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State and Government in Ancient India c22: Chapter XV: Historical Survey of Administrations, Part I: From the Vedic to the Mauryan Age

State and Government in Ancient India c22

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Contents

Chapter XV: Historical Survey of Administrations, Part I: From the Vedic to the Mauryan Age

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HISTORICAL SURVEY OF ADMINISTRATIONS

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PART I

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During the course of the last fourteen chapters, we have described the conceptions and ideals of the ancient Indians about the state and its nature and functions and described the different branches of its administration. While dealing with the latter, we isolated the different parts of the administrative machinery like the king, the ministry, the secretariat, etc. and discussed their characteristic features and history in the different periods. This treatment must no doubt have enabled the reader to trace the origin and development of the different institutions and offices very clearly. It is, however, equally desirable that he should have the picture of the government machinery as a whole from age to age, so that he may understand the main administrative features and developments of the successive ages. In this and the next chapter, we therefore propose to survey the administration as a whole from age to age.

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The student of ancient Indian institutions like the caste, the marriage, the Āśramas etc. has sufficiently ample material to trace their development from age to age. The same is not the case with the student of ancient Indian polity and administration. We can give a picture only in broad outlines of the government in the Vedic age. The developments that took place during the next thousand years or so are more or less concealed from our view owing to the lack of original sources,. When the curtain rises with the Mauryan period, we find a fully developed administration, undertaking a vast number of ministrant functions of the state. The different stages of development by which the state, which in Vedic age was performing only a few essential functions, began to undertake a number of ministrant activities, are more or less concealed from our view. The State machinery and administration, of which we get so full a picture in the Mauryan period, become stereotyped later and we can hardly notice much development and variation in later centuries.

Section I: Administration in the Rigvedic Period

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The State of the early Vedic period was a small one like the city states of ancient Greece, being hardly more extensive than a modern district. In most cases it was also tribal in origin; its residents were or believed themselves to be the descendants of some famous traditional ancestor like Yadu, Puru or Turvaśu. The governing class consisted of the patriarchs of the different families. A number of these families formed a *viś* or canton, presided over by a *viśpati*; and a number of *viśas* formed a *jana*, presided over by a *janapati* or king.

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In the Aryan society kingship had evolved from the institution of the joint family, and like the head of the latter, it was usually hereditary. We have definite evidence upon the point in the *Ṛigveda*, where in some cases we can trace the line of succession for four generations; *e. g.* Vadhryaśva, Divodāsa, Pijanava and Sudās; Durgahaṇa, Girikshit, Purukutsa and Trasadasyu. There are a few traces of kingship being elective also; one passage in the *Ṛigveda* refers to *viśas* electing the king.¹ These cases however were rather the exception than the rule.

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¹ X. 124. 8; *see ante.*, p. 80

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The *Ṛigveda* does not associate any divinity with the king. Nor is the king seen performing any public sacrifices for the state as a whole. The kingship in ancient India had no connection with the priesthood, as far as its origin is concerned. Nor is the king described anywhere as having any magical or medical powers. The Vedic king seems to have been the hereditary head of a council of *viśpatis*, and originally he owed his position to his qualities as a military leader. There were frequent wars with the non-Aryans; nor were the Aryan states at peace with one another for a long time. The military leadership would single out a Viśpati for the leadership of the tribe and the post would tend to become hereditary in course of time. It is quite likely that when the heir was a child or incapable of military leadership, the choice might have fallen upon a senior relation or even a different person. These cases however must have been rare.

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The Ṛigvedic king had the simple title *rājā*; more ambitious titles like *adhirāṭ* and *samrāṭ* were unknown to the age. The king lived in a residence, probably built in mud and not very imposing. He wore glittering dress and golden ornaments, and had a respectable retinue. He is usually described as *gopā janasya* or the protector of the people. His other functions can be merely conjectured. Adjudication is nowhere referred to as his function; it is not unlikely that the *sabhā* and the *samiti* were more concerned with the settlement of disputes than the king. The principle of self-help had an extensive scope at this time both in civil and criminal cases. Even for murder there was the system of the wergeld or blood money.

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The main source of the king’s income in time of peace was the income of the crown-lands and *bali* or gifts from the people, which were originally voluntary but subsequently became obligatory. In time of war, the king used to get a large share of the booty as also of the land conquered from the enemy.

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The *Ṛigveda* mentions very few government officers; only three of them are referred to, *senānī* *i.e.* general, *grāmaṇī* *i.e.* the village headman or military captain and *purohita* *i. e.* the royal priest. *Senānī* was the deputy commander of the military forces and went to the battle along with the king, leading the state troops which fought with arrows, spears and lances. It appears that the king and the nobles wore armours and rode in chariots, while the ordinary soldiers fought as foot soldiers. *Grāma* means both a village and a group; *grāmāṇī* might have been the headman of the village or a captain in the army. *Purohita* was no doubt mainly concerned with the sacrifices to be offered to gods. But his knowledge and skill were believed to be very valuable to gain victory; he would acccompany the king in the battlefield to help the army by the spiritual force of his prayers and the mystic powers of his charms. The role of Viśvāmitra and Vasishṭha will give us an idea of the great influence that the priest exercised over the king.

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As observed already, the king was originally a president of the council of peers or elders; his powers were not extensive. There were two popular bodies in the Ṛigvedic age, *sabhā* and *samiti*, which exercised considerable control over the king. We have discussed their nature and functions already (pp. 141-4).

