Vedic Metre in its Historical Development c17: Chapter X
Vedic Metre in its Historical Development c17
- Language
- English
Contents
- c17.s1 257. Combined Metrical and Linguistic Pictures — 27 parts
- c17.s2 260. Table of Variations of Historical Importance — 31 parts
Chapter X
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GENERAL CONCLUSIONS.
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254. In the first three chapters of this book a general survey was made of the metre, language, and subject-matter of the hymns of the Rigveda, with the object of finding a basis for the more exact metrical investigations which were to follow. As a result of this survey the hymns were rearranged, and the division into ten Maṇḍalas was replaced by a division into ten ‘groups,’ each group being based upon one or more of the collections found in the Saṃhitā text, but being modified by the detachment and attachment of individual hymns: and the ten groups were arranged in a rough chronological order, in accordance with their general correspondence to the respective types of the ‘bardic,’ ‘normal,’ ‘cretic,’ and ‘popular’ periods.
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But in the six chapters which have followed, of which three have been occupied with the establishment of a metrically correct text, and three with the ascertainment of the laws of metre, we have met with a mass of evidence which has a considerable bearing upon the grouping of the hymns, and which does not in every particular support the rearrangement which was adopted as a basis.
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Thus a revision of the grouping becomes necessary, and in this concluding chapter the endeavour will be made first to revise the grouping in harmony with all the evidence now before us, then to restate the principal elements of the evidence in agreement with the revised grouping, and lastly to trace in general outline the developement of the metre, language, and subject-matter in such a way as may seem most helpful to those who in the future may be concerned with the investigation of any one of them.
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The historical study of the hymns by means of internal evidence is only possible by the process of *successive approximations*, each of which reacts upon the evidence by which it was obtained. The earliest attempts made in this direction broke down because their authors took as their units complete Mandalas, as H. Brunnhofer in KZ. xxv 329 ff. (1879), and C. R. Lanman in his *Noun-Inflection in the Veda*, JAOS. x pp. 576-581 (1878). The latter writer has however correctly stated, in my opinion, the method by which progress is possible, and in the present work and the papers which have preceded it I have done no more than attempt to carry out Lanman's programme, as stated on p. 581 of the work referred to.
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It is obvious that the process of repeated correction is not only laborious for the investigator but also for the reader, who may further be inclined to dismiss as artificial arguments which involve a mass of detail which is constantly changing and presents no clear picture to the mind. These difficulties attend the first investigations of any intricate problem : but as soon as a beginning has been made, they diminish rapidly in seriousness. Thus as soon as the general difference between the Rigveda proper and the popular Rigveda is recognised, the student will be prepared for the further distinctions made at the opening of this book, whilst the further corrections made in this chapter, though not unimportant in themselves, scarcely affect in any important particulars the arguments of the preceding chapters.
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255. The revised grouping of the hymns which is now proposed is indicated in the ‘Table of hymns’ which is appended to this chapter. The periods to which the respective hymns are referred are five in number, the ‘bardic period’ of Chapters I-III having been replaced since by the ‘archaic’ and ‘strophic’ periods. The difference in character between these two periods is perhaps most marked in the use of hiatus (§ 131), but it is very clear in every part of our subject, that is, in syllabic restoration (§ 153), in quantitative change (§ 180), in dimeter rhythm (§ 195) and in trimeter rhythm (§ 235). This difference, therefore, though it may pass unnoticed in a first review of the Rigveda, becomes on closer examination the plainest of all. The period to which a particular hymn is assigned is shewn by a capital letter in the left-hand column, the popular Rigveda being denoted as before by the asterisk.
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Following the practice of the native Anukramaṇī’s, the Table states the ‘metre’ of each hymn and the ‘deity’ to which it is addressed. Uneven lyric, Trochaic Gāyatrī, Contaminated Triṣṭubh, and Epic Anuṣṭubh are recognised as distinct metres, but many trifling variations (such as occasional extra verses in Gāyatrī or Triṣṭubh hymns) are not noticed. Poems which are not of the nature of hymns have no entry in the column for the ‘deity,’ except that the words ‘cosmogony’ or ‘charm’ appear where the poem has either of these characters. It thus appears at a glance that poems which are not hymns are found almost exclusively in the popular period.
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The metrical statistics are arranged in six columns, of which the first three state the number of ‘early metrical notes,’ that is, of those variations which are chiefly found in the archaic and strophic periods, and the last three the number of ‘late’ notes, that is, of those variations which are chiefly found in the cretic and popular periods. The nature of these variations is more fully explained in §§ 258–260. In the case of each hymn or small group of hymns the statistics as a whole combine to form what we may call a metrical picture, that is, a numerical formula by which the general tenour of the metrical evidence is indicated. Thus since all variations are comparatively rare in the normal period, and such as occur are evenly distributed between those that mark the earlier and the later periods, hymns of this period may generally be recognised by the small total number of variations (on the average about one in every four trimeter verses) and by an approach towards equality in the number of early and late variations. The normal period thus becomes the central point in our investigations, and a hymn or group of hymns will be judged to be either earlier or later according to the extent to which the metrical picture deviates from the standard thus laid down: the archaic hymns being most plainly marked by having a very large number of variations, that is, about one in every two trimeter verses, half of these being in the first column alone. Hymns in dimeter verse, however, cannot be so readily distinguished by their metrical pictures, as the number of variations is much smaller.
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Lastly, in the two right-hand columns is given the number of occurrences of early and late ‘linguistic variations,’ including both grammatical forms and words, according to the lists given in Appendix I. This linguistic evidence, being mainly directed to the difference between the Rigveda proper and the popular Rigveda, has only an indirect bearing upon the different periods of the former. But when applied to large groups of hymns, this indirect evidence is of great value, because it is entirely independent of the metrical evidence.
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The general harmony between the metrical and linguistic evidence appears clearly from the Table in § 257.
