| Section IV. Jaina Literature | ... | **424-595** |
| Jinism and its Literature | ... | 424-595 |
| The Canons (Siddhānta) of the Jainas ... ... | 428-474 | |
| The Non-Canonical Jaina Literature ... ... | 475-595 | |
| Appendix I. The Year of Buddha's Death. Did a Gotama Buddha live? ... | ... | 597-601 |
| Appendix II. What is Pāli? ... | ... | 601-605 |
| Appendix III. Bhābrū-Bairat Edict of Aśoka ... | ... | 606-609 |
| Appendix IV. Time and Life of Buddhaghosa | | 609-611 |
| Appendix V. The Date of Kaniṣka's Reign ... | ... | 611-614 |
| Appendix VI. The Year of the Death of Mahāvīra ... ... | ... | 614-615 |
| Additions and Corrections | ... | **617-638** |
| Index ... | ... | **639-673** |

Preface to the German Edition, the First Half of Volume II

v2.c14.1

Just five years ago, when I wrote the preface to Volume I of this "History of Indian Literature," I had hoped that it would be possible to publish Volume II complete two years later; but the task of dealing, for the first time, with Buddhist literature presented far greater difficulties than I had foreseen. For this reason, even now only the first half of Volume II is appearing. I hope, however, that the second half—the conclusion of the work—will follow in the course of next year.

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I am only too conscious of the fact that a presentation of Buddhist literature, which forms the subject-matter of this half-volume, is, at the present stage of our knowledge, a hazardous enterprise. A great part of this literature has only just been opened up, while a still greater part, especially of the Buddhist Sanskrit literature, but also some important Pāli texts, is still waiting for translators and researchers, and even for editors. In addition to this, with the small number of workers in the province of Sinology, the light which the Chinese translations throw upon the history of Buddhist literature has scarcely begun to shine. Here we may surely hope for help and improvement in the near future from French and Japanese scholars. We may also expect very shortly considerable enrichment of our knowledge of Buddhist literature and its history from the investigation of the Central Asian finds—the wealth of manuscripts which M. A. *Stein* has brought back from Khotan, and A. *Grünwedel* and A. von *Le Coq* from Turfan. Nevertheless it will take decades before all the results of these investigations will be available. An American colleague of mine hit the mark when he recently wrote to me: 'I can easily understand that your History of Buddhist Literature is the devil's own job to write.' And yet, the attempt to present Buddhist literature had to be ventured now; for it simply will no longer do, now-a-days, to write a history of Indian literature without doing justice to the Buddhist literature. Buddhism, after all, is and remains that production of the Indian mind, which is the most important in the history of the world. And how can we understand Buddhism without knowing its literature? Just as in a history of Indian religion the religion of Buddha would have to occupy a large space, just as a history of Indian art could not exist without Buddhist art, so too the history of Indian literature would show a gaping chasm if Buddhist literature were not presented therein. Even though this literature is to-day more at home in Ceylon and Burma, in Nepal and Tibet, than in India proper, yet it grew up on Indian soil, it bears all the characteristics of a genuine product of the Indian mind, it has, through far more than a thousand years, influenced Indian spiritual life, and naturally is most intimately connected with all the rest of Indian literature. However defective a presentation of Buddhist literature must necessarily still be to-day, it is nevertheless of some use for the progress of knowledge. We must have the courage to err. Our errors will serve as stepping-stones over which the knowledge of future generations of scholars will stride to new truths.

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The literary references in the notes give sufficient information concerning the works from which I have drawn and the scholars to whom I am indebted. I should not, however, like to omit in this place the expression of my sincere thanks to my honoured colleague, Professor Louis de *La Vallée Poussin* in Brussels, and my dear friend and former pupil, Professor Jyun Takakusu, for several valuable printed papers and written communications.

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M. Winternitz

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Prague—Smichow, *17th October, 1912.*

From the Preface to the German Edition, Volume II, Second Half

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The second half of Volume II (p. 289 ff.) is devoted to the literature of the Jainas, which, as in the case of Buddhist literature is presented here for the first time as a connected whole.

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Since the publication of the first half of this volume, seven years have elapsed. During this period much work has been done in the field of Buddhist literature. I have utilised everything of importance, in as far as I was informed of it,¹ in the "Corrections and Additions," as also the valuable reviews which individual scholars—J. *Charpentier* (WZKM 27, 1913, pp. 85-96), H. *Haas* (Zeitschrift für Missionskunde und Religionswissenschaft 28, 1913, pp. 111-123), P. E. *Pavolini* (GSAI 25, 1912, pp. 323-325), T. W. *Rhys Davids* (JRAS, 1913, 479-483) and H. *Kern* (Ostasiatische Zeitschrift II, 1913-14, pp. 471-481)—devoted to my book. I had to deal somewhat more exhaustively (p. 357 ff.) with the latest studies of R. O. *Franke* and with the criticism which the same scholar has devoted to my book, as these concern the most essential part of my work. The fact that, in his views regarding the person of the Buddha and the historical significance of the Buddhist writings, *Franke* occupies a rather isolated position among the competent scholars, would certainly not be a reason against his being right after all. However, I hope I have shown that neither the extreme scepticism of *Franke* nor his attitude towards the Nikāyas, which diverges so very widely from the current conception, are so convincing as to induce me to make any essential alteration in what I have said about the Pāli canon...

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¹ Unfortunately much may have escaped my notice. The terrible world-war which lies between the appearance of the first and second half of this volume, has also hit our science badly, and made it very difficult, often impossible, for us to avail ourselves of the studies of our English, American, Indian, French and Italian colleagues.

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I am indebted to my pupil Dr. Otto *Stein* for his assistance in the correction of the proofs of the second half of this volume and in the revision of the Index.

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During the time which has elapsed since the publication of the first half of this volume, death has made deep gaps in the ranks of the scholars whose studies afforded some of the most valuable basic material of this work. Heinrich *Kern*, the patriarch among Buddha researchers, Ernst *Windisch*, to whom we are indebted for some of the most valuable researches into Buddhist literature, Paul *Deussen*, the enthusiastic pioneer of ancient Indian philosophy, and Hermann *Oldenberg*, who had so profound a knowledge of both Buddhist and Vedic literature and religion, coupled with so great a talent in presenting them, who scarcely left a single field of the culture of India uncultivated, have passed away in rapid succession. My dear friend Leopold von *Schroeder*, too, who more than thirty years ago, undertook to write a history of Indian literature and culture, and to whom I was permitted to dedicate this work as a token of grateful admiration, and who ever followed its progress with affectionate interest, is no longer among the living. The memory of these men will not fade in the history of our science,—*na hi karma kṣīyate*—for "deeds are not lost."