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There is some evidence to show that a few of the Ṛigvedic states were republics. Their nature has been already indicated (pp. 116-7).

Section II: Administration in the Period of the Later Saṃhitās, Brāhmaṇas and Upanishads

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During the period of the Later Saṃhitās and Brāhmaṇas the size of the state increased considerably. There was amalgamation of tribes; the Kurus and the Pañchālas are known to have formed a federation and the same might have been done by some other tribes as well. The average kingdom at this period was probably of the size of a modern commissioner's division. Some kings of this period are styled as Mahārājas and Samrāṭs; a few are described as great conquerors, who celebrated their victories by performing sacrifices like Vājapeya and Aśvamedha. What precisely was the extent of their kingdom is difficult to state. It is unnecessary to observe that the state had long ceased to be a tribal one; it was now everywhere territorial.

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Traces of elective kingship occur in the *Atharvaveda*, as also in the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa*; but election disappeared in course of time as shown already (pp. 80-81). In some cases, as in the case of the Sṛiñjaya family, the kingship was hereditary for as many as ten generations. It was but natural that the coronation ceremony (Rājasūya) should become elaborate and pompous.

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The king was clad in ceremonial garments fit for his rank, was annointed by the priest and stepped on the tiger-skin to attain the invincible power. There was a chariot race, in which he came out successful, as also a mimic cattle raid.

King and Ministry

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The growing power of the king is illustrated by the tendency to attribute divinity to him. In the *Atharvaveda* the king Parīkshit is described as a god among men and the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa* describes the king as the visible symbol of god Prajāpati himself. At the time of the coronation the priest made the king *adaṇḍya*, above ordinary punishment. The king still figured as the chief military leader; the *Aitareya Brāhmaṇa* points out how Indra was elected as king among the gods because of his military leadership. The king’s growing power is indicated by the description of the Vaiśya and Brāhmaṇa as liable to be expelled at will. Probably he controlled the land of the state and his crown estates became more extensive. He could rely upon regular taxation for the upkeep of his administration and could supplement it with occasional extra exactions; the Vaiśya has been described as liable to be devoured i.e. taxed heavily. The king probably got a lion’s share in the war booty. His judicial powers seem to have increased, especially with reference to criminal cases. The disappearance of the *sabhā* and the *samiti* removed an important check upon the royal power.

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The government was getting more and more complex as is indicated by a large number of officers being referred to in this period. The king was assisted in the administration by a council of *ratnins* consisting partly of his relations, partly of courtiers and partly of the heads of the departments of the administration (see *ante*, pp. 161-2). Some of the latter like Saṁgrahītā and Bhāgadhuk appear to have corresponded with Adhyakshas like Sannidhātā and Samāhhartā of the later age mentioned in the *Arthśāastra*, II. 5-6. The commander-in-chief, the tax-collector, the treasurer, the chamberlain and the village headman are the principal officers that are mentioned in this period.

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The charioteer and superintendent of dicing also belonged to the king's entourage.

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A relatively extensive kingdom presupposes district and local officers, but very few of them are mentioned; one of these is Grāmaṇī or the village headman and another is Sthapati, who is presumed to be a governor or chief judge.

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Grāmaṇī was probably at the head of the village administration and exercised both civil and military functions. The post carried considerable prestige and is described to be the object of the highest ambition of a Vaiśya. The king exercised his powers over the village through the medium of the Grāmaṇī. The art of writing had not yet become common; the king could establish contact with the villages either by personal tours or by sending messengers. The collection of the taxes must have been the function of the tax-gatherer and the treasurer must have stored and distributed them.

Role of Sabhā and Samiti

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*Sabhā* and *samiti* continued to be powerful checks over the king to the end of the Atharvavedic period. The worst curse which the *Atharvaveda* can pronounce against a king is that his *samiti* may not agree with him. As the period advanced, both *samiti* and *sabhā* lost their importance owing to factors that cannot be easily understood now. They are hardly referred to in the Brāhmaṇa literature. We hardly come across any systematic discussion of the aims and ideals of the state. Incidental observations, however, enable us to know that like god Varuṇa, the king was expected to be *dhṛitavrata*, the upholder of law. He was also to promote the material and moral well-being of his subjects. The *Atharvaveda* (xx. 127) glorifies king Parīkshit because people thrived merrily in his kingdom; every one felt safe and secure in his house and corn was plentiful.

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Side by side with the monarchy, which was the prevailing type of the state, there also existed republics in this age. They were known as *vairājya* or kingless states. The republican assemblies probably consisted of the patriarchs and heads of *viśas*, who used to elect a president of their own. When this office became hereditary, kingship came into existence ; when it remained elective, the state continued to be republican.

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Consolidation of the power of monarchy, the rise of different forms of the state like the Bhojya, Sāmrājya, Vairājya, etc. and the emergence of the republics may be regarded as the chief features of the age.

Section III: Magadha Administration Before c. 320 B. C.