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The metrical variations referred to in §§ 257, 260 and the ‘Table of hymns’ include all those which have been shewn in the preceding chapters to possess historical importance, and the corrected statistics shew that they are naturally divided into six groups, as follows:
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A. Variations distinctive of the archaic period.
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B. Variations distinctive of the archaic and strophic periods.
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C. Variations distinctive of the same periods, but also in use, though to a smaller extent, in the normal period.
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D. The cretic break, quite common in all periods, but much more frequently employed after the end of the strophic period than before.
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E. Variations distinctive of the cretic and popular periods.
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F. Variations distinctive of the popular period only.
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Of these the first three are ‘early variations,’ and the last three are ‘late variations.’ In dimeter verse only the first two and the last two classes are represented, and the whole amount of evidence is much smaller than in trimeter verse.
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A detailed list of the variations is given in § 260.
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256. The Table in the following section shews the manner in which the metrical and linguistic evidence may be combined with regard to the larger groups of hymns which appear there. The figures in thick type apply to the whole mass of hymns assigned to each of the five periods, and give the average number of variations under each heading in every 100 trimeter or 150 dimeter verses: whilst the figures in ordinary type give the same information with regard to the separate groups. The pictures as given for trimeter verse being the more significant, there can be now little reason to doubt that the groups i 127–135 and i 165–190 belong in the main to the archaic period, whilst i 74–92 cannot well be earlier than the strophic period. The greater part of the fourth Maṇḍala is also seen to be probably of the strophic period. The trimeter hymns of Maṇḍala vii shew a high proportion of variations under C, due to the frequency of secondary caesura: and the group i 116–119 shews a high proportion both under C and under D, the first due to the frequency of some forms of secondary caesura, the latter to the frequency of the cretic break. We must further notice that the average metrical pictures of the last three periods differ but slightly, and that therefore the metre becomes here an uncertain guide. Lastly, in all the trimeter groups, the linguistic evidence very closely approaches the standard of the period to which each group is assigned.
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With regard to dimeter verse, it is easy to see that our work is less successful. Epic Anuṣṭubh is happily for our purpose sufficiently distinguished by its external form, and therefore only a very small amount of dimeter verse appears in the Table as belonging to the cretic and popular periods, and for this the metrical evidence is of little value. In the earlier periods the grouping is most successful with regard to the lyric metres, in which it is guided by the trimeter variations. Here for instance we see that the dimeter verses of the group i 127–135, just as its trimeter verses, contain almost twice as many early variations as those of the Kaṇva lyric hymns. From this assured starting-point we go on to notice that the dimeter hymns of the early part of Maṇḍala v, and those of the group x 20–26, are undoubtedly of the archaic period, whilst the dimeter hymns of the Kaṇva groups correspond precisely to the dimeter verses of the lyric hymns of the same groups. It seems also probable that the section i 24–30 belongs to the strophic period. In the other groups the results seem fairly consistent, with the striking exception of the Soma Pavamāna groups ix 1–60, 61–67 30. In these large groups the metre has the regularity of the normal period, whilst the language has the variety of the archaic period. This contradiction is with our present knowledge insuperable, but the metrical evidence seems to be far the more important of the two.
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Except as regards the groups here discussed, the revision of the grouping only affects single hymns or very small groups. In the list of hymns previously assigned to the popular Rigveda no alteration has been made, as very little new evidence has been gathered. In the Rigveda proper, attention has been mainly directed to two points, the grouping found in the Saṃhitā text, and the ‘metrical picture.’ Where these both point in the same direction, any divergent indications that may have been noticed in Ch. III are now usually disregarded, and the grouping is simplified accordingly. Where this agreement is wanting, the metrical picture has generally been followed if it is well marked: but if this is not the case, or if the group or hymn is very short, the arrangement previously adopted has been left unaltered, an italic letter in the left-hand column being used to indicate that the metrical picture by itself would point to a different conclusion.
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The following notes deal with points of detail with regard to the use and value of the evidence of date furnished in the ‘Table of hymns’:
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(i) The amount of matter contained in the ‘small groups’ of the ‘Table of hymns’ varies considerably. Where (as in the third and ninth Mandalas) there are considerable series of hymns which are identical in their metrical character, space has been economized by treating each such series as a single group. On the other hand, if a single hymn consists of parts that are not homogeneous, it is essential to record a separate ‘metrical picture’ for each part, however small it may be.
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(ii) In tracing the history of single variations we have often needed to collect the occurrences from 1000 verses at one time, and sometimes from as many as 5000. But when the most important variations are combined, the history can be traced with equal certainty from comparatively small bodies of verse. Supposing that 10 variations have exactly the same history, we can trace this with the same accuracy either by observing a single variation in 1000 verses, or all together in 100 verses. In fact the archaic variations are so numerous that we have little difficulty in recognising a hymn of archaic type by its metre, even if it only includes from 25 to 50 verses: but in the other periods the evidence is less direct, and cannot be very clearly followed unless we can first group on some other ground hymns containing together from 100 to 200 verses. The extreme shortness and fewness of the dimeter hymns in the family books greatly hamper the application of the metrical evidence, and we can therefore do little more than assume that in each Mandala the dimeter hymns are probably of the same date as those in trimeter verse.
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(iii) The variations of which the occurrences are counted up in the six columns are those which are shewn in the Table in § 260, and include all those which have been shewn in the previous chapters to possess historical importance. The evidential value of the separate variations included in one column is approximately the same, as appears from the corrected statistics as given in that Table. But the different columns are by no means of equal value as evidence; column A which represents the ‘archaic’ variations has by far the most distinctive character, and column D which gives the occurrences of the ‘cretic break’ is the least important.