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Prague, *29th July, 1920.*

Preface to the English Translation

v2.c16.1

Owing to various unfortunate circumstances both the revision and the printing of this volume have taken much longer time than I ever anticipated. As the German original of Part I on Buddhist Literature was published in 1913 and that of Part II on Jaina Literature in 1920 it is only natural that this volume, no less than Volume 1, is not a mere translation, but a new edition as well, in which much had to be altered, added and, I hope, improved. I had to revise my presentation of Buddhist literature in the light of the numerous excellent publications we owe to the Pāli Text Society during the last twenty years, and I had to avail myself of the valuable work done during the same period by European, Indian and Japanese scholars in the field of Sanskrit Buddhist literature.

v2.c16.2

To Mrs. *Rhys Davids* I am greatly indebted for sending me, along with some valuable notes of her own, the critical notes which her husband, the late Professor *T. W. Rhys Davids*, had entered in his copy of my German book, and which I did not fail to make use of in the course of revising the chapters on Pāli literature.

v2.c16.3

Thanks to the zeal and efforts of the Jaina community a great number of Jaina texts, both in new editions and in translations, has become accessible since the publication of my German account of Jaina literature. But not only that. Not a few Jaina texts that were already published before 1920, were not available to me at the time when I first wrote on the subject. I owe a great debt of gratitude to my Jaina friends—above all to my revered friend the Itihāsa-Tattva-Mahodadhi *Vijaya Indra Suri*, the worthy successor of the late venerable Jainācārya *Vijaya Dharma Suri*, but also to Mr. *Chotelall Jain* of Calcutta, to the Dharm-Sewak *Ummed Singh Musaddi Lal Jain* of Amritsar, and many others—for having provided me with a great number of rare and valuable publications, both old and new, which enabled me to make the section on Jaina literature in the English version far more complete than it was in the German original.

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As the first batch of manuscript was sent to press already in 1927, and the last sheets were printed only in the summer of 1932, many "Additions and Corrections" became necessary, in order to bring the work up to date (that is, up to June, 1932). But I am glad to say, the number of printer's errors that had to be corrected, is comparatively small. For this I have to thank Dr. *Niranjan Prasad Chakravarti*, M. A., Ph. D. (Cantab.), Lecturer in Sanskrit at the University of Calcutta, to whom the difficult task of reading the proofs had been entrusted and who has done his work most carefully.

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My thanks are due to the translators of the volume, Mrs. *Ketkar* and her sister Miss *Helen Kohn*, who have spared no pains to make as accurate and readable a translation as possible.

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Finally I have to thank again my pupil Dr. *Wilhelm Gampert* for the great care he has bestowed on the compilation of the Index.

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Prague, *February, 1933.*

List of Abbreviations Used in the Notes

v2.c17.1

ABA = Abhandlungen der Berliner Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philol.-hist. Klasse. ABayA = Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil. Klasse. AGGW = Abhandlungen der Königl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Philol.-histor. Klasse. AKM = Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, herausg. von der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft. Album Kern = Album-Kern: Opstellen geschreven ter eere von Dr. H. Kern...op zijn zeventigsten verjaardag, Leiden 1903. AMG = Annales du Musée Guimet (Paris). Ann. Bh. Inst. = Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute, Poona. AR = Archiv für Religionsgeschichte. ASB = Asiatic Society of Bengal. ASGW = Abhandlungen der Philol.-histor. Klasse der Königl. Sächs. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. ĀUS = Āgamodaya Samiti.

v2.c17.2

Bagchi = Prabodhachandra Bagchi, Le Canon Bouddhique en Chine, tome I, Paris 1927. BB = Bibliographie Bouddhique (Paris). BEFEO = Bulletin de l'école française d'Extrême Orient. Bezz. Beitr. = Beiträge zur Kunde der indogermanischen Sprachen, herausg. von A. Bezzenberger. Bhandarkar, Report 1882-83 = R. G. Bhandarkar, Report on the Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Bombay Presidency during the year 1882-83, Bombay 1884.

v2.c17.3

Bhandarkar, Report 1883-84 = R. G Bhandarkar, Report, etc., during the year 1883-84, Bombay 1887. Bibl. Buddh. = Bibliotheca Buddhica (Leningrad). Bibl. Ind. = Bibliotheca Indica (Calcutta). BSGW = Berichte über die Verhandlungen der Königl. Sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Philol.-histor. Klasse. BSOS = Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, London Institution. BSS = Bombay Sanskrit Series.

v2.c17.4

Cambridge History = The Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, Ancient India. Ed. by E. J. Rapson, Cambridge 1922. Comm. Wogihara = Journal of the Taisho University, Vols. VI-VII, in commemoration of the Sixtieth Birthday of Professor Unrai Wogihara, Sugamo, Tokyo, the Taisho University, 1930, Part II. CUIS = Columbia University Indo-Iranian Series, New York.

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DJGK = Digambara Jaina Granthabhāṇḍāra, Kāśī Kā, ed. by Pannālāl Chaudhari, Benares 1924-25. DLZ = Deutsche Literaturzeitung. Duff = C. Mabel Duff, The Chronology of India, Westminster 1899.

v2.c17.6

EB = The Eastern Buddhist (Kyoto, Japan). Eliot = Sir Charles Eliot, Hinduism and Buddhism, London 1921. Ep. Ind. = Epigraphia Indica. ERE = Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics, edited by James Hastings.

v2.c17.7

Festgabe Jacobi = Beiträge zur Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte Indiens. Festgabe Hermann Jacobi zum, 75. Geburtstag...Bonn 1926.

v2.c17.8

GGA = Göttinger Gelehrte Anzeigen. GOS = Gaekwad's Oriental Series, Baroda. GSAI = Giornale della societa Asiatica Italiana.

v2.c17.9

Hiralal, Catalogue = Rai Bahadur Hiralal, Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prākrit MSS., published under the Orders of the Government of the Central Provinces and Berar, Nagpur 1926. HOS = Harvard Oriental Series, ed. by Ch. R. Lanman.

