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The Ancient Geography of India. I. The Buddhist Period, including the Campaigns of Alexander, and the Travels of Hwen-Thsang c6.s3: III. Valabhadra, or Balabhi.

The Ancient Geography of India. I. The Buddhist Period, including the Campaigns of Alexander, and the Travels of Hwen-Thsang c6.s3

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III. Valabhadra, or Balabhi.

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The ruins of the famous city of Balabhi were discovered by Tod near Bhaonagar, on the eastern side of the peninsula of Gujarât. In an inscription of the fifth century the country is called “the beautiful kingdom of *Valabhadra*,”* but in the local histories and traditions of the people, it is generally known as Balabhi. This also was the name in the time of Hwen Thsang, who calls the kingdom *Fa-la-pi*, or Balabhi. In ancient times, however, the peninsula of Gujarât was only known as *Surashtra*, and under this name it is mentioned in the Mahâbhârata and in the Purânas. It is called *Surashtrene* by Ptolemy and the author of the ‘Periplus;’ and its people are most probably intended by Pliny under the corrupt name of *Suarataræ*, or *Varetatæ*, for which I would propose to read *Suratæ*. The change in the name of the country is alluded to in an inscription, dated in the Saka year 734, or A.D. 812, of Raja Karka, whose remote ancestor Govinda is said to have been the ornament of the *Saurâshtra* kingdom, “which lost its appellation of *Sau-rajya* from the ruin that had fallen upon it.”† Karka’s father is called Raja of *Lâteswara*, which at once identifies his kingdom with Balabhi, as Hwen Thsang notes that Balabhi was also called *Pe-Lo-lo*, or northern *Lâra*, which is the common pronunciation of the Sanskrit *Lâṭa*. As Karka was only the fifth in descent from Govinda, the name of *Saurâjya* or *Saurashtra* could not have been restored by these representatives of the old family before the middle of the seventh century. From a comparison of all the data I conclude that the old name of Saurashtra was lost in A.D. 319, when the successors of the *Sâh* kings were supplanted by the *Vallabhas*, and the capital changed from *Junagurh* to *Valabhi*. The establishment of the Balabhi era, which dates from A.D. 319, is said by Abu Rihân to mark the period of the extinction of the Gupta race, whose coins are found in considerable numbers in Gujarât. This date may therefore be accepted with some certainty as that of the establishment of the Balabhi dynasty, and most probably also as that of the foundation of their city of Balabhi.

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∗ Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1838, p. 976.

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† Ibid., 1839, p. 300. Inscription from Baroda.

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According to the native histories and local traditions Balabhi was attacked and destroyed in the Samvat year 580, which is equivalent to A.D. 523, if in the Vikrama era, or A.D. 658, if in the Saka era. Colonel Tod has adopted the former; but as Hwen Thsang visited Balabhi in A.D. 640, the date must clearly be referred to the later era of Saka. If the statement is correct, we may refer the capture of Balabhi to Raja Govinda of the Baroda copper-plate inscription, who is recorded to have re-established the old family, as well as the old name of the former kingdom of Saurashtra. As he was the great-grandfather of the grandfather of Karka Raja, who was reigning in A.D. 812, his own accession must have taken place in the third quarter of the seventh century, that is, between A.D. 650 and 675, which agrees with the actual date of A.D. 658, assigned by the native historians for the destruction of Balabhi, and the extinction of the Balabhi sovereignty in the peninsula of Gujarât.

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About a century after their expulsion from Balabhi the representative of the Balabhis, named *Bappa* or *Vappaka*, founded a new kingdom at Chitor, and his son *Guhila*, or *Guháditya*, gave to his tribe the new name of *Guhiláwat*, or *Gahilot*, by which they are still known. About the same time* a chief of the *Chaura* tribe, named *Ban Raja*, or the "Jangal Lord," founded a city on the bank of the Saraswati, about seventy miles to the south-west of Mount Abu, called *Analwára Pattan*, which soon became the most famous place in Western India. Somewhat earlier, or about A.D. 720, Krishna, the Pahlava prince of the peninsula, built the fort of *Elápura*, the beauty of which, according to the inscription, astonished the immortals. In it he established an image of Siva adorned with the crescent. Following this clue I incline to identify *Elápura* with the famous city of *Somnáth*, which, as the capital of the peninsula, was usually called Pattan Somnáth. According to Postans† the old "city of Pattan" is built upon a projection of the "mainland, forming the southern point of the small port and bay of *Veráwal*." This name I take to be the same as *Elápura* or *Eláwar*, which, by a transposition that is very common in India, would become *Eráwal*. Thus *Nar-sinh* has become *Ran-si*, and *Ranod* is used indifferently with *Narod*, but we have a still more striking instance in the change from the ancient *Várul* to the modern *Elur* or *Elora*. Now Patan Somnáth was famous for a temple of Siva, which enshrined a figure of the god bearing a crescent on his head as *Somnáth*, or the "lord of the moon." This appellation was therefore the proper name of the temple, and not of the city, which I conclude must have been *Elápura* or *Erawal*, the modern *Veráwal*.

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∗ ‘Ayin Akbari,’ ii.

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⁷³ Abul Fazl gives Samvat 802, or A.D. 745, if referred to the era of Vukramaditya.

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The earliest notice that we possess of Somnâth is contained in the brief account of the successful campaign of Mahmûd of Ghazni. According to Ferishta* the fortified city of Somnâth was situated “on a narrow peninsula, washed on three sides by the sea.” It was the residence of the Raja, and Naharwâla (a transposition of Analwâra) was then only “a frontier city of Gujarât.” This agrees with the native histories, which place the close of the Chaura dynasty of Analwâra in S. 998, or A.D. 941, when the sovereignty passed into the hands of the Châlukya prince Mula Raja, who became the paramount ruler of Somnâth and Analwâra.

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After the time of Mahmûd, Somnâth would appear to have been abandoned by its rulers in favour of Analwâra, which is mentioned as the capital of Gujarât in the time of Muhammad Ghori and his successor Aibeg.† It was still the capital of the kingdom in A.H. 697, or A.D. 1297, when the country was invaded by the army of Ala-ud-din Muhammad Khilji, which occupied Nahrwâla, or Analwâra, and annexed the province to the empire of Delhi.