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(iv) It must be noticed that the numbers given in the ‘Table of hymns’ are absolute, and not proportionate: whilst those in the Table in the next section are proportionate to each 100 verses, three dimeter verses being counted as two. The pictures in the ‘Table of hymns’ must therefore be reduced to the same proportions before they are compared with the standard pictures for each period.
257. Combined Metrical and Linguistic Pictures
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| No. | Group | Tr. vv. | Dim. vv. | Notes in trimeter verses | Notes in dimeter vv. | Lingu. |
| | | | | A B C | D E F | A B E F | V AV |
| | | 4499 | 4368 | 21 6 13 | 7 2 1 | 12 16 2 0 | 68 4 |
| | Archaic | | | | | | |
| 1 | i 58–64 | 201 | | 24 3 4 | 5 1 0 | | 81 4 |
| 2 | 127–135 | 211 | 275 | 22 6 13 | 8 3 0 | 14 14 1 1 | 72 3 |
| 3 | 165–190 | 671 | 85 | 18 4 11 | 7 2 2 | | 62 6 |
| 4 | v (Atri) | 361 | 963 | 20 8 11 | 7 1 0 | 13 20 1 1 | 67 4 |
| 5 | vi | 1600 | 510 | 17 5 11 | 8 1 1 | 8 11 2 0 | 66 4 |
| 6 | viii 12–31 | 316 | 867 | 23 11 18 | 8 3 1 | 8 12 2 0 | 63 4 |
| 7 | 60 etc. (lyric) | 185 | 454 | 17 8 10 | 4 3 1 | 13 16 1 0 | 64 5 |
| 8 | ,, (dimeter) | 2 | 500 | | | 10 13 2 0 | 52 4 |
| 9 | ix 98–111 | 64 | 311 | | | 8 9 2 1 | 80 4 |
| 10 | x 20–26 | 45 | 167 | | | 13 18 1 0 | 106 3 |
| | Strophic | 4458 | 3928 | 7 6 14 | 7 1 1 | 5 10 2 1 | 55 4 |
| 11 | i 24, etc. | | 162 | | | 6 17 1 0 | 56 5 |
| 12 | Kaṇva (lyric)¹ | 311 | 577 | 8 10 8 | 11 2 0 | 5 10 2 1 | 57 4 |
| 13 | ,, (dimeter)¹ | 31 | 753 | | | 3 13 3 2 | 57 4 |
| 14 | i 74–92 | 288 | 372 | 9 4 11 | 9 2 1 | 4 6 1 1 | 49 7 |
| 15 | 141–158 | 326 | 10 | 9 6 13 | 6 3 1 | | 58 4 |
| 16 | iv | 1115 | 350 | 9 3 9 | 7 1 1 | 4 13 1 0 | 62 3 |
| 17 | vii (lyric) | 107 | 166 | 11 4 13 | 7 3 0 | 8 16 3 1 | 63 3 |
| 18 | ,, (trimeter) | 1669 | 109 | 7 8 19 | 7 1 1 | 6 18 0 0 | 53 4 |
| 19 | viii 62–97 | 140 | 539 | 3 3 9 | 6 1 1 | 6 8 1 0 | 52 5 |
| | Normal | 5815 | 3257 | 2 2 8 | 11 2 1 | 2 5 3 1 | 51 5 |
| 20 | i 1–11 | | 287 | | | 3 9 1 1 | 62 7 |
| 21 | 12–23 | | 357 | | | 0 6 3 0 | 32 3 |
| 22 | 116–119 | 284 | | 2 2 20 | 16 5 3 | | 45 10 |
| 23 | ii | 1011 | 116 | 4 2 7 | 11 2 1 | | 42 7 |
| 24 | iii | 1456 | 415 | 2 2 9 | 13 2 0 | 5 6 2 1 | 44 5 |
| 25 | iv | 512 | 74 | 3 3 6 | 13 1 0 | | 38 4 |
| 26 | v | 894 | 85 | 2 1 7 | 9 1 1 | | 39 5 |
| 27 | ix 1–60 | 1 | 1169 | | | 2 3 3 1 | 79 3 |
| 28 | 61–67 | 3 | 599 | | | 2 2 4 0 | 82 2 |
| 29 | 68–97 | 972 | | 3 2 5 | 8 1 1 | | 57 5 |
| | Cretic | 4942 | 618 | 2 1 4 | 14 4 1 | 3 5 2 1 | 36 8 |
| 30 | i 31–35 | 284 | | 2 1 3 | 10 2 2 | | 27 14 |
| 31 | 94–115 | 682 | | 2 3 5 | 17 4 1 | | 35 9 |
| 32 | vi | 415 | 155 | 3 1 3 | 14 1 3 | 2 5 1 0 | 42 8 |
| 33 | vii | 515 | 75 | 3 1 5 | 16 2 1 | | 39 6 |
| 34 | x 29–80 | 1125 | 43 | 3 1 5 | 15 5 0 | | 32 8 |
| | Popular | 3463 | 343 | 3 1 4 | 12 3 7 | 6 8 4 2 | 10 38 |
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¹ i.e. hymns in the groups i 36–43, 44–50, viii 1–11, 32–34, 49–57.
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This table only deals with hymns composed in trimeter and in normal dimeter verse: the bulk of the dimeter verse of the cretic and popular periods is therefore not included. The hymns in each group are those which in the ‘Table of hymns’ are assigned to the period named.
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All the figures (except those shewing the number of verses) are proportional to 100 trimeter or 150 dimeter verses.
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258. The developement of metre may be traced with regard either to the ‘external’ or the ‘internal’ form (§§ 30, 31). External metrical form is one of the most important criteria of the popular Rigveda, but with regard to it there is little to be amended in the statements of the earlier chapters. We notice however that ‘contamination’ is also a mark of the archaic period (§ 223). In the Rigveda proper ‘decasyllabic Triṣṭubh’ is found to be a mark of the archaic or of the strophic period, according to the rhythm (§ 225), whilst Pentad hymns are found as late as the normal period. Lyric metres generally characterise the archaic period: but the regular Bṛhatī-Sato-bṛhatī strophe is later. The date of the Trochaic Gāyatrī metre is not satisfactorily determined.