v2.c17.10

Ind. Ant. = Indian Antiquary. Ind. Hist. Qu. = The Indian Historical Quarterly, edited by Narendranath Law, Calcutta. Ind. Stud. = Indische Studien, herausgegeben von A. Weber.

v2.c17.11

JA = Journal Asiatique. JAOS = Journal of the American Oriental Society. JASB = Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. JBORS = Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society. JBRAS = Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. JBTS = Journal of the Buddhist Text Society. JDL = University of Calcutta, Journal of the Department of Letters. JPTS = Journal of the Pāli Text Society. JPU = Sheth Devchand Lalbhai Jaina Pustakoddhara. JRAS = Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland.

v2.c17.12

Km = Kāvyamālā.

v2.c17.13

Lanman Studies = Indian Studies in honour of Charles Rockwell Lanman, Harvard University Press, Cambridge Mass. 1929. LZB = Literarisches Zentralblatt.

v2.c17.14

MDJG = Māṇikacandra Digambara Jaina Granthamālā.

v2.c17.15

Nanjio = Bunyiu Nanjio, Catalogue of the Chinese Translation of the Buddhist Tripiṭaka, Oxford 1883.

v2.c17.16

NGGW = Nachrichten von der Kgl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften Göttingen, Philol.-histor. Klasse.

v2.c17.17

NSP = Nirṇaya-Sāgara Press (Bombay).

v2.c17.18

OC = Transactions (Verhandlungen, Actes) of International Congresses of Orientalists.

v2.c17.19

Oldenberg, Buddha = Hermann Oldenberg, Buddha. Sein Leben, seine Lehre, seine Gemeinde. 7. Aufl. Berlin 1920.

v2.c17.20

OTF = Oriental Translation Fund.

v2.c17.21

OLZ = Orientalistische Literaturzeitung.

v2.c17.22

OZ = Ostasiatische Zeitschrift.

v2.c17.23

Peterson, Report 1882-83 = P. Peterson, Report on the Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Bombay Circle, 1882-83 (JBRAS, Vol. 16, Extra Number).

v2.c17.24

Peterson, Report II = P. Peterson, A Second Report of Operations in Search of Sanskrit MSS., etc., 1883-84 (JBRAS, Vol. 17, Extra Number).

v2.c17.25

Peterson, 3 Reports = P. Peterson, Three Reports on a Search for Sanskrit MSS. with an Index of Books (JBRAS, Vol. 18, Extra Number). 1887.

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Peterson, Report IV = P. Peterson, A Fourth Report, etc., 1886-92 (JBRAS, Vol. 18, Extra Number).

v2.c17.27

Peterson, Report V = P. Peterson, A Fifth Report, etc., April, 1892—March, 1895, Bombay 1896.

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Peterson, Report VI = P. Peterson, A Sixth Report, etc., April, 1895—March, 1898, Bombay 1899.

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Proc. I etc., OC = Proceedings and Transactions of the First, etc., Oriental Conferences.

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PSS = Punjab Sanskrit Series (Lahore).

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PTS = Pāli Text Society.

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PTS Dic. = The Pāli Text Society’s Pāli-English Dictionary, edited by T. W. Rhys Davids and William Stede.

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RGG = Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart (Tübingen). RHR = Revue de l’histoire des Religions, Paris. RSO = Rivista degli studi orientali, Rome.

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SBA = Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Berlin. SBB = Sacred Books of the Buddhists (London, Oxford University Press). SBE = Sacred Books of the East (Oxford). SBJ = Sacred Books of the Jainas (Arrah). SIFI = Studi Italiani di Filologia Indo-Iranica. SJG = Sanātana-Jaina-Granthamālā.

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Smith, Early History = Vincent A. Smith, the Early History of India. Fourth Edition, revised by S. M. Edwardes, Oxford 1924.

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TSS = Trivandrum Sanskrit Series.

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Weber HSS. Verz. = A. Weber, Verzeichniss der Sanskrit und Prakrit-Handschriften der K. Bibliothek zu Berlin. WZKM = Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes.

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YJG = Yaśovijaya Jaina Granthamālā.

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ZB = Zeitschrift für Buddhismus (München). ZDMG = Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft. ZII = Zeitschrift für Indologie und Iranistik, herausg. von der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft. ZVV = Zeitschrift des Vereins für Volkskunde in Berlin.

Directions for Pronunciation of Indian (Sanskrit, Prakrit, Pali) Names and Words Written in Roman Characters

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*Pronounce*

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Vowels a अ as a 'neutral vowel,' like English short *u* in *but* ṛ ऋ as a vowel, like *er* in Scots English *baker*. e ए as long *ē* in English *they* and *ō* in English *stone*, without diphthongal character. o ओ as long *ē* in English *they* and *ō* in English *stone*, without diphthongal character.

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Palatals c च like *ch* in English *child*. j ज like *j* in English *just*.

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Cerebrals ṭ ट like English 'dentals,' while the Sanskrit dentals t त, th थ, d द, dh ध, n न are pronounced like dentals in Italian and French. ṭh ठ like English 'dentals,' while the Sanskrit dentals t त, th थ, d द, dh ध, n न are pronounced like dentals in Italian and French. ḍ ड like English 'dentals,' while the Sanskrit dentals t त, th थ, d द, dh ध, n न are pronounced like dentals in Italian and French. ḍh ढ like English 'dentals,' while the Sanskrit dentals t त, th थ, d द, dh ध, n न are pronounced like dentals in Italian and French. ṇ ण like English 'dentals,' while the Sanskrit dentals t त, th थ, d द, dh ध, n न are pronounced like dentals in Italian and French.

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Sibilants ś श (palatal) like *sh* in English *ship*. ṣ ष (cerebral) like *sh* in English *ship*.

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Nasals ṅ ङ (guttural) like *ng* in English *sing*. ñ ञ (palatal) like *gn* in French *montagne* ṃ (Anusvāra) like *n* in French *Jean*. ḥ (Visarga) "a surd breathing, a final *h*-sound (in the European sense of *h*) uttered in the articulating position of the preceding vowel."—*Whitney*.

