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History of Technology in India, Vol. I: From Antiquity to c. 1200 A.D. v1.c23: 5. Textile Technology

History of Technology in India, Vol. I: From Antiquity to c. 1200 A.D. v1.c23

Language
English

Contents

5. Textile Technology

Introduction and Methodology

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In the absence of substantial material remains of Indian textile technology¹ in the pre-Islamic period we have depended more on the vibrancy of craft tradition both in terms of techniques, processes, tools and implements as well as that of hereditary skills transmitted across generations. The task of identifying the constituents of a tradition which existed at a remote period of time in India, is, therefore facilitated by the existence of a wide data base of ethnological evidence which lends itself to selective usage. The criteria for selection can be rationally explained as material artifacts and a living craft tradition are both subject to an inner logic which shapes the nature of innovation accepted and the norms which guide selectivity in obsolescence. This topic will not be taken up here as it involves aspects of a wide ranging methodological enquiry beyond the scope of the present exercise. For the purposes of this article, development in the area of textile technology will be broken down into its components of fibre, natural dye and loom structure.

Fibre

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Fibres used in India can be accommodated within the categories of bast, wool, silk and cotton. Animal skin and bark cloth², are, therefore, being excluded. Felt, *nāmdā*³, being non woven, may be classified as a fabric rather than a textile, and has been eliminated from the purview of this survey.

Bast Fibres

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The term bast fibre covers the category of strong ligneous fibres of which the most important are flax, hemp, jute and ramie, separated by the process of retting from certain parts of plant tissue. For the proper utilisation of such fibres the precise point at which further decomposition has to be arrested has to be accurately guaged. Fibres may be either woven into clothing or be diverted to the manufacture of cordage and meeting.

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Linen, referred to as *Kṣaumā* in early texts, is obtained from the plant *Linum usitatissimum*. The plant is called *Umā* in the *Caraka Saṃhitā* while Pāṇini uses the term *Kṣumā* and *atasi*. *Uma* and *Kṣumā* had the connotation of linen while *atasi* had that of linseed oil (Singh, M.N. pp.11-12). *Linum usitatissimum* was not indigenous to India and in antiquity it was cultivated in Egypt, Europe and Northern India. The attempt to popularise that plant for its flax fibre failed in this country, but as a source of linseed oil it was extensively cultivated (Singh, M.N. p.1)⁴. Flax fibres are long, lustrous, strong, and can stand up to high tension. They are smooth, hard faced, inelastic and resistant to abrasion. They are good heat conductors and readily absorb water.

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On the loom, warp ends can be set closely together as they are marginally affected by rubbing of adjacent warps when there is a change in shed. Individual fibres of good quality flax can be so delicate as to be close to being invisible, and very fine gossamer thin fabrics can be woven from such fibre. When flax is grown for fibre the seeds are sewn close together so that the stems grow straight and there are a minimum number of branches (Baines, p.3; Carrol, p. 15).

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The earliest references to *Kṣaumā* in the sense of linen garments occur in the *Maitrāyaṇīsaṃhitā* (3.6.7), and the *Taittirīyasaṃhitā* (6.1.1-3)⁵. Domestic production could not have been sufficient at all times to meet the demand and supplies must have been drawn from other sectors. Circa B.C. 600, the Phoenicians were distributing Egyptian linen in the Mediterranean region (Broudy, p.47). Since there is indication of the Phoenician network penetrating into Babylonia it would not be unreasonable to surmise that Egyptian linen was vended in India through a distribution system linking Western India to Babylonia through the Persian seaways. When the Roman market impinged on the Erythraean Sea, Egyptian linen was exported to India through intermediaries in Roman trade in payment for spices (Frank, p. 282)⁶. The predominant demand appears to have been for fine quality linen and in the *Amarakośa*, *Kṣaumā* is regarded as synonymous with *dukulā*. In course of time it was identified with the silk and between the 12th and 16th centuries A.D. its original meaning began to be forgotten (Sandesara and Mehta, p.28; Sarkar, p.60: Ray, p.195).