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During all these transactions Ferishta invariably designates the peninsula, as well as the country to the north of it, by the modern name of Gujarât. The name is not mentioned by Abu Rihân, although he notices both Analwâra and Somnâth. It occurs first in the Mojmal-ut-tawârikh of Rashid-ud-din, who wrote in A.D. 1310, just thirteen years after the conquest of the country by the Muhammadan king of Delhi. Now I have already shown that the name of Gurjjara was confined to Western Râjputâna in the time of Hwen Thsang, and that it was still a distinct country from *Saurashtra* in A.D. 812, when Karka Raja of *Lâteswara* recorded his grant of land. Between this date and A.D. 1310, there is a gap of five centuries, during which period we have no mention of Gurjjara in any contemporary records. I have a strong suspicion, however, that the movement of the Gujars towards the peninsula must have been connected with the permanent conquest of Delhi, Kanoj and Ajmer by the Muhammadans, which ejected the Chohâns and Râthors from Northern Rajputâna and the Upper Ganges, and thrust them towards the south. We know that the Râthors occupied *Pâli* to the east of Bâlmer in the Samvat year 1283, or A.D. 1226. This settlement of the Râthors must have driven the great body of the Gujars from their ancient seats and forced them to the south towards Analwâra Pattan and Eder. This was actually the case of the Gohils, who, being expelled from Mârwâr by the Râthors, settled in the eastern side of the peninsula, which was named after them Gohilwara. In the time of Akbar the Gujars had certainly not penetrated into the peninsula, as Abul Fazl does not name them in his notice of the different tribes which then occupied the Sirkar of *Surât*. But even at the present day there is no large community of Gujars in the peninsula, so that we must look for some other cause for the imposition of their name on a large province which they have never completely occupied.

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∗ Briggs's translation, i. 69.

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In my account of the province of *Gurjjara* I have already noticed an old inscription of the kings of the Gurjjara tribe. From this record we learn that in s. 380, or A.D. 458 the Gujars had pushed their conquests as far south as the banks of the Narbadâ. In that year, and subsequently in A.D. 463, their king Sri Datta Kusali* made several grants of land to certain Brahmans in the district of *Akrúreswara*, near Jambusara, which I take to be *Ahlesar*, on the south bank of the Narbadâ, opposite Bhâroch. But before s. 391, or A.D. 472, the Gujars must have been driven back to the north, as far at least as Khambay, as the Châlukya prince Vijaya made several grants of land to the same Brahmans in the town of Jambusara, which lies between Bhâroch and Khambay. It is certain, therefore, that the Gujars had occupied the country to the north of the peninsula as early as the fifth century of the Christian era. But two centuries later they had already lost their power, as Hwen Thsang found a *Kshatriya* prince on the throne of *Gurjjara*. They must still, however, have continued to form the bulk of the population of the countries to the west and south of Mount Abu; and as Alaf Khan, the first Muhammadan conqueror, under Ala-ud-din Khilji, fixed his head-quarters at *Nahrwâra*, or *Analwâra*, in the very heart of the Gujar country, I think it probable that the name of Gujarât was then first applied to this new province of the Delhi empire; and as the peninsula of Saurashtra formed a part of the province, it was also included under the same general appellation. I therefore look upon the extension of the name of Gujarât to the peninsula as a political convenience rather than an ethnographical application. Hamilton† notes that the greater part of Malwa and Khandes was formerly called Gujarât; and this is borne out by Marco Polo, who distinguishes between the peninsula, which he calls *Sumenat* (Somnâth) and the kingdom of *Gozurat*, which he places on the coast to the north of Tana; that is, about Bhâroch and Surat. Even at the present day the name of Gujarât is not known to the natives of the peninsula itself, who continue to call their country *Surath* and *Kathiáwar*;* the latter name having been a recent adoption of the Mahrattas.

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∗ Professor Dowson in Journ. Royal Asiat. Soc., new series, i. 280.

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† Gazetteer, in voce "Gujerât," i. 60.

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The capital of Balabhi is described by Hwen Thsang as 30 *li*, or 5 miles, in circuit. Its ruins were first discovered by Tod, although he did not actually visit them.† But they have since been visited by Dr. Nicholson,‡ according to whom they are situated at 18 miles to the west-north-west of Bhaonagar, near the village of *Wale*. The ruins are still known by the name of *Vamilapura*, which is only a slight transposition of *Valami*, or *Valabhipura*. The remains are scattered over a wide extent, but there is nothing remarkable about them, except the unusually large size of the bricks. In the time of Akbar, however, these remains would appear to have been much more considerable, as Abul Fazl§ was informed that “at the foot of the mountains of Sirouj is a large city, now out of repair, although the situation is very desirable. Mâbidchin and the port of Ghoga are dependent upon it.” The vicinity of *Ghoga* is a sufficient indication to enable us to identify this ruined city with the present remains of Balabhi, which are only about 20 miles distant from Ghoga.

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∗ Elphinstone, ‘India,’ i. 550. † ‘Travels in Western India,’ p. 268. ‡ Journ. Royal Asiat. Soc., xiii. 146.

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In the seventh century Hwen Thsang describes the kingdom of Balabhi as 6000 *li*, or 1000 miles, in circuit, which is very near the truth, if we include the districts of Bhâroch and Surat, on the neighbouring coast, as well as the whole of the peninsula of Surashtra. But in this part of the pilgrim's travels the narrative is frequently imperfect and erroneous, and we must therefore trust to our own sagacity, both to supply his omissions and to correct his mistakes. Thus, in his description of *Bhâroch*, Hwen Thsang omits to tell us whether it was a separate and independent chiefship, or only a tributary of one of its powerful neighbours, Balabhi, Malwa, or Maharashtra. But as it has generally been attached to the peninsula, I infer that it most probably belonged to the great kingdom of Balabhi in the seventh century. In the second century, according to Ptolemy, *Barygaza* formed part of the kingdom of *Larike*, which, in Hwen Thsang's time, was only another name for Balabhi. In the tenth century, according to Ibn Haukal,[*] it belonged to the kingdom of the Balharâ, whose capital was Analwarâ; but as this city was not founded for more than a hundred years after Hwen Thsang's visit, I conclude that in the seventh century Bhâroch must have formed part of the famous kingdom of Balabhi. With this addition to its territories, the frontier circuit of Balabhi would have been as nearly as possible 1000 miles.