Section III. Buddhist Literature

The Pāli Canon or the Tipiṭaka

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1) See H. *Oldenberg*, Vinayapiṭaka, Vol. I, London, 1879, Introduction; ZDMG 52, 1898, 613ff.; NGGW 1912, 197ff.; Reden des Buddha (1922), Einleitung; *H. Jacobi* and *Oldenberg*, ZDMG 34, 1880, 184ff.; 751ff.; *Oldenberg* and *T. W. Rhys Davids*, SBE, Vol. 13, Introduction; *Rhys Davids*, Buddhist India, London, 1903, 167ff.; Cambridge History I, 192ff.; *W. Geiger*, Pāli Literatur und Sprache (Grundriss I, 7, 1916), p. 6ff.; R. S. *Copleston*, Buddhism, 2nd Ed., London, 1908, 45f., 167ff.; H. *Kern*, Manual of Indian Buddhism (Grundriss III, 8, 1896), 1ff., 101ff.; *Eliot* I, 275ff. The following are more or less sceptical about the authenticity of the Pāli Canon: I. P. *Minayeff*, Recherches sur le Bouddhisme (AMG, Bibliothéque d'études, t. 4, Paris, 1894); A. *Barth* in RHR, t. 5, 1882, 237ff.; t. 28, 1893, 241ff.; 277ff.; t. 42, 1900, 74ff. (= Oeuvres I, 340ff.: II, 156ff., 187ff., 356ff.; V. A. *Smith*, Ind. Ant. 32, 1903, 364ff.; L. *de La Vallée Poussin*, Bouddhisme, Études et Matériaux (Mémoires......publié par l'Académie roy. des sciences de Belgique, t. LV), Bruxelles, 1897, 1ff., 27ff., 44ff., 53ff.; Le Muséon, 1905, 213ff.; Ind. Ant. 37, 1908, 1ff., 81ff.; Bouddhisme, Paris, 1909, pp. 29ff., 155, 166ff., 248; *ERE.* Vol. IV, p. 179ff. (*Cf.* E. J. *Rapson*, JRAS, 1898, 909ff.); R. Otto *Franke*, JPTS, 1908, pp. 1-80; Dīghanikāya (1913), p. xliiff.; A. B. *Keith*, Buddhist Philosophy in India and Ceylon, Oxford, 1923, pp. 3, 16ff.

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Vedic literature led us well-nigh into "prehistoric" times; and for the beginnings of epic poetry, too, we had to dispense with all certain dates. It is only with the Buddhist literature that we gradually emerge into the broad daylight of history, and we have seen that the darkness of the history of the Vedic and the epic literature is somewhat illuminated by this light. The approximate period of Buddha can be determined with some degree of probability, and that gives a starting-point, from which we can calculate the origin of a Buddhist literature. Gotama Buddha died probably a few years before or after 485 B. C.,2) and according to a tradition whose authenticity we are scarcely justified in questioning, he attained the age of 80 years. As a young man of 29 years he is said to have taken up the life of a wandering ascetic, and thus begun to seek the way of salvation. After severe internal struggles he began, as a mature man, to proclaim the doctrine he had discovered. The activity of the Buddha might, then, fall into the period of about 535-485 B. C.: the foundation and propagation of that Indian religion which was destined to become one of the three great religions of the world. The Ganges district in North-East India was the scene of his activity. Here—in the kingdoms of Magadha (Bihar) and Kosala (Oudh)—he wandered from place to place, preaching his doctrine and gathering ever more adherents about him.

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2) See Appendix I.

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Does this work of many decades include any literary activity? Certainly not. It is true that in the Tipiṭaka, the Pāli canon of the Buddhists, most of the speeches and sayings are placed in the mouth of Buddha himself; it is even related exactly and circumstantially where and on what occasion the master delivered a speech or made an utterance. How much, out of all this, should really be attributed to Buddha, will probably never be decided; for Gotama Buddha has not left behind him any written matter, even as little as Yājñavalkya, Śāṇḍilya, or Śaunaka. However, as much of the contents of the speeches and utterances of these sages has probably been handed down in the Upaniṣads, so, doubtless, many speeches and utterances of Buddha were faithfully preserved in the memory of his disciples and handed down to posterity. We may, without laying ourselves open to the charge of credulousness, regard as originating with Buddha himself, speeches such as the famous sermon of Benares on the "four noble truths" and the "noble eightfold path," which recurs always in the same wording, not only in many parts of the Pāli canon, but also in Buddhist Sanskrit texts, some of the farewell speeches handed down in the Mahāparinibbānasutta, which the master is supposed to have addressed to his disciples before his passing, and some of the verses and short utterances handed down as "words of the Buddha" in the Dhammapada, in the Udāna, in the Itivuttaka and in more or less the same form also in Sanskrit texts of Nepal, as well as in Tibetan and Chinese translations. Gotama Buddha, however, did not only preach his new doctrine of suffering and the end of suffering, but also founded a monastic order; he gathered around himself a community of disciples who, according to strict precepts, led a holy life in the way of the master, in order to reach the end of suffering—the much praised Nirvāṇa. And some of the rules and laws for this monastic community probably originated with Buddha himself, above all "the ten commandments for mendicant monks" (dasasikkhāpadāni), perhaps also the list of transgressions (pātimokkha), though in an earlier and shorter form than that in which we have it now.[^1)

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Now, though none of the works which belong to Buddhist literature can date back to the period of Buddha himself, isolated texts preserved in these works may probably be correctly regarded as words of Buddha. Also, among the first disciples of Buddha there must have been a few prominent leaders and some of the speeches, sayings and poems contained in our collections might have been composed by some of these disciples of Buddha.

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Almost the whole of the oldest literature of the Buddhists consists of collections—collections of speeches or conversations, of sayings, songs, narratives and rules of the order.

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[^1): *Cf. Eliot*, I, 294f.; *Oldenberg*, Reden des Buddha, p. xxiiiff. [^2): The metre, too, indicates that the verse aphorisms (gāthā) in particular are very old. According to *Oldenberg* (Gurupūjākaumudī, pp. 9ff.) the metres of the Pāli gāthās are more archaic than those of the Rāmāyaṇa. See also R. *Simon* in ZDMG, 44, 1890, 83-97 on the Śloka in Pāli, and *Oldenberg* "Zur Geschichte des Śloka" (NGGW, 1909, p. 244).

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The Tipiṭaka is nothing but a great collection of such collections. It is clear that such collections can only form the conclusion of a considerable preceding literary activity, and that their component parts must belong to different times.

