Pramāṇa · Search · About · API

History of Aurangzib, Based on Original Sources v2: Volume 2

History of Aurangzib, Based on Original Sources v2

Language
English

Contents

Volume 2

Front matter

v2.c20.1

HISTORY OF AURANGZIB

v2.c20.2

J. N. SARKAR

v2.c20.3

in 2008 with funding from Microsoft Corporation

v2.c20.4

http://www.archive.org/details/historyofaurangz02sarkuoft

v2.c20.5

Works by Jadunath Sarkar, M.A.

v2.c20.6

1. *History of Aurangzib*, based on Persian sources. Rs. Vol. I. Reign of Shah Jahan, pp. 402. Vol. II. War of Succession, pp. 328. 3½ each.

v2.c20.7

2. *Anecdotes of Aurangzib* (English translation and notes) and *Historical Essays*, pp. 248. 1½

v2.c20.8

3. *Ahkam-i-Alamgiri*, Persian text with an English translation (*Anecdotes of Aurangzib*) and notes, pp. 72+146 ... ... 1

v2.c20.9

4. *Chaitanya's Pilgrimages and Teachings*, being an English translation of his contemporary biography, *Chaitanya-charitamrita*, Madhya-lila, pp. 320+ ... 2

v2.c20.10

5. *India of Aurangzib: Statistics, Topography and Roads*, with translations from the *Khulasat-ut-tawarikh* and the *Chahar Gulshan*. (Not a history), pp. 300 ... 2½

v2.c20.11

6. *Economics of British India*, 3rd ed., pp. 300 + (In preparation) ... ... 3

v2.c20.12

7. *Essays, Social and Literary*, by Ravindranath Tagore, translated into English. (In preparation).

v2.c20.13

SOLD BY M. C. Sarkar & Sons, 75, Harrison Road, Calcutta. S. K. Lahiri & Co., 56, College Str., Calcutta. G. A. Natesan, 3, Shunkurama Chetti Str., Madras. D. B. Taraporevala Sons & Co., 103, Medows Str., Bombay. Luzac & Co., 46, Great Russell Str., LONDON.

v2.c20.14

Mainly based on Persian Sources.

v2.c20.15

JADUNATH SARKAR, M.A.,

v2.c20.16

*Professor, Patna College.*

v2.c20.17

Vol. II.

v2.c20.18

War of Succession.

v2.c20.19

M. C. SARKAR & SONS,

v2.c20.20

75, HARRISON ROAD,

v2.c20.21

CALCUTTA.

v2.c20.22

5s. net.

v2.c20.23

Rs. 3-8 As.

v2.c20.24

DS

v2.c20.25

.7 S32 V.2

v2.c20.26

KUNTALINE PRESS. PRINTED BY PURNA CHANDRA DASS, 61 & 62, BOWBAZAR STREET, CALCUTTA. PUBLISHED BY M. C. SARKAR & SONS, 75, HARRISON ROAD, CALCUTTA.

v2.c20.27

Chapter XV. Battle of Dharmat.

v2.c20.28

Jaswant at Ujjain, 1—his movements, 2—tries to avert a battle, 3—his difficulties, 5—treachery in his ranks, 7—his plan of battle, 9—contending forces, 11—order of battle, 12—Rajput Van charges, 14—defence by Aurangzib's Van, 15—Rajputs destroyed, 18—Murad attacks the Imperial left wing, 19—Jaswant's flight, 21—plunder, 22—Aurangzib's gain in prestige, 23—his memorial buildings, 24—casualties, 25—Aurangzib crosses the Chambal, 28—reaches Samugarh, 30.

v2.c20.29

Chapter XVI. Battle of Samugarh.

v2.c20.30

Shah Jahan starts for Delhi, 32—Dara gathers a new army, 33—takes leave of Shah Jahan, 36—reaches Samugarh, 38—evening before the battle, 39—Dara's army: its formation, 40—its weakness, 43—Aurangzib's battle order, 44—cannonade, 46—charge of Dara's left wing, 47—repulsed, 48—Chhatra Sal charges Murad, 49—Rajput attack on Aurangzib, 50—desperate fight, 51—Dara's foolish movements, 52—havoc by Aurangzib's artillery, 56—flight of Dara's army, 57—Dara's escape, 59—casualties, 60—tactics criticised, 63.

v2.c20.31

Chapter XVII. Capture of Agra Fort and Captivity of Murad.

v2.c20.32

News of Samugarh reaches Agra, 65—grief of Shah Jahan, 66—Dara's despondency, 67—his flight from Agra, 68—Aurangzib arrives outside Agra, 70—is joined by many nobles, 71—his correspondence with Shah Jahan, 71—Shah Jahan's loving messages, 74—Aurangzib seizes Agra city, 77—besieges Agra fort, 78—cuts off its water supply, 79—Shah Jahan's pathetic entreaty, 80—he surrenders Agra fort, 82—Jahanara's embassy fails, 83—Aurangzib refuses to visit Shah Jahan, 85—close confinement of Shah Jahan, 85—Murad's jealousy of Aurangzib, 87—his ambition, 89—open rivalry with Aurangzib, 90—Murad invited by Aurangzib, 92—welcomed and feasted, 93—treacherously disarmed and imprisoned, 94—Murad in Gwalior prison, 97—attempted rescue, 98—tried for murder of Ali Naqi and beheaded, 99.

v2.c20.33

Chapter XVIII. Pursuit of Dara Shukoh.

v2.c20.34

Dara at Delhi, 101—his difficulties, 102—goes to Lahore, 103—holds the line of the Satlej, 104—Aurangzib at Delhi, 106—crowns himself, 107—his Van crosses the Satlej, 108—Dara abandons the Bias, 110—desertions from his army, 110—his suspicion roused against Daud Khan by a false letter, 112—Dara leaves Lahore, 113—Aurangzib pursues Dara to Multan, 115—history of Dara's flight down the Indus, 117—pursuit to Bhakkar, 119—Dara's miserable condition, 120—deserted by Daud Khan, 121—pursued to Sehwan, 123—intercepted, 124—escapes to Tatta, 126—to Guzerat, 127—return of pursuing army, 128.

v2.c20.35

Chapter XIX. Shuja's Struggles for the Throne.