1. Surâshtra.

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According to Hwen Thsang, the province of *Su-la-cha*, or *Surâtha*, was a dependant of Balabhi. Its capital was situated at 500 *li*, or 83 miles, to the west of Balabhi, at the foot of Mount *Yeu-chen-la*, or *Ujjanta*. This is the Pali form of the Sanskrit *Ujjayanta*, which is only another name for the *Girinar* hill that rises above the old city of *Junagarh*. The name of *Ujjayanta* is mentioned in both of the *Girinar* inscriptions of Rudra Dâma and Skanda Gupta, although this important fact escaped the notice of the translators.[*] The mention of this famous hill fixes the position of the capital of Surashtra at Junagarh, or *Yavana-gadh*, which is 87 miles to the west of Balabhi, or very nearly the same as stated by Hwen Thsang. The pilgrim notices that the mountain was covered with thick forests, and that its scarped sides contained numerous chambers and galleries. This description agrees with the account of Postans,[†] who, in 1838, found the hill covered with "a thick jungul of the custard-apple tree," and a number of excavations at the base, consisting of "small flat roofed rooms, supported by square pillars without ornament."

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∗ Elliot, 'Muhammadan Historians of India,' i. 63.

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The name of *Surath* is still known in this part of the peninsula; but it is confined to a comparatively small tract, which forms one of the ten divisions of Gujarât.[‡] In the time of Akbar, however, it was applied to the southern or larger half of the peninsula, which, according to Abul Fazl, extended from the port of Ghoga to the port of Aramroy, and from Sirdhar to the port of Diu.[§] The name of the district

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[*] Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bombay, vii. 119, "the Urjayata hill;" p. 123, "Urjayat;" and p. 124, "the Jayanta mountain," should all be rendered *Ujjâyanta*. [†] Journ. Royal Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1838, pp. 874, 876. [‡] Eastwick, 'Handbook of Bombay,' p. 424. [§] 'Ayin Akbari,' ii. 66.

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is also preserved by Terry,* whose information was obtained at the Court of Jahângir. According to his account, the chief city of Soret was called *Janagar*, that is, *Javanagar*, or *Jonagarh*. The province was small, but very rich, and had the ocean to the *south*. At that time also it would appear not to have been included in Gujarât, as Terry describes it as *lying upon Gujarat*.

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In the seventh century Hwen Thsang states that *Surath*, or *Surashtra*, was 4000 *li*, or 667 miles, in circuit, and touched the river *Mo-hi* on the west. This river has always been identified with the *Mahi* of Malwa, which falls into the Gulf of Khambay.† Accepting this identification as correct, the province of *Surath* in the time of Hwen Thsang must have comprised the whole of the peninsula, including the city of Balabhi itself. This is confirmed by the measurement of the frontier given by the pilgrim, which agrees exactly with that of the entire peninsula to the south-west of a line drawn from the Lesser Ran of Kachh to Khambay. In spite of the fame of Balabhi, the old name of *Surath* was still applied to the whole peninsula so late as A.D. 640.

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† As the *Mahi* river lies to the *north-east* of Gujarât, we must either read *east*, or suppose that the pilgrim referred to the western bank of the stream.

2. Bhâroch, or Barygaza.

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In the seventh century the district of *Po-lu-kie-che-po*, or *Barukachwa*, was from 2400 to 2500 *li*, or from 400 to 417 miles, in circuit; and its chief city was on the bank of the *Nai-mo-tho*, or *Narmmadá* river, and close to the sea. With these data it is easy to identify the Lacedaemonians, who had been waiting for the signal, now attacked the city. The Plataeans, seeing the enemy already inside and their own men falling, and knowing nothing of the plot, were seized with panic and, thinking that the Thebans were far more numerous than they really were, surrendered at discretion. But when they discovered that the Thebans were few, they took heart and, resolving to attack them, closed the gates and fell upon them.

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∗ ‘Voyage to East India,’ p. 80.

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The Thebans, finding themselves in a trap, began to defend themselves. Twice or thrice they repelled the attacks of the Plataeans, but when the women and slaves began to shout and throw tiles and stones from the houses, and a heavy rain began to fall, the Thebans, confused and blinded, broke and fled through the city. Most of them, not knowing the way in the darkness and rain, fell into the drains or were killed by the Plataeans, who knew the streets. The gate through which they had entered had been shut by a Plataean who had found a javelin-head and used it as a bolt, so that there was no way out. Pursued through the city, some climbed the wall and jumped down, most of them perishing; others reached the gate and, finding it shut, were cut down by the women and slaves. A small party, seeing a large building with an open door, rushed in, thinking it was a gate, and were captured.

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Meanwhile, the main body of the Thebans, who were to have arrived at daybreak to support the first party, had been delayed by the rain and the swollen river Asopus. When they heard of the disaster, they hurried to the city, intending to seize any Plataeans who might be outside the walls. The Plataeans, suspecting their intention, sent a herald to them, warning them not to harm the prisoners they had taken, and threatening to kill them if they did not withdraw from their territory. The Thebans, upon this, retired.

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The Plataeans, having thus cleared the city, collected their dead and the prisoners. The prisoners, numbering about one hundred and eighty, were executed the next day, despite a message from the Thebans claiming that they had surrendered on terms. The Plataeans denied this, asserting that they had promised to spare them only if they did not commit further acts of violence.

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Thus ended the attempt of the Thebans upon Plataea, an event which was the immediate cause of the war between Athens and the Peloponnesians. The Plataeans, having secured their city, sent a messenger to Athens with the news, and the Athenians, fearing for the safety of the Plataeans, sent a garrison to their aid and removed the women and children to Athens.

