* in the subject cities was not merely a passive recipient of Athenian policy; it was an active participant in the imperial system. By aligning themselves with Athens, the democratic factions in these cities were able to secure their own position against their local rivals. This created a symbiotic relationship between the Athenian *dēmos* and the democratic factions in the subject states. It was a relationship that was both ideological and pragmatic. The Athenians promoted democracy because it was the form of government that was most compatible with their own, and because it provided them with reliable allies. The democratic factions in the subject states supported Athens because it was the only power that could protect them from the *oligoi* and the Spartans.

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This alignment of interests was not without its tensions. The Athenian *dēmos* was often demanding, and the democratic factions in the subject states were often resentful of Athenian interference. However, the common threat of the *oligoi* and the Spartans was usually enough to keep the alliance intact. Thucydides’ analysis of this relationship is one of the most profound aspects of his work. He shows how the internal politics of the Greek city-states were inextricably linked to the external politics of the war. He demonstrates that the conflict was not just between Athens and Sparta, but also between the different political factions within the Greek world.

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The *dēmos* was not a monolithic entity. It was composed of various groups with different interests and aspirations. In Athens, the *dēmos* included the wealthy, the middle class, and the poor. While they all shared a commitment to the democratic system, they often disagreed on policy. The *dēmos* was capable of great wisdom and great folly. It could be swayed by demagogues, and it could be driven by fear and anger. Thucydides is critical of the *dēmos*, but he also recognizes its power and its importance. He does not see the *dēmos* as inherently good or evil, but as a force that must be understood and managed.

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NEW ERA DAWNS

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[1715—1720]

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1 Imperial politics favour Shahu. 2 The friendly Rajput Princes. 3 Saiyad Husain Ali in the Deccan. 4 Husain Ali secures Maratha help. 5 Conditions of Maratha vassalage. 6 Balaji's Expedition to Delhi. 7 Clash of arms. 8 Release and death of Yesubai. 9 Chauthai and Sardeshmukhi explained. 10 Origin and evils of Jagirdari. 11 Hereditary Offices. 12 Death of Balaji, character estimated.

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1. Imperial politics favour Shahu.—Shahu’s position as King of the Marathas came to be stabilized during the six years that elapsed between his release and the appointment of Balaji Vishwanath to the Peshwaship. But Maratha politics received special vigour not so much through domestic occurrences, as from the many momentous and rapid changes that came over the Court of Delhi after Bahadur Shah’s death on 17th February 1712. His successor Jahandar Shah suffered a sad fate within less than a year, and Farrukhsiyar came to occupy the throne on 17th January 1713, mainly with the support of the well-known Saiyad brothers, Abdulla and Husain Ali, who put to death the old experienced general Zulfiqar Khan, who had an eye on the Deccan and who, if he had lived, would possibly have established his rule at Haidarabad. The six years of Farrukhsiyar’s reign were taken up by intrigues and counter-intrigues between him and these two powerful ministers, each doing his utmost to contrive the other’s ruin. The Saiyad brothers possessed not only power but talents of a rare order combined with administrative capacity. If they had been given a free hand, they could possibly have raised the tone of the decaying Mughal administration, and brought it to the level of that of Bahadur Shah. But the Mughal house came to be hopelessly divided and afforded the Marathas their coveted chance to expand themselves in all directions outside their national frontiers.

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