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Magadha began gradually to expand its power and territory from the time of Bimbisāra, *c.* 520 B. C. Aṅga, Videha, Kāśī and Kośala were incorporated in Magadha by *c.* 450 B.C. At the time of the invasion of Alexander the Great, the whole of the Gangetic plain, consisting of the modern Uttara Pradesh, Bihar and Bengal, was under the Nanda suzerainty. How the administration of this fairly big empire was carried out is but imperfectly known. In the time of Bimbisāra and Ajātaśatru the provinces were usually under royal viceroys. The central government, however, used to keep direct contact with the villages ; for we hear of Bimbisāra convening a meeting of 80,000 village-headmen in his kingdom. The Nandas believed in the centralisation of the administration, as would appear from their titles Samrāṭ and Ekarāṭ. We may well presume that the Nanda empire was divided into provinces, and the latter into divisions and districts, as was the case later under the Mauryas. The high judicial, executive and military officers were known as Vohārika Mahāmātras, Sabbatthaka Mahāmātras and Senānāyaka Mahāmātras respectively . The Nanda state was famous for its riches and was maintaining a fairly huge army consisting of 3,000 elephants, 20,000 cavalry and 2,00,000 infantry.

Section IV: The Mauryan Administration

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We have seen above how we get only a very dim and fragmentary picture of the administration of the Vedic and post-Vedic periods. The case, however, is quite different with regard to the Mauryan administration. Here also the picture is far from complete; we would have liked to have more light and information on a number of important administrative details, practices, institutions and offices. But when compared to the earlier and later periods, the historian has to admit with gratitude that the Mauryan sources enable him to give a remarkably satisfactory picture of the administration. This is mainly due to the richness of the original material available for utilisation. We have not only important indigenous contemporary sources like the *Arthaśāstra* of Kauṭilya and inscriptions of Aśoka but valuable though fragmentary accounts given by several Greek writers, some of whom had direct and first hand knowledge of the country and its government.

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At the time of the invasion of Alexander the Great, there were a large number of republics in the Punjab, eastern U. P. and northern Bihar. We get only occasional references to them in the *Arthaśāstra*. It is not impossible that all these republics were integrated into the Mauryan empire, and that Kauṭilya's references are rather to what was the reality before the establishment of the new empire, of which he was the distinguished Chancellor. It is, however, more likely that several of the republics continued to exist as separate political units, but as feudatories of the new power. The provincial governors may have supervised over them as they did over feudatory kings. An account of their administration has already been given in Chapter VI.

Monarchy

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Monarchy was the prevailing form of government in the Mauryan period and it had become hereditary. There are no references to any election of kings in contemporary records, either indigenous or foreign. Usually the eldest son succeeded to the throne. Considerable care was taken to train him properly in the art of government and administration. He was well acquainted with the traditional culture as embodied in the Vedic lore (*trayī*); but the *Arthaśāstra* emphasises that he should be an expert in economics (*vārtā*) and science of government (*daṇḍanīti*). For this purpose special effort was made to train him in drafting, public accounts and various military tactics and exercises. He was to attend upon elderly statesmen and imbibe from them their accumulated experience (I. 2). The *Arthaśāstra* and the *Mahābhārata* are particular about describing in detail the qualities that a king was to cultivate and the training he was to receive. It appears as if they were anxious that the head of the monarchical state, which was now becoming popular, should possess all the necessary qualities to make monarchy more acceptable to the people than the republic.

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Kauṭilya (I. 21) and Megasthenes refer to the extremely busy daily time table of the king which permitted him hardly six hours rest at night. Only a small part of his time was spent in bath, meal and rest. Almost throughout the day he was busy either in receiving reporters and officers or in participating in the meeting of the ministry, or in surveying the military parades or in judging causes and suits. The *Arthaśāstra* recommends that above all a monarch should be quick in action and remarkable in energy (*adīrghasūtrī mahotsāhaḥ*). Aśoka tells us in his inscriptions that he never felt satisfied that he had done his utmost for his government (*nasti hi me toso utthanamhi, R. E. VI*) and instructs the official reporters to come to him even when he was dining or resting in order to report upon people's business. The Mauryan kings showed untiring energy in the prompt dispatch of official business; this was one of the secrets of the success of the Mauryan administration.

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The king was no doubt the fountain source of all governmental activity. The army and treasury, the keys to all power, were under his immediate control. He was guided by his council of ministers, but he could set aside its advice, if he deemed it necessary in the public interest. He could issue edicts prescribing a definite course of conduct, prohibiting slaughter of animals or announcing administrative innovations. Nevertheless the Mauryan emperors did not degenerate into selfish autocrats. They followed the advice of the *Arthaśāstra* and regarded the welfare and interest of their subjects as more important than their own.¹ Aśoka observes in one of his inscriptions that all his subjects were to him like his children and that his one anxiety was to promote their spiritual and temporal wellbeing.

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¹ प्रजासुखे सुखं राज्ञः प्रजानां च हिते हितम्। नात्मप्रियं हितं राज्ञः प्रजानां तु प्रियं प्रियम् ॥ I. 19

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There is no evidence to show that queens were taking any active part in the administration in the Mauryan and pre-Mauryan periods, as they began to do during the Gupta and post-Gupta periods.

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The Mauryan king ruled over one of the biggest empires known to the contemporary times, and his court had naturally a pomp and grandeur of its own. The audience hall was a big structure, 150′ × 120′ in dimension, resting on tall, artistic and beautifully polished pillars. It was surrounded by tanks. The king had a strong body-guard and was protected by a platoon of 24 elephants when out on hunting or inspection. The royal procession on such occasions was majestic; attendants used to carry in their hands silver censors; they used to perfume with incense all the roads. The king was dressed in fine muslin embroidered with purple and gold. Naturally all precautions were taken to protect the person of the king, the roads being carefully guarded. In the palace also there were a number of secret and subterranian passages as a precaution against a sudden rising or attack.