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TRAVELS OF HWEN THSANG IN N. W. INDIA. A. D. 635-637. 64 Miles to 1 Inch

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the capital with the well-known seaport town of Bhâroch, under its Sanskrit name of Bhrigu-Kachha, as written by the Brahmans, or Bhârukachha, as found in the old inscriptions. The latter was no doubt the more usual form, as it is almost literally preserved in the Βαρύγαζα of Ptolemy, and the ‘Periplus.’ From Hwen Thsang’s measurement of its circuit, the limits of the district may be determined approximately as extending from the Máhi* river on the north, to Dâmân on the south, and from the Gulf of Khambay on the west to the Sahyádri mountains on the east.

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According to the text of Hwen Thsang, Bhâroch and Balabhi were in Southern India, and Surashtra in Western India ; but as he places Malwa in Southern India, and Ujain in Central India, I look upon these assignments as so many additional proofs of the confusion which I have already noticed in the narrative of his travels in Western India. I would therefore assign both Balabhi and Bhâroch to Western India, as they formed part of the great province of Surashtra. The correctness of this assignment is confirmed by the author of the ‘Periplus,’ who notes that below Barygaza the coast turns to the south, whence that region is named Dakhinabades, as the natives call the south Dakhanos.†

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† Peripl. Mar. Erythr., in Hudson's Geogr. Vet., i. 29.

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According to the Chinese pilgrim, the great division of Central India extended from the Satlej to the head of the Gangetic Delta, and from the Himalâya mountains to the Narbadâ and Mahânadi rivers. It comprised all the richest and most populous districts of India, with the single exception of the Gangetic Delta, or Bengal proper.* Of the seventy separate states of India that existed in the seventh century, no less than thirty-seven, or rather more than one-half, belonged to Central India. The whole of these districts were visited by Hwen Thsang, whose footsteps I will now attend in describing the different principalities from west to east in the following order:—

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∗ The Maïs river of Ptolemy.

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1. Sthâneswara.
2. Bairât.
3. Srughna.
4. Madâwar.
5. Brahmapura.
6. Govisana.
7. Ahichhatra.
8. Pilosana.
9. Sankisa.
10. Mathura.
11. Kanoj.
12. Ayuto.
13. Hayamukha.
14. Prayâga.
15. Kosâmbi.
16. Kusapura.
17. Vaisâkha.
18. Srâvasti.
19. Kapila.
20. Kusinagara.
21. Varânasi.
22. Yodhapatipura.
23. Vaisâla.
24. Vriji.
25. Nepâla.
26. Magadha.
27. Hiranya Parvata.
28. Champa.
29. Kânkjol.
30. Paundra Vardhana.
31. Jajhoti.
32. Maheswarapura.
33. Ujain.
34. Malwa.
35. Kheda, or Khaira.
36. Anandapura.
37. Vadari, or Eder.

1. Sthâneswara.

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In the seventh century Sa-ta-ni-shi-fa-lo, or Sthâneswara, was the capital of a separate kingdom, which is described as being 7000 *li*, or 1167 miles, in circuit. No king is mentioned, but the state was tributary to Harsha Varddhana of Kanoj, who was the paramount sovereign of Central India. From the large dimensions given by Hwen Thsang, I infer that the district must have extended from the Satlej to the Ganges.[*] Its northern boundary may be approximately described as a straight line drawn from Hari-ki-patan, on the Satlej, to Muzafarnagar, near the Ganges; and its southern boundary as an irregular line drawn from near Pâk-patan, on the Satlej, viâ Bhatner and Nârnol, to Anupshahar on the Ganges. These limits give a boundary of about 900 miles, which is nearly one-fourth less than is stated by the pilgrim. But it is certain that many of these boundary measurements must be exaggerated, as the distances could only have been estimated, and the natural tendency of most persons is rather to overstate the actual size of their native districts. Another source of error lies in the deficient information of Hwen Thsang’s own narrative, which describes each of the 37 districts as a distinct and separate state, whereas it is almost certain that several of the minor states should be included within the boundaries of the larger ones. Thus I believe that the petty districts of *Govisana* and *Ahichhatra* must have formed part of the state of *Madáwar*; that *Vaisákha* and *Kusapura*, and the other small districts of the Gangetic Doab, *Ayulo*, *Hayamukha*, *Kosámbi*, and *Prayága*, were included in Kanoj; that *Kusinagara* belonged to *Kapila*; and that *Vadari* and *Kheda* were integral parts of *Malwa*. In some instances also, I believe that thousands have been inserted in the text instead of hundreds. I refer specially to the petty districts in the lower Gangetic Doab. Thus, *Prayâga*, or Allahabad, is said to be 5000 *li*, or 833 miles, in circuit, and *Kosâmbi*, which is only 30 miles from Allahabad, is said to be 6000 *li*, or 1000 miles, in circuit! In both of these instances I would read the smaller numbers of 500 *li*, or 83 miles, and 600 *li*, or 100 miles, which would then agree with the actual dimensions of these petty divisions. It is quite certain that they could not have been larger, as they were completely surrounded by other well-known districts. By making due allowance for one or other of these sources of error, I think it will be found that Hwen Thsang’s measurements are in general not very far from the truth.

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∗ See Map No. I.

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∗ See Map No. X.

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The town of *Sthâneswara*, or Thânesar, consists of an old ruined fort, about 1200 feet square at top, with the modern town on a mound to the east, and a suburb called *Bûhari*, or “without,” on another mound to the west. Altogether, the three old mounds occupy a space nearly one mile in length from east to west, and about 2000 feet in average breadth. These dimensions give a circuit of 14,000 feet, or less than 2¾ miles, which is somewhat under the 20 *li*, or 3⅓ miles, of Hwen Thsang. But before the inroads of the Muhammadans, it is certain, from the number of brick ruins still existing, as well as from the statements of the people themselves, that the whole of the intervening space between the present town and the lake, which is now called *Darrâ*, must have formed part of the old city. Taking in this space, the original city would have been, as nearly as possible, an exact square of one mile on each side, which would give a circuit of 4 miles, or a little more than the measurement of the Chinese pilgrim. According to tradition, the fort was built by Raja Dilipa, a descendant of Kuru, five generations anterior to the Pândus. It is said to have had 52 towers or bastions, of which some remains still exist. On the west side the earthen ramparts rise to a height of 60 feet above the road; but the mass of the interior is not more than 40 feet high. The whole mound is thickly covered with large broken bricks, but with the exception of three old wells, there are no remains of any antiquity.