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According to Buddhist tradition one such conclusion had already been made very early. It is recorded that, a few weeks after the death of Buddha, an assembly of the monks—the so-called first Buddhist Council—organised by the immediate disciples of Buddha, was held in the city of Rājagaha (the present Rajgir) in order to establish a canon of the religion (dhamma) and of the discipline of the order (vinaya).¹ The very fact that this report expects us to believe too much speaks against its trustworthiness in its oldest form, as it has come down to us in the Tipiṭaka itself ;² for, it is absolutely impossible that the two great sections of the Tipiṭaka which deal with the doctrine and the discipline of the order—Suttapiṭaka and Vinayapiṭaka—should soon after the death of Buddha have been essentially such as we find them in our Pāli canon.³ We need not, on this account, assume that the tradition is entirely unfounded. There is probably preserved in it a recollection of the not improbable fact that the elders of the community assembled immediately after the death of the master, in order to agree upon the principal points of the doctrine and of the discipline of the order.⁴ But surely too short a time had elapsed immediately after the death of Buddha for the compilation of a canon of sacred texts such as our Tipitaka. The tradition of a second council, which is supposed to have been held at Vesālī, a hundred years after the death of Buddha, is more credible. According to the older report,¹ however, the sole object of this gathering was to do away with ten heresies regarding the discipline of the order. Only the later reports² add that at the same time during a session of eight months a revision of the doctrine took place. If we keep to the earlier report, we may accept it as an historical fact that, about a hundred years after the passing of the Buddha, a schism occurred, which stirred up so much controversy that a great assembly of monks had to be summoned, to decide what should be regarded as right with reference to the debatable points. Now this pre-supposes that there was in existence at that time some criterion or other for the decision of such questions, and that could only have been some canon of precepts for the life of the monks such as we find in the Vinayapiṭaka. Hence, though the first century after Buddha may not have witnessed the formation of a canon, at least a fundamental stock of texts for such a canon must have been formed.

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¹ The Pāli *Dhamma* (*i.e.*, Sanskrit dharma) is the technical expression for the religion of Buddha, and *Vinaya* for the "discipline of the order," *i.e.*, rules and regulations for the order of mendicants.

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² Vinayapiṭaka, Cullavagga XI.

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³ Other arguments against the authenticity of the tradition of the first Council have been raised by *Oldenberg* (Vinayapiṭaka, Introd., p. xxvff., ZDMG, Vol. 52, 625f.).

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⁴ *Cf.* H. Kern, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 103; *R. Pischel*, Leben und Lehre des Buddha, 4 aufl., 1926, p. 11, 99f.; *E. Windisch* in OC XIV, I, 284f.; L. de *La Vallée Poussin*, Ind. Ant. 37, 1908, 2ff.; *S. Lévi* (JA, 1915, s. 11, t. V, 401ff.) has compared the reports as to the first Council in the Pāli Vinayapiṭaka, the Udāna, the Divyāvadāna, as well as the Vinaya of the Mūlasarvāstivādins and the Sarvāstivādins, and has shown that they hark back to an early age.

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¹ Vinayap., Cullavagga XII, s. SBE, Vol. XX, p. 409ff.

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² Thus Dīpavaṁsa V, 27ff., Mahāvaṁsa IV.

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According to the report of the chronicles of Ceylon, a real canon of sacred texts was compiled on the occasion of the third Council, at the time of the famous King Aśoka. It is certain that, at that time, the Buddhist community was already divided into a number of schools or sects.³ For this reason it is not at all unlikely that the need for compiling a canon of texts for orthodox believers, *i.e.*, those who wished to be regarded as the adherents of the original doctrine of Buddha, was felt. Moreover, it is likely enough that a compilation of this kind should have been made precisely during the reign of King Aśoka, the great patron and adherent of the Buddhist community, for, in one of his edicts, the king himself decrees that heretical monks and nuns shall be excommunicated.[^1) Consequently, it would have been only natural for him to take an active interest in establishing what tenets constituted the true religion of Buddha. On the other hand, we find no mention in any of his numerous edicts of a council to determine the canon. It is true that he would have had no reason for so doing, because, even according to the tradition, it was not the king himself, but the learned monk Tissa Moggaliputta who, 236 years after the death of Buddha, convened an assembly of a thousand monks in the city of Pāṭaliputra (Patna), with the object of compiling a canon of texts of the true religion or the Theravāda, *i.e.*, the "doctrine of the elders," the immediate disciples of Buddha. The school of the Vibhajjavādins,[^2) to which Tissa, the President of the council, belonged, adhered to this Theravāda, and it is the canon of this school which was compiled during the nine months' session of the Council of Pāṭaliputra. Tradition has it, too, that Tissa also compiled the "Kathāvatthu," a book refuting all the heretical doctrines of those times, and incorporated it with the canon.

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³ 18 different schools are mentioned. We are familiar with the fact that the number 18 is a favourite number in India; hence the existing schools, whether they numbered more or less than 18, were fitted into a scheme of 18.

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[^1): See E. *Hultzsch*, Inscriptions of Aśoka, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, X, Oxford, 1925, pp. xliii f., 160 n. 5. [^2): There is no distinction in the chronicles between Theravāda and Vibhajjavāda; but *Theravāda* is probably a general term meaning merely "authentic doctrine." The word is used in this sense also with reference to the schools of Buddha's predecessors (Majjh. 26, I. 164f.). The *Vibhajjavādins* declared that they taught the Theravāda. However, the same thing was also maintained by other sects, such as the Mahīśāsakas and the Sarvāstivādins (s. *Kern*, Manual of Buddhism, p. 110f.). In Majjh. II, 197 (99) Buddha says, referring to himself, that he is a vibhajjavāda, *i.e.*, "one who explains everything with careful distinctions," and not an ekaṃsavāda, "who answers questions from one point of view only." *Cf.* Majjh. III, 208 (136); Aṅgutt. III, 67 (I, p. 197); Milindap., 144f.; Mrs. *Rhys Davids*, Points of Controversy, p. xl sq.; M. *Walleser*, Die Sekten des alten Buddhismus, Heidelberg, 1927, p. 13f.