Ministry

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Ministry formed an important limb of the Mauryan body politic. The *Arthaśāstra* points out that it is as reasonable to expect an administration to function efficiently with king alone unaided by a ministry, as to expect a chariot to move on one wheel only (I. 3). The evidence of the *Mudrārākshasa* shows how very often the prime minister counted much more than the king. Tradition asserts that the great king Aśoka had to bow down before his ministers and stop his extravagant charity to Buddhist Sangha and had eventually to content himself by presenting only half an Āmalaka fruit to it.

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The political thinkers differed widely as to the strength of the ministry. The Mānava school recommended a ministry of 12, the Bārhaspatya of 16 and the Auśanas of 20. Kauṭilya was averse to lay down any rigid rule; he recommends the appointment of as many ministers as may be necessary. His statement I. 15 that a king with a small council lacks an important source of power and that Indra is called thousand-eyed because his council of ministers had a thousand members, would suggest that he was rather in favour of a large council. Secrecy of policies becomes difficult to maintain with such a large body. Kauṭilya therefore suggests I. 11 that while the council may be large, normally speaking the king should consult only three or four ministers, whose portfolios may be connected with the topic under consideration. In the Mauryan administration very probably there was an inner cabinet of four or five persons, consisting of the Yuvarāja, Prime-minister, the Purohita, the Commander-in-Chief and the Treasurer.

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It is rather strange that neither the *Arthaśāstra* nor the inscriptions of Aśoka give us an idea of the portfolios of the different ministers. It appears that the heads of the departments (*adhyakshas*) were not always differentiated from ministers; hence probably the *Arthaśāstra* does not separately mention the ministerial prorfolios.

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The ministry was in the charge of the entire administration. It was to initiate new policies and review the old ones, especially in the light of the resources available in men and money. The proper time and place for action was to be determined and steps were to be taken to meet all possible difficulties. (*A. S.* I. 15). Kauṭilya is naturally particular that the Council of Ministers should be associated with all important formal functions. The king is advised to summon its members when, for instance, foreign ambassadors were to be received or formal durbars were to be held on auspicious or important occasions.

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Ministers were to be personally present for the council meeting; if one was unaviodably absent a letter was to be sent inviting his opinion. The council met at fixed intervals; if, however, there was an urgent matter, a special meeting could be held. Normally the opinion of the majority prevailed, if there was no unanimity. The king could, however, decide in favour of the minority view, if it was his conviction that it would be in the interest of the realm.¹

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¹ अनासन्नैः सह मंत्रप्रेषणेन मंत्रयेत् । आत्ययिके कार्ये मंत्रिणो मंत्रिपरिषदं चाहूय ब्रूयात् । तत्र यद्भूयिष्ठाः कार्यसिद्धिकरं वा ब्रूयुस्तत्कुर्यात् । I. 15

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From Aśoka’s Rock Edict VI, it appears that the Council of Ministers continued its normal meetings even when the king was out on tour. In the absence of the king ministers often felt it difficult to pass final orders on difficult and delicate issues; Aśoka had left instructions that they should be immediately reported to him for decision. Conversely the oral orders issued by the king on tour were sometimes passed in hurry, and they came to the Council for final recording; very often the Council would on such occasions respectfully suggest a variation in the proposed course or even its abandonment.²

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² Rock Edict VI

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It was also the duty of the central government to secure a uniformity of administration. Aśoka was particular to bring it about by issuing a number of edicts to guide the subordinate officers.

Provincial Government

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The Mauryan empire covered a territory certainly as wide as India and Pakistan put together. It was naturally divided into a number of provinces; unfortunately the *Arthaśāstra* does not mention what they were. The Aśokan inscriptions refer to three viceroys stationed at Taxila, Tosali (in Kaliṅga) and Brahmagiri (in Mysore); Buddhist tradition refers to a fourth viceroy at Ujjayinī. A later Śaka inscription incidentally refers to a fifth viceroy with Girnar in Kathiawar as his head-quarters. We may well presume that very probably there was a viceroy for Eastern Punjab and Northern U. P. with his capital at Ahichchhatra, another for Southern U. P. and Kośala with his capital at Kauśāmbī, a third for Telangana with his capital near Maski. Mahārāshṭra and Bengal were also probably under separate viceroys.

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The viceroy at Brahmagiri is expressly described as a Kumāra or prince in the Aśokan inscriptions; Buddhist tradition mentions Aśoka and Kuṇāla as viceroys at Taxila and Ujjayinī. It is therefore clear that some important provinces had princes of the blood royal as their viceroys. The viceroy in Kathiawar under Chandragupta was a Vaiśya named Pushyagupta and the one under Aśoka was a Yavana (Parthian] named Tushāshpa. It is thus clear that some viceroys were commoners, but belonging to the official cadre. It is quite likely that some of the viceroys may have been selected from among the members of the ex-ruling families or of the executive councils of the Punjab and Sindh republics.