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The developement of the internal form, that is, of the less striking variations, can only be followed systematically so far as we find general types consistently followed. For this purpose, therefore, we put aside all hymns of special types, such as the decasyllabic hymns, and those in Trochaic Gāyatrī and in Epic Anuṣṭubh, and also the Anuṣṭubh hymns of the Kaṇvas and of the cretic period, which approach the type of Epic Anuṣṭubh (§ 200). The history of trimeter verse and (less clearly) of normal dimeter verse can then be followed by the aid of the Table in § 260.
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The ‘early variations’ included in the Table are 26 in number, of which one has to do with the external form, and 7 are connected with the restoration of the text, and are discussed in the next section. Of the remaining 18 variations there are 7 which are almost restricted to the archaic period, 7 which are common to the archaic and strophic periods, and only 4 which retain some importance in the normal period. Of the later variations almost all have to do either with the text or with the external form: so that we may say that at the end of the normal period the internal form is fixed, both for trimeter and dimeter verse: the only exception being the increased use of the cretic break.
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259. The linguistic developement of the Rigveda runs parallel with that of the metre. This is to be seen first of all in the use of Sandhi and the linguistic forms which are reached by metrical restoration. The general explanation of these changes is the increasing rapidity of pronunciation, which results in the extended use of Sandhi combination, the consonantization of semi-vowels, and the shortening of vowels originally long: although there are a few instances of change in the opposite direction, which are explained by the influence of analogy. The Table in § 260 shews that those variations which are becoming rare in the archaic period die out rapidly, and generally reach their minimum in the normal period: but the linguistic developement can be traced in the later periods by the rise of new variations which are due to the same general causes as the decay of the others.
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The same progress can be traced in the use of the linguistic features which characterise the Rigveda proper as contrasted with the late Rigveda and Atharvaveda. As appears from the Table in § 257, the older forms and words are much more common in the archaic period than elsewhere, and are more common in the strophic and normal periods than in the cretic hymns: that is, of the whole number of these words and forms there are some that go out of use at the end of each period in succession. As to the later forms, none of them are in regular use in any part of the Rigveda proper, but they are used in the cretic period twice as often as in those periods which precede it.
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Very much fuller evidence would be available if we were to take as a starting point the linguistic features of the normal period, and contrast them with those that mark the two earlier periods. This line of evidence has been pursued, so far as grammatical forms are concerned, in the author's *Historical Vedic Grammar*. It is sufficient here to note that the linguistic features of the archaic period differ from the normal period somewhat in the same way, though not to the same extent, as the dialect of the Homeric poems differs from that of Herodotus.
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*Notes to the Table on the page opposite.*
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All the figures in the body of the table are proportional to each 1000 trimeter verses, or to each 1500 dimeter verses: and the assignment of the occurrences to the respective groups is in accordance with the arrangement adopted in the ‘Table of hymns.’
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¹ including hiatus after -ā when shortened (§ 172 i), and after duals in -ā, -ī, etc. when shortened (§ 174 i).
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² also §§ 143 ii, iii, 151 i.
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³ except -aam in dimeter cadence.
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⁴ as in -saham, -manam, -vanam, -anam when restored on metrical grounds.
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⁵ also § 220 iii-vi.
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⁶ Catalectic and heptasyllabic dimeter verses.
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⁷ except when accompanied by secondary caesura.
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⁸ Virātsthānā and indra verses, and verses with double rest.
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⁹ also §§ 166 iv, 170 i.
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¹⁰ i.e. when accompanied by caesura after the third syllable, or by the break || - - -: for the other forms see below.
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¹¹ also §§ 128, 129.
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¹² with consonantal value of y in each case.
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¹³ This variation is not taken into account except in the treatment of dimeter verse.
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¹⁴ Combination by Sandhi of final -i, -ī, -u, -ū with dissimilar vowels.
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¹⁵ with the final vowel in each case shortened.
260. Table of Variations of Historical Importance
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| Refer to § | Variation | In trimeter verses | In normal dimeter vv. |
| | Period | Ar. St. N. Cr. Pop. | Ar. St. N. Cr. P. |
| | Whole no. of verses | 4499 4458 5815 4942 3463 | 4368 3928 3257 618 343 |
| | **A. ARCHAIC** | | |
| 121ac¹ | Hiatus after -ă¹ | 22 9 2 2 5 | 30 12 7 – 8 |
| 142² | Resolutions -aa, -aam³ | 40 13 3 3 5 | 43 15 7 12 15 |
| 170 iibc | Shortened stems of nouns⁴ | – – – – – | 2 1 1 – – |
| 190 v⁵ | Irregular cadence | 16 6 2 2 3 | 21 14 5 15 26 |
| 191 i, ii | Short dimeter verses⁶ | – – – – – | 20 5 4 2 8 |
| 214 i, ii | Weak caesura⁷ | 17 8 4 2 2 | |