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It has been much disputed whether or not there is any historical foundation for the tradition about the councils.¹ In the nature of things it is likely that, in the course of time, the orthodox Buddhists would feel the need of compiling a canon of doctrines, monastic rules and authentic texts as a defence against the schismatics; and this could only be done by one or several meetings of monks. This would be an argument in favour of there being at least a nucleus of historical truth in these reports, even though they are not attested in all their details. It has been rightly remarked² that the tradition about the councils would not have arisen, had not at least one council been a historical fact. As a matter of fact, it is probable that even more than three councils were held. Singhalese and North Indian records of a "great council" (mahāsaṅgīti) which is said to have led to the schism of the Mahāsaṅgītikas or Mahāsaṅghikas, would seem to indicate that the council of the orthodox Buddhists at Pāṭaliputra was preceded by a great assembly of the schismatics. It is true, nevertheless, that these reports contradict one another very considerably. It is possible that the canon was not compiled all at once, but at several meetings of the monks, the most important of which was the Pāṭaliputra session.

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¹ *Cf.* *Kern*, Manual of Buddhism, p. 101ff., *La Vallée Poussin* ERE IV, 1911 170ff.; *Geiger*, Mahāvaṃsa, Transl, p. li ff.; *Eliot* I, 254ff.; *Nalinaksha Dutt*, Early History of the Spread of Buddhism and the Buddhist Schools, London, 1925 (Calcutta Oriental Series), pp. 225ff., 249ff. See also p. 1 note 1 above.

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² By *Copleston*, Buddhism, p. 174f.

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The chroniclers of Ceylon then go on to relate that it was Tissa, the President of the council, who first sent out missionaries to the North and the South and prepared the way for the propagation of Buddhism in foreign lands. A pupil of Tissa was Mahinda, the younger brother (according to another tradition, the son) of Aśoka, who is supposed to have brought Buddhism and the Buddhist texts to Ceylon. It is conceivable that legends took up this apostle of Ceylon; and even though we shall not believe the chronicler when he says that Mahinda and the monks who were accompanying him flew, like flamingoes, through the air to Ceylon, yet we need not reject the whole tradition,¹ but may suppose that underlying the many legends, there is the one historical fact that Mahinda actually introduced Buddhism into Ceylon and brought with him the texts of the canon. These texts are said to have been first transmitted orally, until, under the Singhalese king Vaṭṭagāmani, in the first century B.C., they were committed to writing. This again sounds quite trustworthy.²

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¹ As is done by *Oldenberg*, Vinayapiṭaka, Introd. p. li ff., for the opposite view, *cf. Kern*, Manual, p. 116f. When the chroniclers report that Mahinda was sent to Ceylon and Majjhima to the Himavat (Dīpavaṃsa VIII, 10) and when we find a reliquary in the stūpa at Sāñchī with the inscription: "(relics) of Majjhima, teacher of Himavat," it speaks strongly in favour of the authenticity of the Ceylon chronicles. (*Copleston*, Buddhism, p. 173f.).

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² See Vol. I, p. 32f. The Chinese pilgrim *Fa-hien* (*s.* A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms...transl. by *J. Legge*, Oxford, 1886, Chap. XXXVI), when he travelled through North India during the years 399-414 A.D., did not as yet find any manuscripts of the Vinayapiṭaka, but only oral tradition. It was not until he came to Pāṭaliputra that he found a copy of the Vinaya in a Mahāyāna monastery.

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Now, in the opinion of the Buddhists of Ceylon, that canon which was compiled at the third council, was brought to Ceylon by Mahinda, and was recorded in writing under Vaṭṭagāmani, is the same as our Pāli canon or Tipiṭaka, as we still possess it to-day. This Tipiṭaka—the word means "three baskets"—consists of three so-called piṭakas or "baskets,"³ namely:

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³ In the opinion of *V. Trenckner* (JPTS 1908, p. 119f.), which is accepted by T. W. *Rhys Davids* (SBE, Vol. 35, p. 28 note) the word *piṭaka* does not mean "receptacle" but rather “tradition.” In ancient times, when excavations were in progress, baskets were used which were passed along the line from one labourer to the next, in order to remove the dug-out earth from the site of the excavation: thus the treasure of the doctrine was transmitted in the “piṭakas” down a long line of teachers and pupils from olden times down to the present day. The Majjhima Nikāya 95 (II, p. 169) speaks of a “basket-like tradition” (piṭakasampradāya) of the ancient Vedic mantras. But is it not simpler to interpret it as receptacles in which gems, family treasures, were preserved from generation to generation? According to G. *Bühler* (on the Origin of the Indian Brāhma Alphabet, Indian Studies III, 2nd Ed., Strassburg 1898, p. 86ff.) piṭaka is a basket, in which manuscripts were preserved, so that the division of the Buddhist sacred texts into piṭakas would be evidence of their having been *written*, though it is true that, according to Singhalese tradition, this would not have happened until towards the close of the first century B. C. Cf. *Keith*, Buddhist Philosophy, p. 24 n. 2.

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1. Vinayapiṭaka, "basket of the discipline of the order." This section contains all that refers to the monastic community (saṅgha), the rules of the discipline of the order, precepts for the daily life of the monks and nuns, and so on.

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2. Suttapiṭaka, “basket of the Suttas.” The Pāli word sutta corresponds to the Sanskrit sūtra, but with the Buddhists it has lost the old meaning of “short rule,”¹ and here means “discourse,” “sermon.” Every long or short explanation, frequently in the form of a dialogue, on one or more points of religion (dhamma) is called a sutta and often also suttanta (Sanskrit sūtrānta). The Suttapiṭaka consists of five nikāyas, *i. e.*, great collections of these suttas or suttantas.

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¹ See Vol. I, 268ff. The Buddhist “sūtras” are generally very prolix. *Trenckner* also tried to explain Sutta as “thread of tradition” (JPTS 1908, p. 121), but this is improbable.

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3. Abhidhammapiṭaka, “basket of the higher subtleties of the doctrine.”² The texts contained in this section, like those of the Suttapiṭaka, deal with the religion (dhamma); but they do so after a more learned and catechistical fashion, in the form of dry enumerations and formal divisions, which refer chiefly to the psychological foundations of Buddhist ethics.

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² According to Buddhaghosa (Sumaṅgalavilāsinī, p. 18: Atthasālinī, p. 2) *abhi* in *abhidhamma* means “higher,” “especially,” “specifically.” Side by side with *abhidhamma*, *abhivinaya* also occurs (“the higher subtleties of the Dhamma and of the Vinaya”), thus Vinayap., Mahāvagga I, 36, 12f.; 37, 11; Dīghanikāya III, p. 267; Majjhimanikāya I, p. 472; Milindapañha, p. 344 (SBE, Vol. 36, p. 237 n.).