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Like the king, the provincial viceroy was also assisted by a council of ministers. The people of Taxila, who had risen in rebellion, pleaded in extenuation that they were not at all disloyal to the king-emperor ; only they could not tolerate the tyranny of the local ministerial clique. In Brahmagiri edict of Aśoka, the wishes of the emperor are communicated to the local administration at Isila not through the Prince-viceroy alone but through the Prince-viceroy-in-Council. Aśoka addressed his second Kaliṅga edict to the Prince-viceroy and the Mahāmātras, who formed his council. We may, therefore, well conclude that the provincial viceroys of the Mauryan empire were generally assisted by a council of ministers, who were of the status of the Mahāmātras.

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The precise work of the provincial government has not been expressly described, but it will not be difficult to conjecture about its nature. It had to maintain law and order, collect the taxes for the central government, cooperate in the work of its different departments and keep a watch over the feudatories and frontier people. It reported the general situation to the centre and received instructions from the latter, which it used to transmit to the district headquarters, as was done by the viceroy at Suvarṇagiri. What amount of local autonomy was enjoyed by the provinces is not disclosed by the available evidence.

Divisions, Districts, Cities and Villages

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Provinces were subdivided into Divisions and the latter into Districts. The officers over the former were probably known as Prādeśikas and those over the latter as Rajjukas¹. Both were assisted by a large number of subordinate officers known as Yutas or Yuktas. The Prādeśikas of the Aśokan inscriptions appear to be the same as the Pradeshtāraḥ of the *Arthaśāstra*, who were directly responsible to the Samahartā and were to supervise the work of the superintendents of the various departments, probably within their own territorial spheres.²

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¹ Rock edict III mentions Yuktas, Rajjukas and Prādeśikas in the ascending order; so Prādeśikas seem to be superior to Rajjukas.

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² *A. S.* IV. 9

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The Pradeshtṛi was charged with the executive, revenue and judicial functions. Whether he was assisted by any advisory council, official or popular, we do not know.

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Pillar edict IV gives us a vivid idea of the duties and responsibilities of the Rajjukas. They were appointed over many hundred thousands of people; obviously their charge must have been at least as large as that of a district. Originally they were revenue officers, but they exercised judicial functions also. Aśoka had granted them greater freedom both in investigation of crimes and their punishment. They could also grant remission in punishment in deserving cases. They were to devote themselves to the welfare and happiness of the people in their charge and to confer favours upon them. The position of the Rajjukas was to a great extent similar to that of the collector in the modern administration. They had to collect the land-revenue, maintain proper roads, promote trade and industry and carry out public works like roads and irrigation. It would appear from the Sarnath, the Rupanath and the Brahmagiri records that Āhāra was the name of the territorial division corresponding to the modern district in charge of the Rajjuka.

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The district was subdivided into a Sthānīya usually compressing of about 800 villages. Each of the latter consisted of two Droṇamukhas having 400 villages each. The next territorial division was Khārvaṭika consisting of 200 villages. The latter consisted of 20 Saṅgrahaṇas each having 10 villages.¹ The head of these divisions exercised the revenue, the judicial and executive functions. The officers of the subordinate grades working under them were known as Yuktas. The officer over Saṅgrahaṇa, who supervised ten villages, was called Gopa (*A S.*, II. 35).

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¹ *A. S.*, II. 1

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Greek historians refer to a number of cities in the Punjab which were governed by their own magistrates. They are called Nāgarakas in the *Arthaśāstra* and *Nagalaviyohālakas* in Aśoka’s inscriptions. They were exercising executive, revenue and judicial functions. They had to keep a watch over inns, *serais* and places of entertainments, especially to find out the arrival of foreigners and persons of bad character. Superintendents of trade and commerce, weights and measures worked under them. Stringent action was taken against persons committing nuisance, throwing rubbish on roads, or helping the outbreak of fire by their negligent action.² For administrative purposes, cities were divided into a number of wards. The city had its own court of justice, where the judge was assisted by a number of non-official jurors. In some big cities like Pāṭaliputra, the City Superintendent was, according to Megasthenes, assisted by a board of thirty members divided into five sub-committees, whose functions have been already described earlier p. 223. Some cities like Taxila, Tripuri and Ujjayini enjoyed the privilege of issuing their own coins, a number of which have been discovered.

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² *A. S.*, II. 36

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Cities were well protected by moats and fortifications. The moat round Pāṭaliputra, the capital, was 600 feet wide and 30 feet deep; the water of the Śoṇa was made to flow through it. There was a palisade surrounding the city with 64 gates and 570 towers. Towers were 75 yards apart and the archers posted in them could effectively prevent a hostile force from attacking the city at any intervening point.

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The village administration was under a Grāmaṇī or headman assisted by an informal council of village elders (*gramavṛiddhas*). The office work was done by the Gopa, who used to keep careful records about the numbers of the houses and their inmates, the extent, boundary and ownership of fields and gardens, crops grown upon them, the taxes due from them and the condition of roads, water courses, inns, temples, etc. Village elders used to settle petty civil disputes; others were decided by a court consisting of three officials and three jurors.¹

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¹ *A. S.* II. 35

Departments of Government

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We shall now consider the different departments of the Mauryan administration. The second book of the *Arthaśāstra* supplies us valuable data upon the point.