| 218 i | Break || – – ⁷ | 16 8 2 2 1 | |
| 218 vii | Irregular breaks (late caes.) | 11 4 3 3 2 | |
| 220 ii | Short tenth syllable | 34 10 4 5 3 | |
| 226 | Rests, with iambic rhythm⁸ | 35 9 2 2 1 | |
| 228 | Neutral rests | 18 6 2 2 7 | |
| | **Total** | 209 73 24 23 29 | 116 47 24 29 57 |
| | **B. ARCHAIC AND STROPHIC** | | |
| 123 ac | Hiatus after -ā | 6 5 1 1 1 | 9 4 1 0 4 |
| 143 iii | -aam in dimeter cadence | | 54 43 14 19 4 |
| 162 3, 4⁹ | -hi, ū-, -athe, -ate | 4 5 1 1 1 | 8 7 2 2 – |
| 190 i | Long fifth syllable | | 18 10 6 9 30 |
| 190 ii | Short sixth syllable | | 72 40 23 17 42 |
| 213 ii, iii | Secondary caesura¹⁰ | 15 24 8 3 3 | |
| 218 iii | Break || – – ⁷ | 14 10 2 3 2 | |
| 218 v | Break || – – – | 6 4 1 1 1 | |
| 220 i c | Short eighth not final | 14 9 2 3 4 | |
| 227 i | Pentad verses | 5 2 1 0 2 | |
| | **Total** | 64 59 16 12 14 | 161 104 46 47 80 |
| | **C. OTHER EARLY VARIATIONS** | | |
| 121b, 123b | Hiatus -a, -ā at caesura | 20 10 5 3 5 | |
| 213 i | Sec. caes.: Vāsisthī v. | 45 62 37 18 17 | |
| 213 iv | ” with break – || – | 13 14 8 4 3 | |
| 218 ii | Break || – – ⁷ | 20 27 12 7 7 | |
| 220 i ab | Short eighth (final syll.) | 31 26 13 6 10 | |
| | **Total** | 129 139 75 38 42 | |
| | **D. Cretic break (|| – – –)** | 74 72 109 138 121 | |
| | **E. LATER VARIATIONS** | | |
| 122b¹¹ | Comb. of sá, duals, iva | 6 6 9 19 5 | 3 4 3 5 9 |
| 136 3, 137 2 | ” divyá, sakhyá, sūrya¹² | 3 2 5 8 8 | 7 7 10 2 – |
| 144 | Resolution -bhīām, -bhiaḥ¹³ | [4 1 4 3 3] | 3 5 10 14 18 |
| 159 i, ii | -a, -tha, -ta shortened | 1 2 1 2 3 | 5 3 4 2 9 |
| 223 i | Catalectic Jagatī | 5 3 2 10 9 | |
| | **Total** | 15 13 17 39 25 | 18 19 27 23 36 |
| | **F. POPULAR PERIOD** | | |
| 125 | Comb. of -i, -u, etc.¹⁴ | 2 2 5 5 15 | 3 4 4 7 19 |
| 135 | ý ṿ consonantal | – 1 1 0 4 | – – – – 4 |
| 160 4, 161 3 | u, yádi¹⁵ | 1 2 1 3 8 | – 2 – – 1 |
| 171 v, 172 i | -ā u, -o before hiatus | 1 2 1 1 4 | 1 1 1 – – |
| 223 ii | Extended Triṣṭubh | 2 1 1 3 36 | |
| 229 | Hybrid verse | 2 – – 1 6 | |
| | **Total** | 8 8 9 13 73 | 4 7 5 7 24 |
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261. As the parallel developement of language and metre affords adequate proof of the general chronological sequence of the Vedic hymns, it is unnecessary to trace the developement of ideas with any purpose of obtaining from this study a corroboration of our theory as a whole. It is perhaps peculiarly difficult to trace such a developement in a ritual literature, in which antiquated conceptions may easily linger for long periods by the mere force of daily repetition, long after they have ceased to express any genuine feeling or belief. In giving here a general sketch of the developement of the conceptions which form the subject-matter of the hymns, we can only attempt to point out that here and there such developement plainly runs parallel with that of metre and language, and that there is reason to suppose that closer investigation may lead to more definite results.
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262. The ritual practices which are fundamental to the Rigveda appear to be essentially older than any beliefs in gods, heroes, or spirits which may be adduced from time to time in explanation of them. The kindling of the sacred fire before dawn may have been originally an act of sympathetic magic calculated to ensure the return of daylight, and therefore as practical in its aim as the kindling of fire to be a source of light or warmth in the house, or a means of warning off thieves and beasts of prey. The preparation of the sacred drink, originally mead and in a later form Soma, was an even more direct means of strengthening the clan by raising the spirits of its warriors, and making welcome the visitor who might some day fight on his hosts’ side. Throughout the Rigveda the ‘priests’ are primarily expert craftsmen, skilled in the kindling of the fire or the preparation of the nectar in accordance with ancient rules: a third attainment, the poetic inspiration which finds expression in chant and recitation, necessary accompaniments of either of the primeval ceremonies, is perhaps of later date, but reaches almost equal importance.
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But even in the earliest parts of the Rigveda we find each of the two great ceremonies interpreted in a different way, and so that the one becomes to a great extent out of harmony with the other. The sacred fire is now kindled to act as ‘messenger’ between two peoples, the one on the earth and the other in heaven. The ‘people in heaven’ is variously described as consisting of the ‘gods,’ or by name of ‘Varuṇa, Mitra, Aryaman,’ to which list we may mentally add ‘and so forth,’ since the names given are plainly no complete catalogue of the gods meant. We have therefore in the archaic period a clear conception of a company of deities living in the sky, and an interpretation of the sacrifice as a festival to which these gods are invited by the fire-messenger to descend. This circle of deities we may provisionally name the ‘Chaldaean gods,’ since so far as our knowledge goes the study and admiration of the heavens is in the first instance associated with the shepherd-peoples of the Chaldaean plains.
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On the other hand the drink-ceremony is associated with a god or hero Indra, well described by H. Oldenberg as a ‘barbarian-god.’ A great feeder, swiller, and fighter, he stands out as the type of the Aryan adventurer-prince, rushing to the invasion of the lands of the ‘seven rivers,’ storming forts, releasing captives, taking possession of lands and herds. This conception seems so natural a product of the times, that we are hardly surprised to find that there is practically no trace of the worship of Indra amongst other Indo-European peoples: and it is so predominant in the earliest Vedic hymns, that we must ascribe to the enthusiasm of conquest embodied in the praise of this warrior-god the chief impulse towards the creation of the literature. From the ‘Chaldaean gods’ Indra is cut off by the fact that he dwells on earth, not in the sky; and again not less sharply by the lower moral tone which he represents. At this period then, the two worships seem to be separated by a gulf both of theory and of sentiment.