v2.c20.36

Character of Shuja, 129—he crowns himself, 130—advances to Benares, 131—his camp surprised by Sulaiman Shukoh, 132—Shuja's flight, 134—treaty with Sulaiman, 136—Aurangzib's friendly letter to Shuja, 137—Shuja's second advance, 139—reaches Khajwah, 140—Aurangzib arrives to oppose him, 141—advances on Shuja's position, 143—eve of the battle, 144—Aurangzib's camp looted by Jaswant, 145—panic and dispersion, 147—Aurangzib's coolness, 148—the contending armies, 149—Aurangzib's left wing routed, 153—attack on his centre repelled, 154—his right wing hard pressed, 155—reinforced, beats the attack back, 157—general advance of Aurangzib's army, 158—flight of Shuja, 159—spoils, 160—tactics, 161.

v2.c20.37

Chapter XX. Battle of Deorai.

v2.c20.38

Dara's flight from Sindh, 162—welcomed by the Rao of Cutch, 163—Dara at Ahmadabad, 164—his conflicting plans, 165—invited to Ajmir by Jaswant, 167—Jaswant deserts Dara, 168—Dara entrenches a pass near Ajmir, 171—battle: first day, 173—second day, 175—third day, 176—Dara's left rear turned, 177—attack on Shah Nawaz Khan's trenches, 178—obstinate fight, 179—trenches stormed, 181—flight of Dara's troops, 183—Dara's family escape from Ajmir, 185—plunder, 186—Aurangzib after victory, 187.

v2.c20.39

Chapter XXI. End of Dara Shukoh.

v2.c20.40

Dara's flight to Mairta, 189—his sufferings, 191—paths closed to him, 192—he is refused admission to Ahmadabad, 193—flight to Cutch, 194—and Sehwan, 195—Jai Singh's march in pursuit, 196—reaches Ahmadabad, 197—and Cutch, 198—crosses the Rann: terrible sufferings of troops, 199—loss of horses and cattle, 201—Jai Singh's loyalty vindicated, 203—Dara in the Baluch country, 204—his reluctance to leave India, 206—Malik Jiwan welcomes Dara, 206—death of Dara's wife 206—Jiwan treacherously imprisons Dara, 208—and delivers him up to the Imperial generals, 209,—Dara brought to Delhi, 210—paraded through the streets, 211—popular sympathy, 212—Dara sentenced to death, 214—riot, 216—murder of Dara, 217—his burial, 219.

v2.c20.41

Chapter XXII. End of Sulaiman Shukoh.

v2.c20.42

Sulaiman hears of Samugarh, 221—deserted by his troops, 222—retreats to Allahabad, 223—marches to Hardwar, 224—his path to the Panjab closed, 225—wishes to enter Garhwal, 227—robbed and deserted by his followers, 229—seeks asylum in Garhwal, 230—Aurangzib invades Garhwal, 232—Sulaiman delivered up to the Mughals, 233—interview with Aurangzib, 234—drugged to death in prison, 236.

v2.c20.43

Chapter XXIII. Pursuit of Shuja.

v2.c20.44

Shuja's flight from Khajwah, 237—at Mungir blocks the road, 239—Shuja at Sahibganj, 241—Mir Jumla's detour, 242—Rajput contingent secedes from Mir Jumla, 243—Shuja's flight to Rajmahal, 245—Alawardi Khan conspires, 246—is beheaded, 248—Mir Jumla occupies Rajmahal, 248—scene of the war, 249—Shuja's naval superiority, 251—strategy of the war, 253—Mir Jumla's first *coup*, 254—his second *coup*, 256—his third *coup* fails, 258—Prince Muhammad deserts to Shuja, 260—rainy season, 262—Rajmahal water-locked, 263—recaptured by Shuja, 264—compaign renewed, 265—battle of Gheria, 266—Shuja's rear threatened, 267—his retreat, 268—skirmishes, 269—Shuja abandons the west bank for good, 270.

v2.c20.45

Chapter XXIV. End of Shuja.

v2.c20.46

Mir Jumla's new plan of war, 272—his base at Samdah, 273—advance on Maldah, 274—grand turning movement, 275—fords the Mahananda with loss, 276—Shuja's flight to Dacca, 278—Mir Jumla captures Tanda, 279—Shuja's property and harem seized, 280—Shuja's flight from Dacca, 282—help sent to him by the Arracanese, 283—Shuja leaves India, 285—his mysterious death in Arracan, 286—Dutch account of it, 287.

v2.c20.47

Chapter XXV. Grand Enthronement of Aurangzib.

v2.c20.48

Peculiar solemnity of Aurangzib's second coronation, 289—features of a Muslim coronation, 290—march through the streets, 292—appearance of Aurangzib, 293—decoration of the *Diwan-i-am*, 294—his enthronement, 296—*khutba*, presents, new coins, 296—audience held in the harem, 298—his new ordinances, 299—tributes and presents, 299—fireworks and illumination, 300.

v2.c20.49

Bibliography ... ... ... 301 Corrections and Additions ... ... 318

Chapter XV. Battle of Dharmat, 15 April, 1658.

v2.c21.2

Jaswant leaves Ujjain to oppose Murad, Reaching Ujjain with his army at the end of February, Jaswant was quite in the dark about Aurangzib’s intentions and movements. So strictly did that Prince watch the roads and ferries of the Narmada river that no news from the Deccan reached Jaswant. The Rajput general, however, learnt that Murad was coming from Guzerat. So, he issued from Ujjain, took post near Kachraud to bar the enemy’s path, and sent his spies towards Murad’s camp for further news. Murad was then 36 miles away, but on finding Jaswant’s force greatly superior to his own, he prudently avoided a battle and making a wide detour round Kachraud arrived south of it, in order to be near the Narmada and Aurangzib's line of advance.

v2.c21.3

Jaswant heard of this movement, and in his present state of ignorance could not account for it. Just then he got a letter from Mandu Fort telling him that Aurangzib had crossed the Narmada. A party of Dara's troops, who had fled from the fort of Dhar at the approach of Aurangzib, now joined Jaswant and confirmed the news. The Maharajah was at his wits' end; so well had Aurangzib's movements been kept secret that Jaswant had not heard of his march from Burhanpur, begun as early as 20th March, nor of his having crossed the Narmada. The first news that he got of Aurangzib was that the Prince was already in Malwa and rapidly marching on Ujjain.∗ At the same time, from Murad's present position, a junction between the two brothers was most likely.