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Hemp receives mention in the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa* (Ray, p.197)⁷. The fibre, which is inelastic and crushes easily, is derived for purposes of weaving from the bark of *Cannabis sativa*, *Crotalaria juncea* and *Hibiscus cannabinus*. The oldest hempen fragment from *Cannabis sativa*, dated to circa B.C.800, has been found at Gordion in Asia Minor (Geijer, p.8). In India, however, *Cannabis sativa*, characterised as true hemp, has been cultivated predominantly for the narcotic extract obtained from its leaves and flowers. Known as *bhāṅga*, *vijaya* in Sanskrit, *gañjā* in Hindi, Bengali and Persian, it is indigenous to all parts of India. As a source of fibre, it has been utilised only in Nepal (Roxburgh, pp. 545, 718). The most popular source for hemp in India has been the bark of *Crotalaria juncea*, Sanskrit *śana*, Bengali *son*,. It is an annual plant cultivated in all parts of South Asia. The fibre in Bengal is whiter than that of Maharashtra because of the more rigorous processes of cleaning adopted. The history of *śana* pre-dates that of jute in India. The term gunny, carrying the connotation of jute in modern times, was derived from the term goṇi, a coarse cloth originally made from śaṇa (Roxburgh, p. 545; Watt, II, p.545).

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In the case of Hibiscus cannaibinus, mesta pāṭ in Bengal, ambaree or ambadi in Maharashtra Palungoo in Madras, the bark has been utilised for its fibre, while the leaves have served as a comestible. An alternative term adopted in Bombay for ambaree was Deccani hemp to distinguish it from Crotalaria juncea, or Koṅkani hemp. In the hilly areas of the region known earlier as the Circars in present day Andhra Pradesh, this plant was called Hibiscus collinus, the vernacular term being kanda gang (Roxburgh, p.528; Royle, pp.253-55, 261)8. It is called Hibiscus eriocarpus in present times. In central India, Verrier Elwin records that the Bondas, Gadabas and Parengas spin fibre from the bark of Calotropis gigantea. This is arka in Sanskrit, ak in Hindi and akado in Gujarati. This is mixed with cotton and woven on simple looms. Both fibres can be dyed. This cloth is called Keranga cloth (Elwin, pp.27, 33,35)9 (Figs. 1 & 2a-2d).

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Jute fibre is obtained from Corchorus olitorius and Corchorus capsularis. The plants are native to various parts of India and have been exploited in the pre-industrial period. Corchorus olitorius is called puṭṭā in Sanskrit and Pāṭ in Bengali (Roxburgh, pp. 428-29)10. The reddish variety was called bun (wild) pāṭ in Bengal. Woven material was called tāṭ. The term for coarser cloths used for making bags was choṭi, while saris were referred to as megila (Roxburgh, p.429; Watt,II,p.545; Royle, pp. 241-42)11. The fibre from the bark of Corchorus capsularis, called ghi-nalita pat in Bengal, was diverted to the manufacture of gunny bags and cordage (Royle, p.242; Watt, II, p. 545; Roxburgh,p.429)12. Other terms that are used for this fibre include narchā and nalitā. Thomas Wardle makes a reference which may have a bearing on earlier usages. Bark of the twigs of a small bush widespread both in its cultivated and wild form in the hotter areas of India, called Ulatkambal in Bengali, Abroma augusta, Linn. Sterculiaceae, yielded a lustrous, and soft fibre, akin to hemp and jute but distinct from both. It was much valued as it could be used as a substitute for silk (Wardle, p.119; Watt, I, p.8, Abroma augusta Linn q.v).

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Fig. 1. Keranga cloth woven by Bonda women, District Korapat, Orissa. This is a sample of a female hip cloth. Men wear similar pieces as loin cloth

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Fig.2a. Loom used in weaving Keranga cloth

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Fig.2b. Weaving process in Kerāṅga cloth. Note heddle stick, absence of need, yarn wound around a stick which serves as shuttle and the continuous warp

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The technology for the separation of jute fibre was simple. When the crop was ripe, it was cut down close to the roots. Separate bundles of the stems were made and these were left to steep in the water of some adjoining ditch. The bundles were weighted down with mud. The process of decomposition was carefully watched, the bark being tested from time to time by scratching the surface with the fingernail. At the next stage the separated fibres would be vigorously beaten for cleaning (Royle, pp. 242, 248-49).

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Fig.2c. Fibre from Calotropis gigantea, Kerānga. Photographs 2a-2c, Courtesy, Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneshwar

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The last major group among bast fibres has been associated with the plant Boehmeria nivea, commonly referred to as ramie or China grass. Regional variations in nomenclature were schou-ma in Chinese Poah in Nepal, rhea in Assamese (Balfour, II, p.403; VII, p.403)¹³, karikhura in Bengali and ramie in Malay. Forbes Royle notes that circa, 1855 rhea was not a commercial crop in Assam. It was grown around their homes by Dooms, members of the fisherman caste, and used by them for their needs (Royle, p.345). The preparation of fibre was a tedious process. Despite the silkiness of individual filaments, the inherent stiffness of the fibre made it difficult to twist, making its spinning an arduous process (Watt, I,p. 474).