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In the Tipiṭaka itself there is in various places³ mention of a division of the Canon into 9 Aṅgas or “limbs,” *viz.*, 1. Sutta, prose sermons, 2. Geyya, sermons in a mixture of prose and verse, 3. Veyyākaraṇa (Vyākaraṇa), explanations, commentaries,¹ 4. Gāthā, stanzas, 5. Udāna, pithy sayings, 6. Itivuttaka, short speeches beginning with the words: "Thus spake the Buddha," 7. Jātaka, stories of former births of Buddha, 8. Abbhutadhamma, reports of miracles, 9. Vedalla, teachings in the form of questions and answers. This division ² does not allude to a canon complete in itself, or to definite books, but is only meant to classify the various types of Buddhist texts according to their form and contents.

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³ Majjh. 22 (I, p. 133) and in several passages in the Aṅguttaranikāya. Cf. Milindapañha, p. 345; Sumaṅgalavilāsinī I, p. 23ff.; Atthasālinī, p. 26; Ganddhavaṃsa in JPTS 1886, p. 57; H. *Kern*, Manual, p. 7. E. *Senart*, JA 1901, s. 9, t. XVII, p. 407f. The texts dealing with Vinaya also belong to the "Sutta," whilst the Abhidhamma texts—at least according to Buddhaghosa—belong to the Veyyākaraṇa. However, they might also be included in the "Vedalla." Lord Chalmers (SBE V, pp. 93, 207ff.) renders *vedalla* by "miscellany." But it is doubtful whether there is any thought of Abhidhamma texts in the list of the Aṅgas.

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¹ In Buddhist Sanskrit, *vyākaraṇa* frequently means prophecy, especially the prediction of a future Buddha; thus also in Pāli in the Nidānakathā (Jātaka ed., Fausböll, pp. 34, 44).

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² A similar division into 9 Aṅgas, sometimes into 12 Dharmapravacanas, is also found in Sanskrit Buddhist texts. Cf. *Kern*, l.c.; Saddharmapuṇḍarīka II, 48 (SBE, Vol. 21, p. 45); Mahākaruṇāpuṇḍarīka in SBE, Vol. 10 (i), p. xxxiii.

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The list of the Aṅgas is evidence of the fact that, at the time when the Canon was compiled in its present form, all these diverse forms of Buddhist literature were already in existence. Moreover, there are other passages of the Canon which show us that there was at that time a great mass of short texts, rules of the order, speeches, dialogues, aphorisms in verse, and even minor collections of texts,³ which passed as "the word of Buddha" (Buddhavacanam), and were memorised and recited by the monks. They were recited as a kind of recitative, as all sorts of sacred texts are still recited to this day in India and Ceylon.⁴ Among the monks there were Suttantikas, reciters of the Suttantas, Dhammakathikas, preachers of the doctrine, and Vinayadharas, experts in the discipline.¹ In order to ensure the continuance of the knowledge of the doctrine and the rules of the order, the texts had to be memorised, recited and expounded again and again. When, during the rainy season, many learned monks assembled at a place, there was an opportunity to obtain enlightenment on knotty points. It happened that some learned monk or perhaps a whole community of monks in some monastery would declare as Dhamma or Vinaya something which had first to be investigated before it could be sanctioned as being really in accord with the "teaching of the Master" (satthusāsanam).² This means that there must have been authoritative texts which could be consulted. It is often said of prominent monks that they are "very learned, masters of the tradition, and well versed in the Dhamma, Vinaya and the Mātikās."³ The Mātikās are the "lists" or "tabulated summaries" of those ideas which are of importance in the doctrine and the monastic order. These Mātikās were subsequently worked into the texts of the Abhidhammapiṭaka.⁴ From this it would appear that the texts of the Abhidhamma were merely in their beginnings before the Canon was compiled.

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³ Such as the Aṭṭhakavagga, which we now find in the Suttanipāta, and which is already mentioned in the Vinayapiṭaka (Mahāv. V, 13, 9) and in the Udāna V, 6, (p. 59). Cf. Dhammapada 19, 20, 102, 185, 352; Suttanipāta 87.

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⁴ Cf. *Rhys Davids*, SBE, Vol. 20, p. 72 n. 3. The reciters (or leaders of a common recitation) were known as sarabhāṇakā "intoners." Later on, the entire Canon was divided into "lessons" (bhāṇavāra) for the purposes of recitation. Cf. SBE, Vol. 20, p. 415ff. In Cullavagga V, 3, it is expressly forbidden to sing the texts of the Dhamma to melodies, as if they were songs.

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¹ Cullavagga IV, 4, 4 and in many other passages. Cf. N. Dutt, Early History of the Spread of Buddhism, p. 207f. Upāli is mentioned as one of the first Vinayadharas, Cullavagga VI, 13; IX, 5; XI, 1, 7 ff. Cf. SBE, Vol. XIII, p. xiii.

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² Aṅgutt. VI, 51; IV, 180; Dīghanikāya XVI, 4, 7-11. The fact that there is always mention here of the Sutta and Vinaya but not of the Abhidhamma, proves that, at the time when this Sutta was completed, only *two* Piṭakas were recognised as authorities.

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³ Vinayapiṭaka, Mahāv. II, 21, 2; X, 1, 2; Cullav. I, 11, 1; XII, 1, 9f.; 2, 1; Dīgha. II, p. 125; Aṅgutt. I, p. 117. The phrase is: bahussutā āgatāgamā dhammadharā vinayadharā mātikādharā.

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⁴ In the Sanskrit Buddhist texts the corresponding word *mātṛkā* is used for "Abhidharmapiṭaka." Cf. *Kern*, Manual, pp. 3, 104; *Oldenberg* and *Rhys Davids*, SBE, Vol. 13, p. 273; Mrs. *Rhys Davids*, Buddhist Manual of Psychological Ethics, 2nd Ed., pp. ix, cv-xiii.

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In our Pāli Canon we find the Kathāvatthu, traditionally ascribed to Tissa, as one of the books of the Abhidhammapiṭaka.