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Palace department was under the charge of a controller who looked after the needs of the royal household. He had to pay special attention to the kitchen to see that no poisoning was done. Gardens and pleasure canals, furniture and decorations also engaged his attention. There was Dauvārika or Chamberlain who issued passports and controlled entrance and exit. A special bodyguard was always in attendance to ensure the safety of the king's person.

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Army department was an extensive one, as the fighting forces of the Mauryan government consisted of 6,00,000 infantry, 30,000 cavalry and 9,000 elephants. The *Arthaśāstra* refers to the camel and ass corps also (IX. 11). Apart from these fighting forces, the army must have had a huge compliment of labourers, transport workers, scouts and sappers and miners. The ambulance corps with doctors carrying their medicines and surgeons their instruments helped by bands of nurses carrying balms and bandages is also referred to by Kauṭilya (X. 3).

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Soldiers were recruited partly from hereditary fighting classes, partly from the militias of guilds and partly from forest tribes. Some soldiers were professionals, willing to fight for any government which could engage their services. The military equipment for the ordinary soldier was bows and arrows, swords and spears, shields and armours.

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The war chariot was drawn by four horses and carried six men. Two of these controlled the horses, two carried shields and two discharged arrows, usually standing on either side of the chariot (Curtius, VII. 14). The cavalry usually faught with lances; each horseman carried two lances and one bucler.

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The infantry, the cavalry and the elephant force and the war chariots were welded into common units at the time of fighting. A Pādika commanded not only a force of 200 infantry, but also of 10 elephants, 10 chariots and 50 horsemen. According to Kauṭilya Senāpati was an officer over 10 Padikas and a Nāyaka over 10 Senāpātis (X. 6). Probably the designations of these officers may not have been uniform during the Mauryan period; Kauṭilya himself uses the term Senāpati elsewhere (II. 33) in the sense of the commander-in-chief.

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According to Megasthenes the administration of the army was controlled by a council of 30 members, divided into six boards in charge of Infantry, Cavalry, Chariots, War-elephants, Transport and Admiralty. The *Arthaśāstra* does not mention these boards but refers to several superintendents. One of these, Rathādhyaksha, was in the charge of the organisation and manufacture connected with war chariots, another named Hastyadhyaksha looked after the capture and training of the war elephants. Aśvādhyaksha supervised the organisation of cavalry. Fort commanders (Durgapālas) and armoury officers (Āyudhāgarādhyakshas) must obviously have worked under the military department. The same probably was the case with Antapālas (wardens of the marches), who had to watch the frontiers. The department of passport and spies must have worked in close cooperation with the military department and the foreign department. Ascetics, jugglers, bards, prostitutes, fortune-tellers etc., were employed as spies.

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Foreign department must have been a very busy branch of administration under the Mauryas, who had to keep in touch with a large number of kingdoms in and outside India. Megasthenes was the Greek ambassador in the time of Chandragupta ; Daimachus came in the next reign. Chandragupta must have himself sent his own ambassadors to the court of Seleukos, but we have no definite information on the point. Aśoka is known to have sent religious missions to the kingdoms of Antiochus, Ptolemy, Antigonos, Magas and Alexander. We shall not be wrong in assuming that these religious missions must have been working in close cooperation with the political embassies. Full fledged ambassador was called *nisrishtārtha-dūta* by Kauṭilya ; *Parimitārtha-dūta* could not go beyond his instructions in negotiations. *Sāsanāhara-dūta* was only a special messenger. The foreign policy was regarded as dictated by *lobhavijaya* when the enemy kingdom was annexed, as was the case with Kaliṅga. *Arthavijaya* policy permitted the imposition of an indemnity and *dharmavijaya* allowed merely the imposition of a nominal suzerainty. Officers in charge of foreigners, who registered them and looked after their comforts and needs when sick, must have worked under this department.

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Revenue department was in charge of Samāhartā, who was naturally a very important officer. He supervised over the collection of all revenues, both in cash and kind, revenues from land, irrigation, customs, road cesses, shop tax, ferry tax, forests, mines, pastures, crown-lands, fees from craftsmen, etc. The land tax varied from 16 to 25%; the inhabitants of Lumbini were shown the concession of a tax at 12½% because the Buddha was born in the village.

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It was the duty of the Samāhartā to arrange for the working of old mines and the prospecting of new ones. He arranged for the supply of labour and seeds for the crown lands and kept a record of rain fall. Treasury officer *Sannidhātā* worked in close co-operation with him. Grain, cash, precious metals like gold and silver, that were sent to the treasury in payment of government dues, were received by him and stored in carefully built and strong buildings (II. 5). He was to change old grain for new one, when the former showed signs of deterioration. Census of men and cattle, which used to be taken in the Mauryan administration, was probably organised by this department. It was the duty of one of its subordinate officers, the Gopa, to keep records of the number of villagers, cattle and fields in his charge.

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Commerce and Industry was another big department of the Mauryan administration. It controlled retailed and wholesale prices of commodities and tried to ensure their steady supply through its market superintendents. It prohibited the entry of banned articles. Products of state industries were offered by it to the market. It controlled and checked weights and measures in order to prevent frauds upon the public. It levied the usual customs duties and granted exemption for articles intended for temples, sacrifices, marriages, and deliveries. It had a big spinning and weaving establishment, which distributed cotton to people and collected the yarn from them. Breweries, both state and private, were under its control and supervision through the *surādhyakshas*. It supervised the slaughter houses. Harbours were under its management, and arrangements were made to offer asylums to weather-worn ships. River traffic also was under its control. Superintendent of mint probably worked under the direction of this department. He was in charge of issuing the copper and silver punch-marked coins, which were the state currency of the Mauryan empire.