v2.c21.4

∗ A. N., 56-57. Kambu. 11a. Aqil Khan, 22.

v2.c21.5

In utter perplexity Jaswant returned to Ujjain. Here a Brahman envoy, surnamed Kavi Rai, delivered to him Aurangzib's message advising him to give up his opposition and return peacefully to Jodhpur as the Prince was only going to Agra to visit his father without any thought of waging war. Jaswant declined, saying, “I must carry out the Emperor’s orders. I cannot retrace my steps without disgrace.”

v2.c21.6

He then advanced 14 miles south-west of Ujjain and encamped opposite Dharmat, to block the path of the enemy coming up from the south. Here another startling news reached him: Murad had joined Aurangzib (14th April) and the two were within a day’s march of him. This was a contingency that Jaswant had not thought of before. His waiting strategy had failed to keep the two princes apart. How was he to meet their united forces now? He quailed at the prospect. Next morning when Aurangzib’s army had already begun to march to the encounter, Jaswant “in mortal fear” attempted to parley. He sent a messenger to Aurangzib to beg the Prince’s pardon and say, “I do not want to fight, and I have no power to show audacity to your Highness. My wish is to visit and serve you. If you pardon me and give up your project of a fight, I shall go and wait on you.” But Aurangzib knew his own advantage and was not willing to strengthen the enemy by granting him time. His reply was, “As I have already started, delay is out of place now. If you really mean what you say, leave your army and come alone to Najabat Khan, who will guide you to my son Muhammad Sultan, and that prince will introduce you to me and secure your pardon."*

v2.c21.7

Such a humiliating submission before striking a blow, the chief of the Rathors could not bring himself to make. He prepared for fight. But a general who shrinks in terror, changes his mind, and attempts to gain time by parleying before a battle, is not likely to win in the clash of arms; he has already lost that confidence which is half the victory.

v2.c21.8

Jaswant had come to Malwa in the hope that the mere prestige of the Imperial standards would send the rebellious princes back to their provinces, and that all that he would have to undertake was a mere demonstration of force. Now, when too late, he realised that his adversaries were in deadly earnest and ready to fight to the bitter end. He marshalled his forces against them, but most reluctantly, as if he were going to commit a high crime; his spirit quailed before that of Aurangzib. A battle fought between two such generals can have but one issue.

v2.c21.9

∗ A. N., 58, 64-65. Aqil Khan, 27-28. Isar-das, 19. Masum, 46b-47b.

v2.c21.10

Jaswant had been charged by Shah Jahan to send the two rebellious princes back to their own provinces with as little injury to them as possible, and to fight them only as a last resource.[*] At all times, a subject opposing two princes of the blood, a servant fighting for a distant master against two chiefs who acknowledge no higher authority than their own will, is severely handicapped. In Jaswant's case the natural inferiority of his position was aggravated by the commands he had received from Shah Jahan. While Aurangzib followed his own judgment only, knew his own mind, and, fired by the highest ambition, pursued his object with all his resources and singleness of aim, ready to do and dare his utmost,—Jaswant was hesitating, distracted by the conflict between the instructions from Agra and the exigencies of the actual military situation in Malwa, and entirely dependent for his own line of action on what his opponents would do. A general so situated cannot have the advantage of taking the aggressive and forcing the enemy to abandon his plans; nor can he pursue his aim with iron will to the bitter end.

v2.c21.11

∗ Kambu, 11a. Masum, 46b. Storia, i. 258. Bernier, 37, 38.

v2.c21.12

His army, too, was an ill-knit group of discordant elements. The various Rajput clans were often divided from each other by hereditary feuds and quarrels about dignity and precedence. Unlike Jai Singh, Jaswant was not the commander to humour and manage them, and make all obey the will of one common head. Then, again, there was the standing aloofness between Hindus and Muhammadans. It had been found next to impossible to brigade these creeds together for a campaign under one general. Hence, in the first siege of Qandahar all the Rajputs of the Mughal Van marched under Rajah Bithaldas and all the Muslims under Bahadur Khan,[*] two co-ordinate authorities subject only to the commander-in-chief. In the Bijapur war also all the Rajputs of the reinforcements sent from Hindustan were led by Chhatra Sal Hada, and all the Muslim troops by Mahabat Khan. It was only a commander standing in a position of unquestioned superiority above the heads of the other generals, that could make the two creeds work in amity. Aurangzib was one such by birth as much as by merit. But Jaswant was a mere mansabdar, only two grades higher than Qasim Khan, and socially equal to him, as both were governors of provinces. There could not, therefore, be unity of command in the Imperial army. Indeed, Qasim Khan's orders were to co-operate with the Maharajah, and not to act as his subordinate.

v2.c21.13

∗ Waris, 27b.

v2.c21.14

This division of command accentuated the difference of creeds in the Imperial army and rendered its success difficult. Several of the Muslim officers moreover, were, secretly friendly to Aurangzib or had been corrupted by him. The history of the battle that followed proves this suspicion true: while the Imperialists lost 24 Rajput chiefs in the conflict, only one Muhammadan general was killed on their side. "Qasim Khan and all the Imperial troops who in this battle had not become the target of the arrows of Fate, fled," as the official history issued by Aurangzib records. This circumstance lends colour to the theory that they had kept themselves out of harm's way. The day following the battle four Muhammadan officers of the Imperial army came over to Aurangzib and were rewarded by him.∗ Such men could not have fought loyally twenty-four hours earlier.

v2.c21.15

∗ A. N., 72, 78. Storia, i. 258. Bernier, 37-38.

v2.c21.16

∗ Kambu, 11a & b. Aqil Khan 28, 30. Faiyaz, 469. † Isar-das, 20a.