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The name of Thânesar, or Sthâneswara, is said to be derived either from the Sthâna or abode of Iswara, or Mahâdeva, or from the junction of his names of Sthânu and Iswara, or from Sthânu and sar, a “lake.” The town is one of the oldest and most celebrated places in India, but the earliest certain notice of it under this name is by the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang, in A.D. 634, although it is most probably mentioned by Ptolemy as Batan-Kaisara, for which we should, perhaps, read Satan-aisara, for the Sanskrit Sthâneswara. But the place was more famous for its connection with the history of the Pândus, than for its possession of a temple of Mahâdeva, whose worship, in India at least, must be of much later date than the heroes of the Mahâbhârata. All the country immediately around Thânesar, between the Saraswati and Drishadwati rivers, is known by the name of Kuru-Kshetra, that is, the “field or land of Kuru,” who is said to have become an ascetic on the bank of the great holy lake to the south of the town. This lake is called by various names, as Brahmâ-Sar, Râma-hrad, Vâyu, or Vâyava-Sar, and Pavana-Sar. The first name is attributed to Brahma, because he performed a sacrifice on its banks. The second name is derived from *Farasu-Rama*, who is said to have spilt the blood of the *Kshatriyas* in this place. The last two titles are derived from the names of the god of Wind, on account of the pleasant breezes which blew over the waters of the lake during Kuru's period of asceticism. This lake is the centre of attraction for most pilgrims; but all around it for many miles is holy ground, and the number of holy places connected with the Kauravas and Pándavas, and with other heroes of antiquity, is very great indeed. According to popular belief, the exact number is 360, but the list given in the *Kuru-kshetra Mahátmya* is limited to 180 places, of which one-half, or 91, are to the north along the line of the venerated Saraswati river. There are, however, in this list so many omissions of places of acknowledged importance, such as the *Nágahrada* at Pundri, the *Vyásasthala* at Basthali, the *Parásaratirath* at Bâlu, and the *Vishnu-tirath* at Sagga, near Narána, that I feel inclined to believe that the popular number of 360 may not be exaggerated.

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The *Chakra*, or district of *Kuru-Kshetra*, is also called *Dharma-Kshetra*, or the "holy land," which is evidently the original of Hwen Thsang's "*champ du bonheur.*" In his time the circle of pilgrimage was limited to 200 *li*,* which, at his valuation of 40 *li* to the Indian *yojana* of 4 kos, is equivalent to 20 kos. In the time of Akbar, however, the circle had already been increased to 40 kos,† and at the time of my visit it had been extended to 48 kos, although the 40 kos circuit was also well known, and is, indeed, noted by Mr. Bowring. The circuit stated by the Chinese pilgrim could not have been more than 35 or 40 miles, at 7 or 8 miles to the yojana, but the circle mentioned by Abul Fazl could not be less than 53 miles, at the usual valuation of the Padshahi kos at 1⅓ miles, and might, at Sir H. Elliot's valuation of Akbar's kos at more than 2½ miles, be extended to upwards of 100 miles. It is possible, indeed, to make these different statements agree very closely by changing the pilgrim's number to 400 li, or 10 yojanas, which are equivalent to 40 kos, or 80 miles, and by estimating Abul Fazl's 40 kos at the usual Indian rate of about 2 miles each. I am myself quite satisfied of the necessity for making this correction in the pilgrim's number, as the narrow extent of his circle would not only shut out the equally famous shrines at *Prithudaka*, or Pehoa on the Saraswati, and at the *Kausiki-Sangam*, or junction of the Kausiki and *Drishadwati* rivers, but would actually exclude the Drishadwati itself, which in the *Vámana Purána* is specially mentioned as being within the limits of the holy land,—

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∗ Julien's 'Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 213.

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† 'Ayin Akbari,' ii. 517.

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Dirgh-Kshetre Kurukshetre dirgha Satranta yire
Nudyâstire Drishadvatyâh punyayâh Suchirodhasah.

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"They were making the great sacrifice of *Satranta* in the wide region of *Kurukshetra* on the banks of the *Drishadwati*, esteemed holy on account of its virtues." This river is also specially mentioned in the *Vana Parva* of the *Mahábhárata* as being the southern boundary of the holy land.*

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Dakshinena Sarasvatyâ Drishadvatyuttarena-cha
Ye vasanti Kurukshetre te vasanti trivishtape.

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"South from *Saraswati*, and north from *Drishadwati*, they who dwell in *Kurukshetra* live in paradise.” From these texts it is certain that the holy land of *Kuru-kshetra* must have extended to the *Drishadwati* in the time of Hwen Thsang, and therefore that his limitation of its circuit to 200 *li*, or 20 *kos*, must be erroneous.

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∗ Chap. 83, v. 4.

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In another passage of the *Mahâbhârata*, the boundaries of the holy land are even more explicitly detailed,—*

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Tad Ratnukâratnukyor yadantaram Râmâhradân-cha Bhachak-nukasya-cha
Etat Kurukshetra, Samanta—panchakam, Pitamahâsyottara Vediruchyate.

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“The tract between *Ratnuka*, *Aratnuka*, *Râmâhrada* and *Bhachaknuka*, is called *Kurukshetra*, *Samantapanchaka*, and the northern *Vedi* of *Pita-maha* (or *Brahmâ*).” As this last name of *Brahmâ-vedi* is equivalent to *Brahmâvartta*, we have another testimony in the Code of Manu for extending the holy land to the banks of the *Drishadwati*.†

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† Houghton’s ‘Institutes of Menu,’ ii. 17.

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Sarasvati Drishadvatyordeva nudyor yadantaram
Tandeva nirmitam-desan Brahmâvarttan prachakshate.

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“That region, made by the Gods, which is between the *Saraswati* and *Drishadwati* rivers, is called *Brahmâvartta*.”

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The great lake of *Kurukshetra* is an oblong sheet of water 3516 feet in length from east to west, and 1900 feet in breadth. It is mentioned by Abu Rihân,‡ who records, on the authority of Varâha Mihira, that during eclipses of the moon the waters of all other tanks visit the tank at Thânesar, so that the bather in this tank at the moment of eclipse obtains the additional merit of bathing in all the other tanks at the same time.