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Law department was in charge of the administration of justice. Civil courts described as *dharmasthīyas* by Kauṭilya, decided cases relating to contracts, agreements, gifts, sales, marriages, inheritance, boundary disputes. etc. Criminal courts called *kaṇṭakaśodhanas* used to entertain cases of thefts, robbery, murder, sex offences, etc. The supreme court was at the capital presided over by the king or the chief justice. There were subordinate courts at the headquarters of provinces, divisions and districts. *Dharmasthīya* courts were assisted by nonofficial juries also. The villages had in addition popular courts also which consisted of village elders; they used to try minor cases.

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Jails were probably under the management of this department. There used to be jail deliveries every year on the occasion of the anniversary of the royal coronation. Aśoka refers to 25 such deliveries in his Pillar Edict No. 5. Probably criminals guilty only of minor offences were released. Capital punishment was in vogue under Aśoka even after his conversion to Buddhism; only the condemned criminals were given a respite of three days to perform religious ceremonies and give money in charity to secure welfare in the next life.

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Purohita or the royal priest was the head of an important department. He was in charge of Vedic and Smārta sacrifices to be performed in the palace for the well-being and prosperity of the king and the kingdom. He was to take steps against possible calamities by using the charms prescribed in the *Atharvaveda*. The temples in the kingdom were under his supervision and the charity of the king was under his guidance. Dharmamahāmātras, whose posts were created by Aśoka in the 14th year of his reign, probably worked in co-operation with the Purohita. They tried to bring about harmony among the different sects, to promote morality and righteousness in the public, to establish a concord between masters and servants, to help the poor, the aged and the destitute, to offer succour to families of prisoners and secure their release, if possible.¹

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¹ Rock edicts 7 and 12 and Pillar edict VII

Superior Services

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The Mauryan administration with its so varied and multifarious activities must have required a big staff of civil servants. How was it recruited? Diodorus, Strabo and Arrian agree with one another in stating that the administrative service was manned by councillors of state, who deliberated on public affairs. We are told that it was the smallest class looking to the numbers but the most respected one on account of the high character and wisdom of its members; from their ranks were the Advisors of the king taken, as also treasurers of the State and the arbiters who settled disputes. Arrian tells us that on account of their superior wisdom and justice, they enjoyed the privilege of choosing governors, chiefs of provinces, deputy-governors, superintendents of treasury, generals of the army, admirals of the navy, controllers and commissioners, who superintended agriculture (*India*, XI—12).

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These councillors of the Greek historians were not members of any caste but corresponded to the class of the Amātyas of the *Arthaśāstra*, members of which were to be of noble extraction and high training, mature judgment and keen intellect, quick decision and remarkable energy, sterling integrity and unquestioned loyalty (I 5). The *Arthaśāstra* informs us that Mantrins or ministers were selected from among them,¹ as also all the members of the Adhyaksha class,² and the higher officers in the secretariat who drafted important documents.³ The judicial officers in the moffiusil courts were also recruited from the Amātya class.⁴ In one place Kauṭilya avers that *amātyavyasana* is a very serious one, because all important government activities proceed from them, e.g. successful carrying out of projects, protection against internal and external enemies, precautions against calamities, colonisation, recruiting of the army and collection of the revenue.⁵ It is thus clear that the Amātyas of Kauṭilya were discharging most of the functions of the councillors of the Greek historians ; their position was similar to that of the I. C. S. or I. A. S. officers who fill posts in most of the departments of Indian Government.

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¹ *A. S*, I. 5

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² अमात्यसंपदोपेता सर्वाध्यक्षाः शक्तितः कर्मसु नियोज्याः । II. 9

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³ तस्मादमात्यसंपदोपेतो . . . . लेखकः स्यात् । II. 10

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⁴ धर्मस्थास्त्रयस्त्रयोऽमात्याः........व्यवहारिकानर्थान्कुर्युः । III. 1

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⁵ अमात्यमूलाः सर्वारंभाः । जनपदस्य सिद्धयः...व्यसनप्रतीकारः शन्यनिवेशोपचयो दण्डकरानुग्रहश्चः । VIII. 1

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It appears that in Aśoka’s time the senior Amātyas were called Mahāmātras, which term seems to be but a variation of Mahāmātyas. In the Aśokan administration Mahāmātras were members of the central⁶ as well as provincial cabinets⁷ heads of the district administration¹ and judges of the city court.² When appointed to promote religious harmony, piety and charities they were called Dharmamahāmātras, when charged with the work of frontier administration, they were called Antamahāmātras,³ and when entrusted with the work of promoting the welfare of women, granting them relief when destitute or in child bed, they were called Strīadhyaksha-mahāmātras.⁴ This last term would indicate that Adhyaksha and Mahāmātras were officers of the same cadre.

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⁶ Rock edict, VI.

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⁷ Separate Kalinga edict No. 2

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¹ Brahmagiri edict.

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² Separate Kalinga Edict No. 1

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³ Pillar edict I.

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⁴ Rock edict XII.