v2.c21.17

Finally, Jaswant as a general was no match for Aurangzeb, who had “aged in war.” Contemporary historians* blame him for his incapacity, inexperience and faulty plans. He chose his ground badly and so cramped his men that the horsemen could not manœuvre freely nor gather momentum for a charge; he failed to send timely succour to the divisions that needed it most, and, the battle once begun, he lost control over his forces as if he were a mere divisional leader and not the supreme commander of all. Lastly, he made the fatal mistake of despising artillery. It is said† that the night before the battle, his chief officer Askaran, surnamed Kirtiwant, had urged him, “The two princes have drawn up their guns in front of us. The brave Rajputs do not love their families or own lives very much, so that when they move to the encounter they will never step back. The artillery of the other side will annihilate them. If you only give the order, I with 4000 of our men shall fall on their artillery at midnight, slay the gunners and capture the guns. Thereafter the enemy will not have strength enough to defeat us in a pitched battle." But Jaswant replied, "It is inconsistent with manliness and Rajput usage to employ stratagem or make a night-attack. Next morning, with God's grace, I shall use a plan by which their artillery will lie at its place on one side, and the Rajputs coming upon their troops will gain the victory. Not a man (of us) will be hurt by the guns."

v2.c21.18

Evidently Jaswant's plan was to skirt the enemy's artillery and come to close quarters with their troops, disregarding the gun-fire during the first few minutes of the wild gallop. But such tactics could have succeeded only if the charge had been made on a wide level plain and also if the opposing artillery had been served by Indians proverbially slow in turning and firing their pieces. But when the battle began, the Rajputs were penned within a narrow space with ditches and entrenchments on their flanks, and subjected to a deadly fire before they could expand their formation for a charge. Secondly, after they had passed by the enemy's artillery and engaged Aurangzib's troops, the French and English gunners of the Prince quickly turned their guns sideways and began to mow down the Rajputs in their new position. It was truly a contest between swords and gunpowder, and artillery triumphed over cavalry.

v2.c21.19

The ground* where Jaswant took his stand was narrow and uneven, with ditches and swamps on its flanks. One historian asserts that Jaswant had deliberately poured water on and

v2.c21.20

The field badly chosen for the fight.

v2.c21.21

∗ Kambu says, "These two inexpert generals, through faulty counsel, took post in a narrow swamp and uneven ground. Next morning when they marshalled their troops, a large body was packed in that narrow pass, one behind another, and some stood here and there on the sides, without order or method....Owing to the narrowness of the field and the pressure [of the enemy] from the two sides, the Imperialists found no space to manœuvre." (11b). Aqil Khan supports this statement and adds, "Jaswant drew up his troops on uneven ground, on the bank of the Narmada (!); having poured water he made 200 yards of ground near it muddy." (28, 30.) Murad's own description is, "Jaswant encamped on a plot of land which had ditches of water on all the four sides [ joined to ] swamps, and set up entrenchments round it." (Faiyaz, 469). Bernier's description of the battle-field is very inaccurate; the Persian histories do not speak of any "disputed passage" across the river, as the fight seems to have taken place more than a mile from the bank. I have visited the scene and found there not a single "rock in the bed of the river"; and the banks are not of "uncommon height," as is asserted by Bernier, (38-39).

v2.c21.22

The battle evidently took place west of Fatihabad, close to the Ratan Singh Monument, and not east of the village of Dharmat. (A. N. names the village Dharmat-pur, trodden into mud 200 yards of ground in front of him, evidently to arrest the enemy's charge. His position was also surrounded by trenches thrown up during the previous day, as the usual precaution against night attacks. In short, the Imperial army seemed to be standing on an island, ready for a siege. No worse disposition can be imagined for a pitched battle to be fought by cavaliers on mettled horses.

v2.c21.23

Of the forces engaged, we know that Aurang-zib had 30,000 men with him. To this must be added Murad's contingent, probably less than 10,000. The Imperial army is variously estimated. Aurangzib puts it at "30,000 horse and many infantry," Isardas at 50,000; Murad goes even further and counts the enemy as 50 or 60 thousand. Aqil Khan estimates it at 30,000. So, we may conclude that the two armies were almost equally matched and numbered over 35,000 men each.∗

v2.c21.24

∗ *Adab*, 164*a*. Isar-das, 19*a*, (but, on 17*a*, he puts Murad's army at 70,000 men!) Faiyaz 469. Aqil Khan, 28.

v2.c21.25

but the *Ind. Atlas*, sheet 36 N. E., and the villagers call it *Dharmat*). We read in *A. N.*, "One *kos* from Dharmat-pur Jaswant barred the Prince's road....Jaswant encamped opposite Dharmatpur, one *kos* from Aurangzib's army. ...Aurangzib's tent was pitched on the bank of the *nullah* of Churnarayanah." The right bank of the river, facing Dharmat, slopes gently, and could not have presented any difficulty to the attacking cavalry and guns. There is no swamp opposite Dharmat, but some damp soil and *nullahs* near Ratan Singh's Memorial. I conclude from the Persian accounts that the battle was fought in a plain and not in the bed of a river.

v2.c21.26

On Aurangzib's side the divisions were thus formed: The Van, said to have consisted of 8,000 steel-clad veterans, under Prince Muhammad Sultan and Najabat Khan, with Zulfiqar Khan and some guns guarding its front,—the main artillery under Murshid Quli Khan,—the Right Wing under Murad,—the Left Wing under Multafat Khan, with the boy-prince Muhammad Azam as honorary commander,—the Advanced Reserve (iltimsh) under Murtaza Khan with Aurangzib's own guards,—the Centre under Aurangzib himself, with Shaikh Mir and Saf Shikan Khan guarding his Right and Left sides. Some pieces of artillery were posted with the latter. As usual there was a screen of skirmishers in front, composed of the scouts and the servants of the hunting department.

v2.c21.27

Jaswant's Van, 10,000 strong, was formed in two columns, one under Qasim Khan, and the other, composed of several thousand Rajputs, under Mukund Singh Hada and six other Hindu chieftains. On his two wings were Rajah Rai Singh Sisodia and his clansmen (the Right), and Iftikhar Khan with the Muslim troops of the Imperial service (the Left). The Centre he led in person, with 2000 of his devoted clansmen, besides other Rajput and Imperial troops at his back. The Advanced Reserve was also composed of Rajputs, led by a Gaur and a Rathor, while the skirmishers were a party of warriors from Central Asia, expert in the use of the bow. The Camp and baggage, left close to the battlefield, were guarded by Maluji, Parsuji (two Maratha auxiliaries) and Rajah Devi Singh Bundela.*