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Two other groups of deities are prominent in the earlier parts of the Rigveda, the Aśvinā and the Marutaḥ. Both appear capable of naturalistic interpretations; the Aśvinā as representing some phenomenon of the sky, by which they come to be associated with the ‘Chaldaean’ deities; the Marutaḥ as representing the storm-clouds, which as they sweep furiously over the earth may be compared to or associated with the devastating onset of Indra. In a subordinate position we may notice especially Uṣas the Dawn, and Pūṣan the rustic deity of the field path-ways. In these religious conceptions there is a striking lack of coordination, and we can only think of them as fragments of some earlier system or systems of deities, to which we are hardly likely to find the clue unless it be in the history of other Indo-European peoples. The chief deity of the Indo-Europeans, Ζεύς or Jove, is honoured in the Rigveda by no hymn, but his name Dyaus is still held in respect, and at times he seems to exercise a shadowy sovereignty. Failing fuller knowledge, we may reasonably speak of all the deities mentioned in this section as Indo-European, and we may largely interpret this Indo-European system as a deification of natural phenomena. Amongst these phenomena, however, the daily course of the sun occupies a position of very subordinate importance.
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Our general conception therefore of the subject-matter of the earliest Vedic hymns is that it is composed of heterogeneous elements amongst which the following stand out prominently, arranged in an order of time based upon their relative clearness in the minds of the hymn-writers: (i) the primitive ceremonies of fire- and drink-making; (ii) the Indo-European nature-worships; (iii) the Chaldaean deities of the heaven; (iv) the warrior-god of the invasion of India.
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We may consider here in more detail those deities who are most prominent in the archaic period.
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(i) To the primary conception of Indra as the warrior-god several others are attached, which may have been originally independent of him and much earlier in date. Such are the conceptions of (a) the Vṛtraghna, the slayer of the dragon who guards in his rock-cavern the seven sacred streams; (b) the dawn-maker, who with a blow parts heaven and earth, and makes the light appear; (c) the storm-god, who rides at the head of his host, the Marutaḥ, and who strikes down his foes with his mace, the thunder-bolt; (d) the conqueror of some miserly foe, such as the Paṇayaḥ or Vala, whose cows he seizes. These conceptions cross one another and the primary conception of the warrior-god in all imaginable directions, and can therefore only with difficulty be disentangled.
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In the later periods of the Rigveda Indra is brought into closer relation with the other gods, and the savage traits of his character are toned down. He assumes the position of the creator and supporter of the universe, the begetter of heaven and earth, the protector of the ceremonies. He is chosen by the gods as their champion in time of danger, and then admitted to their company. In the latest poems his name stands always prominent in the catalogue of the gods, as indeed it does throughout the Rigveda in the hymns addressed to the Viśve Devāḥ.
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(ii) In the archaic hymns Vāyu appears to be the charioteer of Indra. There is no hint in the hymns themselves that this god represents the Wind: this later interpretation of his character may be either a reminiscence or a guess. In no case is Vāyu to be identified with Vāta, for they appear side by side in many hymns to the Viśve Devāḥ. In the later parts of the Rigveda the place of Vāyu is taken by Bṛhaspati.
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(iii) The group *Mitra-Varuṇa-Aryaman* is very commonly met with in the archaic period, but not so frequently in hymns addressed to this triple deity as in Agni hymns. In the periods next following either Aryaman disappears from the group, or other names are added. In later times (e.g. RV. ix 114 3c) these gods form part of a group of seven, known as the seven Ādityāḥ, the sons of their mother Aditi. This number seven we may perhaps trace back to the archaic period by the help of viii 28 5, and if so, a door is open for H. Oldenberg’s interpretation of this group as ultimately based upon an older worship of sun, moon and five planets (*Die Religion des Veda*, p. 193).
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It is however quite impossible to connect the Vedic deities directly with the separate heavenly bodies. The association of Mitra with the sun is frequently based upon the parallel with the Iranian Mithra. But it finds little support in the Rigveda, unless it be in the early Agni hymns, in which Agni is often said to be ‘like Mitra.’
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The names of the seven Ādityāḥ, if indeed that was their original number, are variously given: besides the three principal figures we find with some regularity Savitar and Bhaga, and the list may be completed by adding the feminine names of Puramdhi and Aramati, or those of the male deities Dakṣa and Amśa.
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(iv) The *Aśvinā* are twin deities who are usually interpreted as denoting some phenomenon of the sky. In the Rigveda they appear as twin-charioteers, who travel to the ceremony and bring with them mead: by their beauty and their courage they win the favour of the Sun’s daughter; she mounts their car and becomes their bride. In the later parts of the Rigveda the Aśvinā are rescuers and physicians, and play a part in numerous myths.
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(v) It seems clear that the *Marutaḥ* are personifications of the storm-clouds, and the Vedic statement that they are sons of Dyaus (viii 20 17) may be interpreted by us as meaning that they are Indo-European deities. In the earlier parts of the Rigveda they are also entitled Rudras, but later a deity *Rudra* is evolved, who becomes their father. The Marutaḥ are frequently brought into relation with Indra. In the Māna hymns (i 165-190) Indra robs them of their share in the sacrifice, on the ground that he has conquered the Vṛtra, not they. In truth Indra appears to have stolen his title of Vṛtraghna from some earlier god or gods. Later the Marutaḥ become the fighting-men of Indra’s host, and it would seem that through them Indra first became associated with the region of the clouds.