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It is only in the case of the Mauryan administration that we have definite information about the salaries of officers. The *Arthaśāstra* V. 3 supplies us interesting information upon the point. The Prime Minister, the Chief priest, the Commander-in-chief and the Crown-Prince each received 4,000 Paṇas a month. The same allowance was given to the Crowned Queen, the Dowager Queen, the preceptor and the sacrificial priest. The chamberlain Dauvārika`, the overseer over the harem, the revenue minister (Samāhartā) and the treasurer (*sannidhātā*) each received 2,000 Paṇas a month. Ordinary members of the ministry and superintendents of departments recieved 1,000 Paṇas a month. The army commandant (Nāyaka) and the warden of the marches received the same amount. Officers in charge of elephants, chariots and cavalry received 666⅔ Paṇas a month. The foot soldier received 41⅔ Paṇas a month.

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There is some difference of opinion as to whether the Paṇas were the silver or copper coins. Most probably they were copper Paṇas. In that case the salary of the Prime-minister of 4,000 Paṇas in copper would be equal to 250 Paṇas in silver. Its purchasing power would be equal to that of Rs. 600. If we assume the Paṇas to be silver coins, then the equivalent of the salary of Prime Minister would be about Rs. 9,600.

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The picture of the Mauryan administration as given above refers to the periods of all the great Mauryan emperors.

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It may not be out of place to draw attention here to the innovations introduced by Aśoka. He popularised the paternal theory of the Government and regarded his subjects as his children and officers as midwives. The king owes a debt to his subjects which he can pay off only by securing their moral and material welfare. His deep faith in non--violence made him adumbrate the theory of the renunciation of violence and war. It is interesting to note that even Jain kings like Mahāpadma Nanda had not tabooed war. Buddha had tried to stop it with varying success, but had not preached its formal abandonment in his sermons. Aśoka believed in the great importance of constant exertions both by the king and his officers and particularly exhorted the latter to undertake tours of inspection at fixed intervals of three or five years. This was probably to counteract the possible evil effects of the principle of decentralisation, which he had decided to follow when it was settled that the Rajjukas should be invested with greater powers in judicial matters. It is interesting to note that the principle of Ahimsā, which induced the emperor to abjure war, did not make him champion the cause of the abolition of the capital punishment. The only innovation he introduced was to give to the condemned criminal a respite of three days, which could be utilised for securing his spiritual welfare in the next world by making it possible for gifts being made on his behalf by his friends or relatives.

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In order to carry out the policy of moral regeneration of his subjects he created a new class of officials, known as Dharmamahāmātras, who among other things were to preach Dharma during their tours and direct charity into proper channels. Moral welfare of the subjects alone did not satisfy Aśoka. He took active steps to build roads and rest houses, to dig wells and to organise hospitals. He regarded the animal world also as falling within the scope of royal duties and responsibilities. He therefore built veterinary hospitals also to relieve the sufferings of the animal world. He was a realist and therefore did not stop completely the slaughter of animals for food; but he prohibited it on certain days of the months, which were regarded as holy by the Hindus and the Buddhists.

A Welfare State

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A survey of the nature and scope of the activities of the Mauryan state will show that it was largely a welfare state. It regarded itself as the trustee of the population as a whole and tried to harmonise the conflicting interests of its different classes. It tried to keep the scales even between the employer and employee by laying down that the former should pay the agreed wages even when no work was done, if it had to be stopped for no fault of the employee. On the other hand the labourer was punished if he neglected the work or committed theft or destroyed the raw material (III. 14). It protected the consumer by preventing merchant prices from cornering commodities and raising their prices. It regulated the prices of articles in the interest of the general consumer (II. 16), but while doing so, gave full consideration to the cost of the raw material and manufacture, and the toll and transport expenditure. Fraud on the customers was sought to be minimised by making the use of standardised and stamped weights and measures compulsory; traders using unauthorised measures were punished (II. 19). Merchants selling adulterated goods were also severely dealt with (VI. 2). The state, however, tried its best to help the traders and industrialists also by laying out roads, by ensuring the safety of traffic, and by constructing emporiums. Merchants were compensated for articles lost through any thefts in transit (VI. 13. The state no doubt took land tax, but it also financed irrigation works to help agriculture. It helped community projects by granting tax-exemption for four or five years to those villagers who constructed or repaired village dams, canals and roads. Material like timber and stone was also supplied free to the villagers for their works of public utility.

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The Mauryan state recognised its responsibility to the destitute and diseased. It offered doles to the orphans, the aged and the infirm, as also to poor women in the family way (II. 1. It also supplied work to persons in temporary difficulty; its spinning department supplied cotton to women whose guardians were away and later collected the yarn after paying for it (II. 23). Persons were not allowed to embrace asceticism without providing for their dependants; they were fined if they failed to maintain their children or minor brothers or sisters, when they were capable enough to do so (II. 1).

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The welfare state of the Mauryan period paid full attention to public hygiene. Every house was to have a dunghill and an outlet for refuse water (III. 8); throwing of refuse or dirt or a carcass on the road was an offence (II. 36). It further safeguarded the health of the citizens by penalising adulteration of grains, oils, salts and medicines (IV. 2). It took adequate measures against epidemics. When a famine broke out, state granaries were utilised for providing relief and seeds; an extra taxation was imposed upon the rich in order to relieve the poor (IV. 3). Government agencies were alert against fires breaking out and tried to mitigate the damage of monsoon floods (IV. 3).

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