v2.c21.28

It was a little over two hours from sunrise when the rival hosts sighted each other. The battle began with the usual discharge of artillery, rockets, and muskets at long range. The distance gradually decreased, as Aurangzib's army advanced slowly, keeping its regular formation. Suddenly the kettledrums struck up, the trumpets pealed forth, and the conflict began at close quarters. The Rajputs densely packed within their narrow position, were severely galled by the barqandazes and archers of the Princes' army from front and flank, without being able to manœuvre freely and give an effective reply. Their losses began to mount up every minute. Death has no terror for the Rajput, but then it must be death in conflict. If he is to die, it is better to perish after killing some of the enemy, than to be butchered while standing motionless in a dense column. So thinking, the Rajput leaders of the Van,—Mukund Singh Hada, Ratan Singh Rathor, Dayal Singh Jhala, Arjun Singh Gaur, Sujan Singh Sisodia and others, with their choicest clansmen, galloped forward. Shouting their war-cry of Ram! Ram! "they fell on the enemy like tigers, casting away all plan." The flood of Rajput charge first burst on Aurangzib's artillery. The guns and muskets fired at point-blank range, wofully thinned their ranks, but so impetuous was their onset that it bore down all opposition. Murshid Quli Khan, the Chief of Artillery, was slain after a heroic resistance and his division was shaken; but the guns were not damaged. The artillerymen probably fled before the storm, and returned as soon as it passed away. Victorious over the artillery guard, the assailants fell on the front part of Aurangzib's Vanguard. Here an obstinate hand-to-hand combat raged for some time. The Rajputs at first outnumbered their opponents. Zulfiqar Khan, the commander of the front division of the Van, when pressed hard by the enemy, followed the custom of Indian heroes in the sorest straits. Getting down from his elephant, he made a firm stand on foot in the centre of the carnage, fighting with the valour of despair, without caring for his own life or stopping to count how many backed him. But this heroic sacrifice could not stem the tide of Rajput onset: two wounds stretched him low, and the Rajputs, flushed with success, swept on and pierced into the heart of the Van. This was the most critical moment of the day. If the Rajput charge were not checked, all would be over with Aurangzib; the assailants, gathering impetus with each victory, would shatter his defence, and then all the divisions of his army would catch the contagion of panic and rush headlong out of the field.

v2.c21.29

∗ A. N. 61—66. Aqil Khan, 28-29. Isar-das, 20b. Masum (48a) cannot be trusted. For the description of the battle our main authorities are A. N. 66—73, Aqil Khan 29—31, and Isar-das 20b-21b, (extremely valuable for Jaswant's doings), and secondarily Kambu 11b, and Masum (inaccurate as usual), 48b—51a. Faiyaz, 469-470, and Adab, 164a & b, 206b, 123a, 133b, are very meagre. Bernier is entirely unreliable. Tod (ii. 875) merely records the wild fiction of the Rajput bards. Khafi Khan (ii. 14—18) is not an original authority, but avowedly borrowed from A. N. and Aqil Khan.

v2.c21.30

But the Van was composed of his most picked troops, "eight thousand mail-clad warriors," many of them hereditary fighters of the Afghan race, and their generals were reliable men.

v2.c21.31

Muhammad Sultan, Najabat Khan, and other commanders of the Van, on their elephants kept their ground like hills, while the flood of Rajput charge raged round and round them in eddies. Here the most stubborn and decisive fighting of the day took place. Sword and dagger alone could be plied as the hostile cavaliers grappled together at close quarters. "The ground was dyed crimson with blood like a tulip-bed." The Rajputs, being divided into many mutually antagonistic clans, could not charge in one compact mass; they were broken up into six or seven bodies, each under its own chieftain and each choosing its own point of attack. Thus the force of their impact was divided and weakened as soon as it struck the dense mass of Aurangzib's Van. Each clan engaged the enemy for itself and whirled round its own antagonist, instead of battering down all opposition and cleaving through the Van in resistless career by forming one solid wedge, moving with one will.

v2.c21.32

Disadvantages of the Rajputs.

v2.c21.33

Only a few men from Jaswant's Centre and Advanced Reserve had moved up to support their victorious brethren. But the Maharajah had chosen his position so badly that many of the Imperialists standing on the uneven ground could not join in the fight, and many others could not charge by reason of their being cramped within a narrow space. Half the Imperial Van, viz., the Mughal troops under Qasim Khan, rendered no aid to their Rajput comrades now struggling hard with Aurangzib’s Van; they were suspected of collusion with the enemy or of antipathy to the Rajputs. The charge of Jaswant’s Vanguard was not followed up. Aurangzib’s troops, who had parted before the rushing tide, closed again behind them, and thus cut off their retreat. Jaswant, too, was not the cool and wise commander to keep watch on all the field and send timely support to any hard pressed division. And the development of the action now made the sending of aid to the Van impossible, and even rendered his own position untenable.

v2.c21.34

For, by this time the watchful eye of Aurangzib had taken the situation in, his Advanced Reserve had been pushed up to reinforce the Van, and he himself moved forward with the Centre to form a wall of support and refuge close behind them. Above all, Shaikh Mir and Saf Shikan Khan with the right and left wings of the Centre struck the Rajputs in the waist from the two flanks, while they were engaged with Aurangzib’s Van in front. Hemmed by foes on all sides, their

v2.c21.35

Aurangzib reinforces his Van, ranks getting constantly thinned, without support or reinforcement arriving from their own army, the Rajputs were disheartened and checked. Mukund Singh Hada, their gallant leader, received an arrow through his eye and fell down dead. All the six Rajput chieftains engaged in the charge were slain. Hopelessly outnumbered now, assailed in front, right, and left, and cut off from their rear, the Rajputs were slaughtered after performing frantic deeds of valour, as was their wont. "The dead formed heaps. The daggers grew blunt with slaughter." "Vast numbers of ordinary Rajput soldiers were killed." Thus the first attack was annihilated.

v2.c21.36

Meantime the action had become general. Recovering from the shock of Mukund Singh’s charge as soon as the Rajput cavalcade swept on to another point, Aurangzib’s gunners, with their pieces mounted on high ground, concentrated their fire on the enemy’s Centre under Jaswant himself. The Imperialists, crowded together on a narrow ground flanked with impassable ditches and swamps, could not manœuvre freely, and "sacrificed their lives like moths in the flame of war." At the sight of the annihilation of their brave Vanguard and a triumphant forward movement on the part of Aurangzib, defection appeared in the Maharajah’s ranks. Rai Singh Sisodia from the right flank of the Centre, and Sujan Singh Bundela and Amar Singh Chandrawat from the Van, left the field with their clansmen and returned home.