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263. The first Vedic pantheon appears to have been formed under the pressure of war. The various cults noted in the last section may have been maintained with various degrees of zeal by different Aryan clans: but any such difference became small in the face of the dark-skinned natives, who did not practise even the fundamental ceremonies; who ‘kindled no fire, and pressed no Soma.’ In the pantheon thus formed the war-god naturally took the first place. But when this pressure was removed new forces political, philosophical and aesthetic began to assert themselves, and to influence the forms of religious worship. Great kingdoms were established in the New Land, and their sovereigns and chancellors prided themselves in establishing an order of peace and justice, repeating on earth the everlasting harmony of the kingdom of heaven, and embracing the light-skinned and the dark-skinned as members of one family. Under such influences the half-forgotten lore of Chaldaea was in part revived, and under the names sometimes of the pair Mitra and Varuṇa, sometimes of a single deity as Varuṇa, Savitar or Bhaga, a sovereign power is established in the pantheon itself, possessing a moral grandeur not altogether unworthy to be compared with that of Ahura Mazdā or Yahveh. In the exuberant life of a tropical country the beginnings of philosophy arose in questionings as to the source and the unity of the manifold vital powers of the universe, the setting-out of its parts in the order of space, and the existence of a ‘beyond’ known to the initiated only. Thus the fire-god took again a new character as the source of life in man and beast, in cloud and rock, in mountain and wood. Some old-world myth of a giant who takes three steps was turned to a picture of earth, heaven, and the third mysterious region: and from these in turn the fancy builds up three earths, three heavens, and even a threefold order of the universe.
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But as the speculative spirit grew, religion became more and more divorced from practical affairs, and in the variety of opinions the uniformity, and, as it seemed, the beauty of the ceremonial attracted the more attention. The ceremonies indeed, as we have seen reason to think, were originally celebrated for severely practical purposes: but when the fear of days without dawns and sons without spirit died out, they were continued for their inherent charm and as exercises of priestly skill: perhaps too because the priests, like highly educated people in all ages, were unwilling *quod iuvenes didicere, senes perdenda fateri*. The worship of the fire-god and of the Soma was already in existence in the archaic period, but the deities were conceived in human shape, and even associated with Indra in his warlike feats. In the later parts of the Rigveda proper they are increasingly prominent in their ceremonial meaning only. Every stage in the ritual is described with insistent minuteness in hymn upon hymn. New deities are introduced which are without meaning except for their part in the ritual, as Ghṛta, Gauḥ, Havis, Vāc and above all the deities of the successive verses of the Āpriya hymns.
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Again, it is in connection with the ritual of the fire-worship, that we may find an explanation of the new importance attached in the normal and cretic periods to such deities as Uṣas and Dyāvā-Pṛthivī, which seem to be Indo-European in their origin. The dawn is the hour of the ritual, and the twin deities of darkness and light nurse the infant flame. The fire is set up as a pillar to join heaven and earth, and at the same time to hold them apart. These deities are therefore no longer nature deities in the strict sense, but are part of the equipment of the ritual.
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(i) The worship of Mitra and Varuṇa reaches its highest developement in the Vasiṣṭha hymns to these deities, which attain an elevation of moral conception which has often recalled to their readers the Hebrew psalms. Of the worship of Varuṇa alone as a supreme deity there is hardly any trace in the Rigveda, but there are hymns addressed to him in which he is appealed to to release his worshipper from the burden of his sins, and apparently from the penalty of dropsy. Several hymns are addressed to Savitar singly, two to Mitra, and one to Bhaga. Aditi, the mother of the Ādityāḥ, is probably, as Professor A. Macdonell suggests, an abstraction from the qualities of the group. In the Vasiṣṭha hymns the daily course of the sun is the chief wonder-deed of Mitra and Varuṇa: and from this time on the worship of Sūrya has a growing importance.
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(ii) In the earliest hymns Agni is worshipped as the messenger of the gods, and also as a warrior-deity: in the latter capacity he is frequently joined with Indra. Even in these hymns he bears the title Jātavedas, indicating that all living things are his household, or in other words that he is the source of all life, the soul of the universe. Agni is therefore at once one and manifold: by the side of Agni stand the Agnayaḥ. Thus in the later parts of the Rigveda proper Agni Jātavedas and Agni Vaiśvānara are deities distinct from Agni himself, and we can trace the beginnings of an Agni Draviṇodas, an Agni Rakṣohan, and so forth. But this developement is most marked in connection with the ritual, with the result that Agni is discerned not merely in the sacrificial fire (Agni Samiddha), but in the persons of the worshippers (Agni Tanū-napāt), in those of the singers (Agni Narā-śaṃsa), in the straw-carpet, in the doorways, in the sacrificial post, and in the solemn concluding cry of svāhā, according to the set type of the Āpriya hymns.
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(iii) That Viṣṇu represents the marking out of the bounds of space is the view of H. Oldenberg (Die Religion des Veda, p. 228).
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(iv) Perhaps to all previous writers on Vedic chronology, certainly to the present author in his earlier papers, the hymns to Soma Pavamāna have appeared to be amongst the oldest in the Rigveda. For this view there is the obvious argument that both in language and sentiment these hymns are entirely cut off from the later parts of the Rigveda and all later literature. The metre, however, goes to shew that only a few of these hymns can belong to the two earliest periods of the Rigveda: and it therefore seems likely that the number of these hymns has been artificially increased so that they may equal those addressed to Agni and Indra. The hymns are purely of a ritual character: only in the popular Rigveda (ix 113) do we find the doctrine of immortality associated with the worship of Soma, as in Greece with that of Dionysus.
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(v) The deity of the sacred song is properly Bṛhaspati or Brahmaṇaspati, and in hymns of the two earlier periods this character is strictly preserved. In later hymns the god becomes associated with Indra, and takes the place left vacant by the disappearance of Vāyu, as Indra’s charioteer. As god of song he appears to be replaced in turn by Vāc.