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∗ ‘Vana Parva,’ chap. 83, last verse.

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‡ Reinaud, ‘Mémoire sur l’Inde,’ p. 287.

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This notice by Varâha Mihira carries us back at once to A.D. 500, when the holy tank at Thânesar was in full repute. But the Pauranic legends attribute to it an antiquity long anterior even to the Pândus themselves. On its banks Kuru, the common ancestor of the Kauravas and Pândavas, sat in ascetic abstraction; here Paraṣu-Râma slew the Kshatriyas, and here Pururavas having lost the nymph Urvaśi, at length met his celestial bride at Kurukshetra “sporting with four other nymphs of heaven in a lake beautiful with lotuses.” But the story of the horse-headed Dadhyanch, or Dadhícha, is perhaps even older than the legend of Pururavas, as it is alluded to in the Rig Veda.* “With his bones Indra slew ninety times nine Vritras.” The scholiast explains this by saying that the thunderbolt of Indra was formed of the horse's head with which the Aswins had supplied the headless Dadhyanch, that he might teach his science to them. According to the legend, Dadhyanch during his lifetime had been the terror of the Asuras, who, after his death, multiplied and overspread the whole earth. Then “Indra inquiring what had become of him, and whether nothing of him had been left behind, was told that the horse's head was still in existence, but no one knew where. Search was made for it, and it was found in the lake Saryandrat on the skirts of Kurukshetra.” I infer that this is only another name for the great tank of Kurukshetra, and consequently that the sacred pool is at least as old as the Rig Veda itself. I think it also probable that the *Chakra-tirath*, or spot where Vishnu is said to have taken up his *Chakra*, or discus, to kill Bhishma, may have been the original spot where Indra slew the Vritras, and that the bones, which were afterwards assigned to the Pândus, may have been those of the Vritras of the older legend. In support of this suggestion, I may mention that the *Chakratirath* is close to *Asthipur*, or the "place of bones." In A.D. 634 these bones were shown to the Chinese pilgrim, Hwen Thsang, who records that they were of very large size.* All my inquiries for them were fruitless, but the site of *Asthipur*, or "Bone-town," is still pointed out in the plain to the west of the city, near *Aujas-ghât*.

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∗ Wilson's translation, i. 216.

Pehoa, or Prithudaka.

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The old town of *Pehoa* is situated on the south bank of the Sarasuti, 14 miles to the west of Thânesar. The place derives its name from the famous *Prithu Chakra-vartti*, who is said to have been the first person that obtained the title of Raja. At his birth, according to the *Vishnu Purâna*,† "all living creatures rejoiced," because he was born to put an end to the anarchy which then prevailed over the whole earth. The story of the cure of Raja Vena's leprosy, by bathing in the Saraswati is told in the same Purâna. On his death, his son Prithu performed the usual *Srâddha*, or funeral ceremonies, and for twelve days after the cremation he sat on the bank of the Saraswati offering water to all comers. The place was therefore named *Prithudaka* or Prithu’s pool, from *daka* or *ulaka* water; and the city which he afterwards built on the spot was called by the same name. The shrine of *Prithudaka* has a place in the *Kurukshetra Mahatmya*, and is still visited.

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∗ Julien's 'Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 214. † Book 1-13, Hall's edition of Wilson's translation, i. 183.

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*Amin.*

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Five miles to the south-south-east of Thânesar there is a large and lofty mound called *Amin*, which is said by the Brahmans to be a contraction of *Abhimanyu Khera*, or the mound of Abhimanyu, the son of Arjun. The place is also named *Chakra-bhyu*, or the “Arrayed army,” because the Pândus here assembled their troops before their last battle with the Kauravas. Here Abhimanyu was killed by Jayadratha, who was himself killed the next day by Arjun. Here Aditi is said to have seated herself in ascetic abstraction to obtain a son, and here accordingly she gave birth to *Suryya*, or the Sun. The mound is about 2000 feet in length from north to south, and 800 feet in breadth, with a height of from 25 to 30 feet. On the top there is a small village called Amin, inhabited by Gaur Brahmans, with a temple to *Aditi*, and a *Suryya Kund* on the east, and a temple to *Suryya* on the west. The *Suryya Kund* is said to represent the spot where the Sun was born, and accordingly all women who wish for male children pay their devotions at the temple of Aditi on Sunday, and afterwards bathe in the *Suraj Kund*.

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2. BAIRÂT.

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According to Hwen Thsang the capital of the kingdom of *Po-li-ye-to-lo*, which M. Renaud has identified with *Páryátra* or *Bairát*, was situated at 500 *li*, or 83 2/3 miles, to the west of Mathura, and about 800 *li*, 133 1/3 miles, to the south-west of the kingdom of *She-to-tu-lo*,* that is, of *Satadru*, or the Satlej. The bearing and distance from Mathura point unequivocally to Bairât, the ancient capital of *Matsya* as the city of Hwen Thsang’s narrative, although it is upwards of 100 miles further to the south of Kullu than is recorded by the pilgrim. But I have already given an explanation of this discrepancy in my account of the intermediate position of Satadru in Northern India.