v2.c21.37

But in the heart of the Imperial Centre, under the banner of Marwar, stood 2,000 Rathors, ready to live or to die with their chieftain, besides many other Rajput and Mughal auxiliaries; and these offered a stubborn opposition. But it was of no avail. For, meantime Murad Baksh with his division had fallen on Jaswant’s camp, close to the field, secured the submission of one of its defenders, Devi Singh Bundela, and driven off the rest. Then advancing into the field itself, Murad fell on the Left Wing of the Imperial army. Iftikhar Khan, the commander of this division, worn out with the day’s struggle and now attacked by fresh troops in overwhelming number, fought valiantly to the death; many of his colleagues, traitors at heart, fled to join Aurangzib the next day; and the Imperial Left Wing soon ceased to exist.

v2.c21.38

Rai Singh’s flight had already uncovered Jaswant’s right flank; the fall of Iftikhar Khan exposed his left. Meantime his Van had almost entirely melted away: part of it had perished around Mukund Singh in his heroic charge; of the rest, the Chandrawat Rajputs and Bundelas had fled, and the Musalmans under Qasim Khan, who had kept aloof from the fighting, prepared to run away as they saw Aurangzib’s host advancing on them. Only one course was left to a Rajput general under such circumstances; he must charge into the thickest press of the enemy and die amidst a heap of the slain. And this Jaswant wanted to do. He had fought valiantly for four hours and by firmly keeping his own ground he had so long saved the Imperial Centre, the pivot on which his whole army rested. In spite of two wounds, his voice and example had cheered the Rajputs. But now Aurangzib from the front, Murad from the left, and Saf Shikan Khan from the right, were converging on him like a tumultuous flood, to envelop his small remnant of clansmen. Such a combat could have only one issue: victory was impossible, but a hero’s death—no less dear to the Rajput heart—was within his reach. He wanted to drive his horse into the advancing enemy’s ranks and get slain.[*] But his generals Askaran and Maheshdas Gaur, and Govardhan and other ministers seized his bridle and dragged his horse out of the field. Mughal princes might cut each other’s throats, but why should the head of the Rathors and the hope of Marwar give up his life in their domestic quarrel? With a few Rathors, mostly wounded, —the sole remnant of his gallant band, the vanquished general took the road to Jodhpur.

v2.c21.39

The battle had been already lost, and flight of the Rathors removed the last semblance of resistance. There was now a general flight of the few divisions of the Imperial army that had still kept the field. The Rajputs retreated to their homes, the Muslims towards Agra.

v2.c21.40

[*] Isar-das (21b),—"Jaswant wanted to ride into the struggle and get slain, but Mahesh-das, Askaran and other pradhans seized his bridle and brought him away." Masum (50b),—"The Maharajah was wounded and fell down from his horse. His devoted Rajputs wanted to take him to a safe place. He forbade it, saying, &c....They did not listen to him, but removed the wounded man full of severe pains." Aqil Khan (31),—"The Rajah, in spite of his receiving two wounds, stood firmly and encouraged the Rajputs as far as possible." Bernier (39),—"Qasim Khan ingloriously fled from the field, leaving Jaswant Singh exposed to the most imminent peril. That undaunted Rajah was beset on all sides by an overwhelming force, and saved only by the affecting devotion of his Rajputs, the greater part of whom died at his feet." Manucci (i. 259),—"The Rajah never ceased to fight most desperately, until at length he saw himself left with only the smallest remnant of his force."

v2.c21.41

The soldiers had been under arms for more than eight hours of a hot April day. Victor and vanquished alike were worn out by the strife. So, Aurangzib "mercifully forbade pursuit, saying that this sparing of human life was his tithe-offering (*zakat*) to the Creator." But the Creator in Aurangzib's creed is evidently the Creator of Muslims only. The Prince's instructions to his officers were to spare the life of every Musalman found in the field and to respect the property and chastity of the Musalmans found in the enemy's camp. The Hindus were outside the pale of his mercy, though several thousands of this creed had fought loyally under his banners, and out of his four high officers wounded one was a Hindu.*

v2.c21.42

There was another and more probable reason for not ordering a pursuit. The deserted camp of the Imperialists close to the field, contained "booty beyond imagination." Hither the victors flocked. The two brothers must have jealously watched that neither should seize more than his fixed share of the spoils,—two-thirds for Aurangzib, and onethird for Murad. The entire camp of Jaswant and Qasim Khan with all their artillery, tents, and elephants, as well as a vast amount of treasure, became the victors' spoil, while the soldiers looted the property equipment and baggage of the vanquished army. Long strings of camels and mules, laden with various articles, were seized as prize or pillaged by the common soldiers and camp-followers.∗

v2.c21.43

∗ A. N., 73, Masum, 51a. But Kambu (11b) and Aqil Khan (32) say that there was a pursuit for 3 or 4 *kos* during which many were slain. But we must accept the authority of Aurangzib's official history.

v2.c21.44

∗ For the booty, A. N., 71-72, Khafi Khan, ii. 18, Kambu, 11b.

v2.c21.45

Aurangzib's gain in prestige. But far greater than all these material gains was the moral prestige secured by Aurangzib. Dharmat became the omen of his future success in the opinion of his followers and of the people at large throughout the empire. At one blow he had brought Dara down from a position of immense superiority to one of equality with his own, or even lower. The hero of the Deccan wars and the victor of Dharmat faced the world not only without loss but with his military reputation rendered absolutely unrivalled in India. Waverers hesitated no longer; they now knew beyond a moment's doubt which of the four brothers was the chosen favourite of Victory. Even on the field of battle Aurangzib was hailed with "shouts of congratulation from the earth and the age," as his servant wrote with pardonable exaggeration.