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(vi) The close association of the pairs Night and Day, Earth and Heaven with the ritual can readily be traced in the Āpriya hymns. In separate hymns Uṣas alone takes the place which is filled by the pair Uṣāsā-naktā in the hymns to the Viśve Devāḥ. The hymns to Uṣas in their feeling for brightness and beauty recall to us the Greek Eos and the Latin Aurora, and perhaps are our best representations of the Indo-European type of hymn. So Dyāvā-Pṛthivī appear occasionally in Indo-European fashion as parents of the gods, but more usually they are merely guardians of the sacred rite, and obedient subjects of the law of Mitra and Varuṇa.
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(vii) Amongst the deities which are prominent in the later parts of the Rigveda are the Ṛbhavah: they are craftsmen who by their skill have attained the rank of gods.
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264. It hardly falls within the scope of this book to discuss in any detail the subject-matter of the popular Rigveda, which opens a world of thought entirely different to that of the Rigveda proper, and records for us the first distinctively Indian efforts to lay the foundations of philosophy, cosmology, and magic. But a few concluding words may be devoted to those myths of which a considerable number are to be found in the popular Rigveda, and which appear to constitute its earliest part: since in the mythical hymns the linguistic forms of the Rigveda proper and the popular Rigveda are used side by side. The Rigveda proper is not altogether deficient in myths, but they are baldly related and generally in single stanzas; as for instance the warlike deeds of Indra and the clever rescues of the Aśvinā. But in the popular Rigveda myths appear in a dramatic form, and the theme is not historical but social: here too the poets for the first time wrestle with the moral and aesthetic problems associated with the relationship of man to woman. In these myths the woman generally appears as the temptress, not perhaps so much from a sensual impulse as from the desire of children: whilst the duty of the man is always abstinence, without any regard even to the claims of marriage. We find in fact the germ of the ascetic theories which afterwards became so firmly rooted both in Brahmanism and in Buddhism, and which have spread thence over the Western world. Such theories stand in striking contrast to the patriarchal sentiments of the Rigveda proper and of all other national religions, and the question of their origin seems to call for investigation. One suggestion may be made here by the way. It seems probable enough that Aryan princes may often have been led by native wives away from the practices of the Brahmanic religion, and in particular from liberality to the Brahmans themselves: and thus that an opposition of interests between priests and queens may have become traditional.
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(i) The best known of the dramatic myths of the Rigveda is the dialogue of Purūravas and Urvaśī (RV. x 95) on the interpretation of which much light has been thrown by Professor Karl Geldner (*Vedische Studien* i, pp. 243–295). The poem is of special interest to the folklorist, being based upon the marriage of a prince to a fairy maiden, and his subsequent desertion by her. Special attention may be called to the cynical reply of Urvaśī in stanza 15, when Purūravas threatens to die for love of her. *There is no truth in the friendship of women: they have the hearts of hyaenas.* However dramatically the sneer may suit the occasion in the mouth of Urvaśī, it reveals a bitter grudge in some poet’s mind against feminine influence.
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(ii) The tale of Agastya and his neglected wife Lopāmudrā (i 179) has been lately treated by Dr Emil Sieg (*Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda*, pp. 120–126). Agastya as a sage is bound by a vow of chastity: Lopāmudrā’s youth is passing, yet she remains childless. To her passionate appeals Agastya gives way. So far the poet has only blame for the woman. But in the concluding stanzas excuses are found for the pair. The divine Soma may well forgive the sin, for desire is human: besides Agastya has won offspring, to the advantage of both the light and the dark races (Lopāmudrā, we may conclude, is a native woman) and the high purposes of the gods are after all fulfilled.
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(iii) In the light thrown by these two hymns we may consider the tale of Yama and Yamī, the parents of the human race (x 10). At the first glance it becomes probable that we have a variant of the tale of Adam and Eve, though it may not be easy to guess from what common source or by what channels the tale has reached us in such different forms. The Vedic myth has the advantage of logical consistency, for the temptation deals not with the apparently meaningless prohibition of eating from a particular tree, but with the real moral problem necessarily implied in the relationship of the first human pair, if they are conceived (and it cannot easily be otherwise), both as brother and sister and as husband and wife. The Hebrew version may however have in reality the same meaning as the Vedic: at any rate the phrase "the knowledge of good and evil" well represents the late Vedic conception of the marriage relation, and the shame which overcomes Adam and Eve after their sin, as well as the penalty inflicted on the latter, both point to the real nature of the sin itself. In the Rigveda however the position is plainly stated. Yamī is full of a longing to fulfil her destiny, and to become the mother of mankind. Yama on the other hand is overwhelmed by scruples: the laws of the gods permit no exceptions, and their eyes are open wide to mark offence. 'Nay, but the gods designed us for wedlock,' Yamī suggests. 'Who knows their secret intent, or will venture to be their spokesman?' replies her brother. 'Heaven and Earth were brother and sister, yet they became the parents of the gods: why not you and I then of mankind?' But Yama is still unconvinced, and bids his sister look elsewhere for a husband. This suggestion is under the circumstances irritating, and Yamī fairly loses her temper and speaks out her mind. So far as our poem reaches, Yama does not yield: yet it is obvious that in the original form of the tale he must have given way.
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Much more light from other literatures is needed before any certainty can be felt in this case as to the details of the interpretation: but it seems sufficiently clear that we have before us the sincere attempt of a theological school to grapple with fundamental problems of morality, such as the instinct of shame in regard to sexual relations, the prohibition of marriage between near relatives, and the rival claims of reason and the divine law to man's unquestioning obedience. The solution suggested in the Veda is perhaps near akin to that of Genesis: had the first human beings had more faith, the heavenly powers would have spared them the sin and pain of an animal mode of procreation, and yet would have found a way to perpetuate the human race.
Linked texts (2)
- Ṛgvedasaṃhitā — Sanskrit
- בְּרֵאשִׁית — Hebrew