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Abu Rihân, the contemporary of Mahmud, places *Narâna*, the capital of *Karzât*, at 28 parasangs to the west of Mathura,† which, taking the parasang at 3 1/2 miles, would make the distance 98 miles, or 14 miles in excess of the measurement of Hwen Thsang. But as the narratives of the different Muhammadan historians leave no doubt of the identity of *Narâna* the capital of *Karzât*, with *Narâyana* the capital of Bairât, this difference in the recorded distance from Mathura, is of little moment. According to Abu Rihân, *Narâna*, or *Bazâna*, was called Narayan, ناراین by the Musalmans, a name which still exists in *Narâyanpur*, a town situated at 10 miles to the north-east of Bairât itself. From Kanoj to Narâna, Abu Rihân gives two distinct routes; the first direct viâ Mathura being 56 parasangs, or 196 miles, and the other to the south of the Jumna being 88 parasangs, or 308 miles.‡ The intermediate stages of the later route are, 1st, *Asi*, 18 parasangs, or 63 miles; 2nd, *Sakina*, 17 parasangs, or 59½ miles; 3rd, *Jandara*, 18 parasangs, or 63 miles; 4th, *Rajauri*, either 15 or 17 parasangs, 54 or 59½ miles, and 5th, *Bazana*, or *Narána*, 20 parasangs, or 70 miles. As the direction of the first stage is specially recorded to have been to the south-west of Kanoj, it may be at once identified with the *Assai Ghát* on the Jumna, 6 miles to the south of Etawa, and about 60 miles to the south-west of Kanoj. The name of the second stage is written سهينا *Sahina*, for which by the simple shifting of the diacritical points, I propose to read سهنيا *Suhania*, which is the name of a very large and famous ruined town situated 25 miles to the north of Gwalior. Its distance from the Assai Ghát is about 56 miles. The third stage named *Jandara* by M. Renaud, and *Chandra* by Sir Henry Elliot, I take to be *Hindon*, reading هندون for چندرا. Its distance from *Suhaniya* by the Khetri *Ghát* on the Chambal river is about 70 miles. The fourth stage, named Rajori, still exists under the same name, 12 miles to the south-west of *Mácheri*, and about 50 miles to the north-west of *Hindon*. From thence to Narainpur and Bairât, the road lies altogether through the hills of Alwar or *Mácheri*, which makes it difficult to ascertain the exact distance. By measurements on the lithographed map of eight miles to the inch, I make the distance to be about 60 miles, which is sufficiently near the 20 parasangs, or 70 miles, of Abu Rihân’s account.

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∗ Julien’s ‘Hiouen Thsang,’ pp. 206-207. See Map No. X.

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† Renaud, ‘Fragments Arabes et Persans,’ p. 107. The translator gives *Bazâna*, but this has been corrected by Sir H. M. Elliot to Narâna.

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‡ Renaud, ‘Fragments,’ p. 106; Dowson’s edit. of Sir H. Elliot, i. 58.

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According to the other itineraries of Abu Rihân, *Narána* was 25 parasangs to the north of Chitor in Mewar, 50 parasangs to the east of Multan, and 60 parasangs to the north-east of Anhalwâra.* The bearings of these places from Bairât are all sufficiently exact, but the measurements are more than one-half too short. For the first distance of 25 parasangs to Chitor, I would propose to read 65 parasangs, or 227 miles, the actual distance by the measured routes of the quartermaster-general being 217¾ miles. As the distance of Chitor is omitted in the extract from Abu Rihân which is given by Rashid-ud-din, it is probable that there may have been some omission or confusion in the original of the Târikh-i-Hind from which he copied. The erroneous measurement of 50 parasangs to Multan is perhaps excusable, on the ground that the direct route through the desert being quite impassable for an army, the distance must have been estimated. The error in the distance of Anhalwâra I would explain by referring the measurement of 60 parasangs to Chitor, which lies about midway between Bairât and Anhalwâra. From a comparison of all these different itineraries, I have no hesitation whatever in identifying Bazána or Narána, the capital of Karzát or Guzrát, with Náráyanapura, the capital of Bairát or Vairát. In Ferishta the latter name is written either Kibrát قيرات as in Dow, or Kairát قيرات as in Briggs, both of which names are an easy misreading of ويرات Wairát or Virát, as it would have been written by the Muhammadans.

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Virát, the capital of Matsya, is celebrated in Hindu Legends as the abode of the Five Pandus during their exile of 12 years from Dilli or Indraprastha. The country was also famous for the valour of its people, as Manu directs that the van of an army should be composed of “men born in Kurukshetra near Indraprastha, in *Matsya* or *Virâta*, in Panchâla or Kânya Kubja, and in Surasena of the district of Mathura.”*

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∗ Renaud, ‘Fragments,’ pp. 108-112.

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The residence of Bhim Pandu is still shown on the top of a long low rocky hill about one mile to the north of the town. The hill is formed of enormous blocks of coarse gritty quartz, which are much weather-worn and rounded on all the exposed sides. Some of these blocks have a single straight face sloping inwards, the result of a natural split, of which advantage has been taken to form small dwellings by the addition of rough stone walls plastered with mud. Such is the *Bhim-gupha* or Bhim’s cave, which is formed by rough walls added to the overhanging face of a huge rock about 60 feet in diameter and 15 feet in height. Similar rooms, but of smaller size, are said to have been the dwellings of Bhim’s brothers. The place is still occupied by a few Brahmans, who profess to derive only a scanty subsistence from the offerings of pilgrims, a statement which is rather belied by their flourishing appearance. Just below Bhim’s cave, a wall has been built across a small hollow to retain the rain water, and the fragments of rock have been removed from a fissure to form a tank, about 15 feet long by 5 feet broad and 10 feet deep; but at the time of my visit, on the 10th of November, it was quite dry.

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The present town of Bairât is situated in the midst of a circular valley surrounded by low bare red hills, which have long been famous for their copper mines. It is 105 miles to the south-west of Delhi, and 41 miles to the north of Jaypur. The main entrance to the valley is on the north-west along the bank of a small stream which drains the basin, and forms one of the principal feeders of the Bán Gangá. The valley is about 2½ miles in diameter, and from 7½ to 8 miles in circuit. The soil is generally good, and the trees, and more especially the tamarinds, are very fine and abundant. Bairât is situated on a mound of ruins, about one mile in length by half a mile in breadth, or upwards of 2½ miles in circuit, of which the present town does not occupy more than one-fourth. The surrounding fields are covered with broken pottery and fragments of slag from the ancient copper-works, and the general aspect of the valley is of a coppery red colour. The old city, called Bairâtnagar, is said to have been quite deserted for several centuries until it was repeopled about 300 years ago, most probably during the long and prosperous reign of Akbar. The town was certainly in existence in Akbar’s time, as it is mentioned by Abul Fazl in the ‘Ayin Akbari,’ as possessing very profitable copper mines. A number of large mounds about half a mile to the east, and immediately under the hill, are said to have formed part of the old city; but, both from their position and appearance, I am inclined to think that they must be the remains of some large religious establishment. At present the surface remains consist of rough stone foundations only, as the whole of the squared stones have been used in building the houses of the modern town.

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∗ Haughton’s translation, vii. 193.