v2.c21.46

No sooner had Jaswant and Qasim Khan turned their backs than Aurangzib's band struck up the notes of victory: the drums beat, the *kurka* sent forth a merry peal, and the clarion sounded, proclaiming far and near that the battle had been won. Aurangzib knelt down on the field and with folded arms rendered thanks to the Giver of Victory. Then he marched to the deserted encampment of the enemy, pitched his own small campaigning tent there, and afterwards performed the evening prayer in full concourse of Muslim officers and men. Murad now arrived, congratulated him on his victory, and introduced the deserter Devi Singh Bundela. Murad's co-operation in the victory was rewarded with 15,000 gold pieces, offered delicately as "surgeons' fee for his wounded followers," besides four elephants and other presents.*

v2.c21.47

On the site of the conflict the victorious Prince ordered, a village to be founded, with a garden, mosque, and serai.† The village, bearing the usual name of Fatihabad or 'Abode of Victory,’ has now grown almost into a small town, as it is a railway junction. The mosque stands on a high platform, the front part of which has sunk in the middle, through the havoc of centuries and badness of masonry work. One of its three domes has fallen down and the red sandstone facing of the edifice has slipped down in many places, revealing the ill-laid concrete within. But its boundary walls enclose a vast area, and from their top a good view of the country can be commanded, especially on the west and north. The serai has entirely disappeared in two hundred and fifty years of neglect, unless the fragments of a few cloisters on the north wall of the quadrangle belong to it. The garden is probably represented by a patch of jungle north of the mosque.

v2.c21.48

∗ A. N., 74-75, Khafi Khan, ii. 19. † Isar-das, 22a. Dilkasha, 23. My description of the present condition of the place is based on a visit paid in October, 1909.

v2.c21.49

Heavy was the loss on the Imperial side, and the main portion of it was borne by the Rajputs. Nearly six thousand dead enemy were counted by Aurangzib’s officers. At least five hundred Rajputs had fallen in Mukund Singh’s charge, and 2,000 Rathors were afterwards slain.∗

v2.c21.50

∗ *A. N.*, 73, *Adab*, 164*b*, Khafi Khan, ii. 17. Bernier puts the loss among Jaswant’s Rajputs alone at 7,400 (p. 39). Kambu’s language is significant, “after some Musalmans and a great many Rajputs had been slain” (11*b*). *Dilkasha*, 23, says, “About 5,000 slain on the two sides together”.

v2.c21.51

Every clan of Rajasthan contributed its quota to the band of heroes who sacrificed their lives in their master's service (swami-dharma). As the bardic chronicle records it, "The onset cost seventeen hundred Rathors, besides Gehlots, Hadas, Gaurs, and some of every clan of Rajwara." "This was one of the events glorious to the Rajput, shewing his devotion to whom fidelity had been pledged,—the aged and enfeebled emperor Shah Jahan, whose salt they ate,—against all the temptation offered by youthful ambition....The Rajput sealed his faith in his blood; and none more liberally than the brave Hadas of Kotah and Bundi. The annals of no nation on earth can furnish such an example, as an entire family [the house of Kotah], six royal brothers, stretched on the field."* Among the chiefs of note who fell were Mukund Singh Hada, Sujan Singh Sisodia, Ratan Singh Rathor, Arjun Singh Gaur, Dayaldas Jhala, and Mohan Singh Hada, besides eighteen other high Rajputs and

v2.c21.52

Isar-das's estimate is "24 eminent Rajput chiefs, 2,000 Rajputs of Marwar, and 6,000 troopers and officers of the Imperial service were slain" (21b). Aurangzib lost a priceless servant, Murshid Quli Khan, but no other officer of note. Isar-das makes the absolutely incredible assertion that 7000 troopers were slain on his side.

v2.c21.53

∗ Tod, ii. 875.

v2.c21.54

Iftikhar Khan, an Imperial officer. To Ratan Singh of Rutlam a noble monument was raised by his descendants on the spot where his corpse was burnt. Time overthrew it, but in 1909 its place was taken by a lofty structure of white marble, decorated with relief work of a bold but conventional style, illustrating the phases of the battle, and surmounted with a stone horse. It is the most striking sight of the place.

v2.c21.55

The day after the victory, the two brothers reached the environs of Ujjain, and issued a gazette of honours and promotions to their meritorious officers. Many traitors who had left the Imperial army during the battle, now joined Aurangzib and were welcomed with titles and posts. A three days' halt was made here for repairing his losses, making administrative arrangements, and transacting urgent affairs of State;—and then, on 20th April, the march northward was resumed, and a month afterwards (21st May) Gwalior was reached.[*]

v2.c21.56

Here Nasiri Khan, a high commander who had won honour in the Bijapur war, joined Aurangzib, leaving the service of Shah Jahan, and was created a Commander of Five Thousand with his father's title of Khan-i-Dauran, which Aurangzib had solemnly promised to him in writing. It was now learnt that Dara had come to Dholpur with a vast army and seized all the well-known and frequented fords over the Chambal river. His entrenchments frowned on the crossing places; his artillery crowned the opposite bank; and everywhere strong parties of his troops were on the alert for the enemy's arrival. To cross the river with its steep rocky banks and wide ravine-intersected approaches, in the face of such opposition, would have led to a heavy loss of life. So, Aurangzib cast about for some secret and safe path and offered high rewards to the neighbouring landholders. One zamindar told him that forty miles east of Dholpur there was an obscure and out-of-the-way ford with only knee-deep water, by which no army had ever crossed before. Dara had omitted to guard it, as it was a petty ford unfrequented by travellers and Aurangzib was still far from the river bank.

v2.c21.57

∗ A. N., 75—78.

v2.c21.58

No time was to be lost. In the very evening after the arrival near Gwalior (21st May), while the main army halted, a strong division under three generals and some artillery made a forced march all night, reached the ford next morning, and crossed safely to the other bank. That day Aurangzib himself set out from Gwalior, covered the interval in two long marches and crossed the river at the same place with the rest of his army (23rd May). In these two marches, "the path was rough, the soldiers underwent much hardship before arriving at the ford; and on the way nearly 5,000 men died of thirst,"—these last being probably camp followers. But Aurangzib’s unrelenting firmness overcame every obstacle and carried the army through, regardless of loss.[*] The military advantage of the movement compensated for the heavy death-list, equal to that of a pitched battle. By one stroke he had turned the enemy’s position and rendered Dara’s elaborate trenches and batteries useless. The road to Agra now lay open before him. It was now Dara’s turn to abandon the line of the Chambal and fall back on the capital, if he did not wish to be intercepted. In the hurry of his retreat he had to abandon many of his heavier guns on the river bank, and thus weakened himself in artillery in the next battle.∗