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It presupposes oot only the texts of the Vinayapiṭaka and of al! the Nikāyas of the Suttapiṭaka, but other books of the Abhidhammapiṭaka too.¹ It is therefore certainly one of the latest works of the Tipiṭaka, and, in the nature of things, it would be quite feasible to assume that this book was not written until the time of the compilation of the Canon by Tissa himself, and that the members of the Council appended it to the whole work by way of a crowning piece.

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¹ Cf. Mrs. *Rhys Davids*, Points of Controversy, pp. xxixf., 401ff.

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We must, however, consider the question as to whether we can agree with the Buddhist believers of Ceylon that the Canon compiled at the Third Council is really the same canon which has come down to us in the Pāli Tipiṭaka.

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First of all, the language of our Tipiṭaka can scarcely be the same as that of the Canon of the third century B. C. Buddha himself spoke the dialect of his native province Kosala (Oudh), and it was most likely in this same dialect that he first began to proclaim his doctrine. Later on, however, when he wandered and taught in Magadha (Bihar) he probably preached in the dialect of this province. We must, however, take into account the fact that, in the early days of Buddhism, little importance was attached to the linguistic form of texts. An utterance of Buddha has come down to us, in which he affirms that he cares not for mere wording, but only for the meaning itself.² When, in course of time, the doctrine spread over a large area, the monks of various districts preached each in his own dialect. It is probable that monks coming from Brahman circles also attempted to translate the speeches of Buddha into Sanskrit verses. In the Vinayapiṭaka, however, this procedure is expressly declared as a transgression against the monastic discipline, because it "contributes neither to the conversion of the unconverted nor to the augmentation of the converts," and it is declared to be right that each one should learn the doctrine in a version adapted to his own language.¹ The monks who compiled the Canon in Pāṭaliputra, most probably used an ancient Māgadhī dialect. *Pāli*,² however, the literary language of the Buddhists of Ceylon, Burma and Siam, though called "Māgadhī" by these people themselves, deviates essentially from the dialect, otherwise known to us through inscriptions, literary works and grammarians. On the other hand, it agrees just as little with any other dialect. The fact is that Pāli is a literary language, which was used exclusively as such only by the Buddhists, and like all literary languages, it developed more or less out of a mixture of dialects. Of course a literary language of this kind, even if it represents a kind of compromise between two different dialects, could at all events only have proceeded out of *one* certain dialect. This was very likely an old Māgadhī, so that the tradition which makes Pāli and Māgadhī the same, though it is not to be taken literally, has some historical background.

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² Majjhimanikāya, 103 (II, p. 240).

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¹ Cullavagga V, 33; SBE, Vol. 20, p. 150f. W. *Geiger*, Pāli Literatur und Sprache, p. 5, offers a different explanation for this passage, s. Appendix II.

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² See Appendix II.

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The time and place of the origin of this literary language cannot be determined with any degree of certainty.³ It is probable that, during the period immediately after Aśoka, when Buddhism had already spread throughout the whole of Central India and in the North-west too, it developed as a compromise between the various dialects spoken in this vast territory, among the monks engaged in handing down the Theravāda Canon. It is for this reason that Pāli bears traces of so many different Indo-Aryan dialects.⁴ When the Canon of the Vibhajjavādins was written down in the first century B.C., there was already an older and a more modern form of Pāli,¹ so that, even at that early period, Pāli must have been a language with a considerable development behind it. The monks of Ceylon were, however, bent on preserving and passing on the texts written in the language once established for them in India.² In all probability these monks were just as conscientious regarding the contents as regarding the language, and preserved and handed down to us the texts of the Tipiṭaka which was written down in the Pāli language, with rare fidelity during the last two thousand years. However, *before* they were fixed in Pāli and had reached Ceylon, they probably also passed through changes in contents.

First 136 of 3,437 passages. Read on

Linked texts (66)

Cullavagga — Pāli
Mahāvagga — Pāli
Aṅguttaranikāya — Pāli
Mahāparinibbānasutta — Pāli
Dīpavaṃsa — Pāli
Jātaka — Pāli
Udāna — Pāli
Saṅgītisutta — Pāli
Mahāsakuludāyisutta — Pāli
Pāsarāsisutta — Pāli
Alagaddūpamasutta — Pāli
Caṅkīsutta — Pāli
Assalāyanasutta — Pāli
Sampasādanīyasutta — Pāli
Gopakamoggallānasutta — Pāli
Kintisutta — Pāli
Goliyānisutta — Pāli
Sāḷhasutta — Pāli
Uggahasutta — Pāli
Jambālīsutta — Pāli
Dutiyapāpaṇikasutta — Pāli
Nissāraṇīyasutta — Pāli
Dutiyasikkhattayasutta — Pāli
Paṭhamagiñjakāvasathasutta — Pāli
Khettasutta — Pāli
Kimilasutta — Pāli
Bṛhadāraṇyakopaniṣad — Sanskrit
Dīghanikāya — Pāli
Saddharmapuṇḍarīkasūtra — Sanskrit
Majjhimanikāya — Pāli
Mahāvibhaṅga — Pāli
Kathāvatthu — Moggaliputta Tissa, Pāli
Paṭisambhidāmagga — Pāli
Parivāra — Pāli
Mahāvastu — Sanskrit
Milindapañha — Pāli
Bhikkhunīvibhaṅga — Pāli
Theragāthā — Pāli
Suttanipāta — Pāli
Divyāvadāna — Sanskrit
Itivuttaka — Pāli
Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra — Sanskrit
Mahāpadānasutta — Pāli
Lakkhaṇasutta — Pāli
Brahmajālasutta — Pāli
Sāmaññaphalasutta — Pāli
Dhammapada — Pāli
Mahāsatipaṭṭhānasutta — Pāli
Mahāsudassanasutta — Pāli
Ambaṭṭhasutta — Pāli
Kūṭadantasutta — Pāli
Tevijjasutta — Pāli
Mahānidānasutta — Pāli
Gandhavaṃsa — Pāli
Mahābhārata — Vyāsa, Sanskrit
Saṅgītiparyāya — Classical Chinese
Suttavibhaṅga — Pāli
Tipiṭaka (Theravāda) — Pāli
Vinayapiṭaka — Pāli
Mahāvaṃsa — Pāli
Suttantapiṭaka — Pāli
Abhidhammapiṭaka — Pāli
Saṃyuttanikāya — Pāli
Pātimokkha — Pāli
Sāñcī
Bharhut

A History of Indian Literature v2: Volume 2

Contents

Volume 2

Front matter