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The number of houses in Bairât is popularly reckoned at 1400, of which 600 are said to belong to Gaur Brahmans, 400 to Agarwâl Baniyas, 200 to Minas, and the remaining 200 to various other races. Allowing the usual average of 5 persons to each house, the population of Bairât will amount to 7000 persons.

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The earliest historical notice of Bairât is that of the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang in A.D. 634.* According to him, the capital was 14 or 15 *li*, or just 2½ miles, in circuit, which corresponds almost exactly with the size of the ancient mound on which the present town is built. The people were brave and bold, and their king, who was of the race of *Fei-she*, either a *Vaisya* or a *Bais* Rajput, was famous for his courage and skill in war. The place still possessed eight Buddhist monasteries, but they were much ruined, and the number of monks was small. The Brahmans of different sects, about 1000 in number, possessed 12 temples, but their followers were numerous, as the bulk of the population is described as heretical. Judging from the size of the town as noted by Hwen Thsang, the population could not have been less than four times the present number, or about 30,000, of whom the followers of Buddha may have amounted to one-fourth. I have deduced this number from the fact that the Buddhist monasteries would appear to have held about 100 monks each, and as those of Bairât are said to have been much ruined, the number of monks in Hwen Thsang’s time could not have exceeded 50 per monastery, or 400 altogether. As each Buddhist monk begged his bread, the number of Buddhist families could not have been less than 1200, allowing three families for the support of each monk, or altogether about 6000 lay Buddhists in addition to the 400 monks.

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The next historical notice of Bairât occurs during the reign of Mahmud of Ghazni, who invaded the country in A.H. 400, or A.D. 1009, when the Raja submitted. But his submission was of little avail, as his country was again invaded in the spring A.H. 404, or A.D. 1014, when the Hindus were defeated after a bloody conflict. According to Abu Rihân the town was destroyed, and the people retired far into the interior.* By Ferishta this invasion is assigned to the year A.H. 413, or A.D. 1022, when the king hearing that the inhabitants of two hilly tracts named Kairât and Nârdin (or Bairât and Nârâyan) still continued the worship of idols (or lions in some manuscripts) resolved to compel them to embrace the Muhammadan faith.† The place was taken and plundered by Amir-Ali, who found an ancient stone inscription at Nârâyan, which was said to record that the temple of Nârâyan had been built 40,000 years previously. As this inscription is also mentioned by the contemporary historian Otbi, we may accept the fact of the discovery of a stone record in characters so ancient that the Brahmans of that day were unable to read them. I think it highly probable that this is the famous inscription of Asoka that was afterwards discovered by Major Burt on the top of a hill at Bairât, and which now graces the museum of the Asiatic Society in Calcutta.

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∗ Julien’s ‘Hiouen Thsang,’ ii. 206.

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In the seventh century the kingdom of Bairât was 3000 *li*, or 500 miles, in circuit. It was famous for its sheep and oxen, but produced few fruits or flowers. This is still the case with Jaypur to the south of Bairât, which furnishes most of the sheep required for the great Muhammadan cities of Delhi and Agra, and their English garrisons. Bairât, therefore, may have included the greater part of the present state of Jaypur. Its precise boundaries cannot be determined; but they may be fixed approximately as extending on the north from Jhunjnu to Kot Kâsim, 70 miles; on the west from Jhunjnu to Ajmer, 120 miles; on the south from Ajmer to the junction of the Banâs and Chambal, 150 miles; and on the east from the junction to Kot Kâsim, 150 miles; or altogether 490 miles.

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∗ Dowson's edition of Sir H. Elliot's Muhamm. Hist., i. 59.

3. Srughna.

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On leaving Thânesar, Hwen Thsang at first proceeded to the south for about 100 *li*, or 16⅔ miles, to the *Kiu-hoen-cha*, or *Gokanṭha* monastery, which has not yet been identified, but it is probably *Gunâna*, between Vyasthali and Nisang, 17 miles to the south-south-west of Thânesar. I am obliged to notice this monastery as it is the starting-point from which Hwen Thsang measures his next journey of 400 *li*, or 66⅔ miles, to *Su-lu-kin-na* or Srughna, which makes the distance between Thânesar and Srughna just 50 miles.* Now Sugh, the place which I propose to identify with the capital of Srughna, is only 38 or 40 miles from Thânesar; but as it agrees exactly in name, and corresponds generally in other particulars, I am quite satisfied that Hwen Thsang’s recorded distance must be erroneous, although I am unable to suggest any probable rectification of his figures. The true distance is about 300 *li*, or 50 miles, from the Gokanṭha monastery.

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The Sanskrit name of the country is Srughna, which in the spoken dialects becomes Sughan and Sugh, as it is called at the present day. The village of *Sugh* occupies one of the most remarkable positions that I met with during the whole course of my researches. It is situated on a projecting triangular spur of high land, and is surrounded on three sides by the bed of the old Jumna, which is now the western Jumna canal. On the north and west faces it is further protected by two deep ravines, so that the position is a ready-made stronghold, which is covered on all sides, except the west, by natural defences. In shape it is almost triangular, with a large projecting fort or citadel at each of the angles. The site of the north fort is now occupied by the castle and village of Dyâlgarh. The village of Mândalpur stands on the site of the south-east fort, and that of the south-west is unoccupied. Each of these forts is 1500 feet long, and 1000 feet broad, and each face of the triangle which connects them together is upwards of half a mile in length, that to the east being 4000, and those to the north-west and south-west 3000 feet each. The whole circuit of the position is therefore 22,000 feet, or upwards of 4 miles, which is considerably more than the 3½ miles of Hwen Thsang's measurement. But as the north fort is separated from the main position by a deep sandy ravine called the *Rohara Nala*, it is possible that it may have been unoccupied at the time of the pilgrim's visit. This would reduce the circuit of the position to 19,000 feet, or upwards of 3½ miles, and bring it into accord with the pilgrim's measurement. The small village of *Sugh* occupied the west side of the position, and the small town of Buriya lies immediately to the north of Dyâlgarh. The occupied houses, at the time of my visit, were as follows:—Mândalpur 100, Sugh 125, Dyâlgarh 150, and Buriya 3500, or altogether 3875 houses, containing a population of about 20,000 souls.

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