v2.c21.59

∗ A. N., 79-80, 85, Isar-das, 23, Kambu, 12b, Aqil Khan 33-34, Storia, i. 269-270, Dilkasha, 26. The Alamgirnamah and Aqil Khan name the place of crossing Bhadauriyah and Bhadaur respectively, and place it 40 (or 50) miles east of Dholpur. Isar-das calls it Kanira, and Bhimsen Gorkha. Now, Gorka is only 6 miles east of the Dholpur ferry, and therefore could not have been Aurangzib’s crossing-place. (Ind. At. 50 S. E.). There is a Bhadaoli, 26·45 N. 78·36 E., 40 miles east of the old Dholpur fort on the Chambal, in a straight line; Kanera is 3 miles S. E. of it. (Ind. At. 68). The map gives a village road coming from the south-west (Gwalior side), crossing the Chambal a little west of Bhadaoli and then continued northwards to the Jumna. According to the Chhatra-Prakash (followed by Manucci and Bhimsen also), Aurangzib’s guide to the ford was Champat Rao Bundela (Pogson, 32). Isar-das (23b) calls him "Hathiraj Jat, zamindar of Gohad, in the sarkar of Gwalior." Aqil Khan (34) has only "the zamindar of Bhadaur."

v2.c21.60

∗ Dilkasha, 26.

v2.c21.61

detour to the right and arrives near Agra. By this detour to the right Aurangzib had left the high road to Agra and arrived a good deal north-east of it. From the Chambal he marched north towards the Jumna and in three days came in touch with the enemy near Samugarh.

v2.c21.62

Samugarh described. As the Jumna sweeps eastwards by Agra Fort and the Taj, some eight miles down the stream we have the ferry of Raipur, and opposite it, on the southern bank, the village of Imadpur, with some fine mansions built by Shah Jahan for his residence when out hunting. (These are probably represented by the Badshahi Mahal of the modern maps.) One mile east of them stands the village of Samugarh, containing the ruins of Jahangir’s hunting-lodge. East and south of Samugarh, as far as the bend of the Jumna, stretches a wide plain[^ *], a fit arena for the decisive combat for the lordship of Agra.

v2.c21.63

[^ *]: Isardas spells the name as *Sambhugarh*. "At Imadpur, one mile from Samugarh in coming towards the city, on the bank of the river, mansions were built by order of Shah Jahan at a cost of Rs. 80,000, and completed in November, 1653." (Waris, 81b.) *Samogar* is given in *Indian Atlas*, Sheet 50 S. E., as 8 miles due east of Agra Fort. The Jumna is half a mile north of it and again four miles on the east. The day after the battle, Aurangzib halted in the hunting-lodge at Imadpur. (Aqil Khan, 49.) Isardas 23a. Aqil Kh. 42. "At Rajpura 10 kos from Agra, near the Jumna, Dara chose a field for the battle." A. N. 86.

Chapter XVI.

v2.c22.1

BATTLE OF SAMUGARH, 29 MAY, 1658.

v2.c22.2

Shah Jahan had been staying at Agra since November, 1657. He was not his former self again, and still suffered from weakness and traces of his old complaint. As the summer season approached, the doctors feared that his malady would increase in the hot climate of Agra, which was subject to sand-storms and heat-waves from the Rajputana desert. So, they advised a change to Delhi as a cooler place, with breezes constantly blowing from the south in summer, and possessing fresh gardens, flowing canals, and more commodious palaces. The Imperial Court set out from Agra on 11th April 1658, and had reached Baluchpur, eighty miles north-west on the way to Delhi, when the news of the defeat at Dharmat reached it (25th April). All the hopes built on Jaswant were gone. If the rebellious princes were to be stopped Dara must hasten to Agra, equip a new force, and person-

v2.c22.3

Shah Jahan hears of Dharmat.

v2.c22.4

ally supervise the operations. Shah Jahan, though unwilling to turn back, was overcome by his favourite son's importunity, and the party came to Agra again on 2nd May.∗

v2.c22.5

∗ A.N. 81-82 ; Kambu, 12a ; Aqil Khan, 32.

v2.c22.6

A new Imperial army was assembled in all haste. Dara summoned the nobles and commanders from all the provinces and jagirs within easy reach of him, equipped their men with armour and weapons from the arsenal of Agra Fort, and lavished money from the Treasury to pay for new recruits and to bind the captains over to his side. The numerous guns and elephants of the Government were at his disposal. A force of about 60,000 troopers was assembled under his banner in a short time. But this army was formidable in appearance only : it was composed of a miscellaneous host of diverse classes and localities, hastily got together, and not properly co-ordinated nor taught to act in concert. Moreover, many of its commanders were carpet knights of the Court, having neither the experience nor the courage of the veterans from the Deccan. Dara's main reliance was on the Rajputs and Syeds, while the other Muslim troops of the Imperial army (especially the Mughals) were mostly traitors to him, or at least indifferent to his cause.[*] He had made the fatal mistake of sending away his trustiest adherents and ablest lieutenants with Sulaiman Shukoh to oppose Shuja, and now he felt sore need of such efficient instruments. Wherever he could not be present in person, his business was ruined by incompetent or faithless subordinates.

v2.c22.7

And he was also hampered by Shah Jahan. Even now the Emperor urged him to avoid war; he still fondly hoped that the quarrel among his sons could be peacefully ended by diplomatic messages. His nobles, already corrupted by Aurangzib or caring for their own interests only, took advantage of this natural feeling of a father. They pointed out to the Emperor that it would be a family disgrace if the brothers fought with each other, and worse still if Shah Jahan identified himself with any of them. He should let his two sons visit him, and then use the awe of majesty and his personal influence to detach the ambitious nobles from their sides and send the princes, shorn of strength, back to their provinces. Shah Jahan approved of this advice, which echoed his feelings. But Dara taunted the givers of such counsels with cowardice and treason, and indiscreetly boasted that though they might not follow him, he would drive Aurangzib’s men back like hares with the help of Chhatra Sal Hada. The foreign Muhammadans (both Persian and Central Asian mercenaries) resented this speech. They withdrew their hearts from Dara* and secretly resolved to desert to Aurangzib at the first opportunity. Dara had professed no need for their services; well, then, they would not help him; they would leave him to his Rajput friends.

First 118 of 950 passages. Read on

Linked texts (7)