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In Darjeeling, Dehra Dun and other places in North India, a related plant, Boehmeria puya Royle, was grown, puya fabric being woven from this fibre. The fibres derived from Boehmeria salicifolia and Boehmeria utilis were used for making rope (Balfour, II,p.403). These references to ramie as identified above, make it clear that the woven material could not have been of very high quality.

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However, in the Rāmāyaṇa, ramie or nettle cloth receives high praise for its fineness and beauty. Samples of ramie in Japanese collections are also of a high quality. The above reference may be taken to imply *Urtica heterophylla*, the *Horoo surat* of Assam, the Nilgiri nettle of South India and *herpah* of Bhutan. This plant, the bark of which yields an abundance of fine, white glossy silk-like fibres, grows in Burma, Assam, the Himalayan foothills up to Dehra Dun, Southern Konkan, Karnataka and coastal Kerala. The nettle cloth mentioned in the *Rāmāyaṇa* may have been derived from the fibre of this plant (Watt. I, p. 472; Royle, pp.366-367). Varrier Elwin noted that among the tribal groups of the North-East, the Monpas, Sherdukpens and Idu Mishmi wove fibres derived from *Boehmeria nivea* and other of nettle origin into a cloth which was made into jackets. These were so strong and stiff that they could serve as a kind of armour (Elwin, pp. 68-69, 131).

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In his seventeenth century diary, Streynsham Master refers to a textile called *herba*, while an eighteenth century French commercial dictionary mentions a bast fibre called simply *ecorce d'arbre* (bark of tree), said to stand midway between silk and hemp in its attributes. It was mixed with silk to weave the cloth variety called gingham. In view of the affinity between Rhea and fibres such as wool and silk pointed out by G.Watt, this fibre noted by the Europeans may be taken as a variant of *Boehmeria nivea*¹⁴. It could equally well be associated with *Ulatkambal*, mentioned by Thomas Wardle.

Wool

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Woollen fabrics have a tradition as old as that of bast fibres in India. Panini refers to the category of woollen garments as *aurna/aurnak*¹⁵. By the opening years of the Christian era not only was sheep's wool differentiated from that of the goat but even in the latter category, a line was drawn between the fibres derived from the domesticated variety and its wild counterpart (Varadarajan, 1984). The properties of wool had a bearing on its usage as a fibre. Wool is elastic and its fibres have a rough surface. This is caused by an external layer of microscopic overlapping scales. Wool can absorb 30% of its own weight as moisture, and when wet it generates heat. It can be stretched 30% beyond its normal dimension and still spring back to its original configuration when released. It is wrinkle resistant and has high powers of insulation. It is for this reason that desert dwellers wear wool to keep the heat out (Brown, p.213). These properties explain why wool was accorded a high ritual status in early texts.

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Unlike flax, wool requires little preparation for spinning. It can be spun directly after carding. However, for high quality items like *Kāni Paśminā* it was scoured and graded prior to carding and spinning operations¹⁶. Since wool possessed a natural fatty material washing was essential prior to dyeing. When placed on the loom warp ends had to be spaced to prevent or minimise the tendency to catch, cling or lock together on contact. However, once positioned safely wool keeps in place and this has favoured its usage in tapestry weaving.

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It is therefore, not surprising to note the double interlock a variant within the tapestry reportoire, developing in relation to *Kāni Paśminā* in Kashmir¹⁷.

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Owing to geographical and environmental factors, wool, over the major portion of India, is of inferior quality. Apart from Kashmir, Kutch and Saurashtra in Gujarat, and centres in Western Rajasthan, have developed items of variegated design in polychrome hues using rough quality sheeps' wool. In areas of low to deficient rainfall in Northern India, the camel is an important domesticated animal, but the hair of the Indian one-humped dromedary, unlike that of the Bactrian two-humped animal, is not altogether suitable for weaving. The Meghwal Community in Rajasthan weave a floor covering in which the warp is hand spun goat hair, and the weft, camel hair (Figs. 3a-3c).

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Fig.3a. Loom of Meghwal community. Continuous goat hair warp, no reed. Two weavers sit on either side of the loom. There is no pit. The weft yarn is wrapped around a stick about 2 1/2' in length. This is slipped through each shed as it is formed. The single shaft consists of a series of heddles passing through every alternate end. This is mounted on a heddle rod balanced on two sets of longitudinal poles. The upper rod slides alongwith its stand as weaving progresses. The weavers also move forward as weaving advances

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Fig.3b. Shed formation. In order to create a shed the suspended heddle shaft is slightly lifted. A flat stick is inserted in the small shed formed. This stick is then turned on its side to get a wider opening. The counter shed is formed by taking out the flat stick and bringing the shed rod closer to the heddle shaft. Although there is a continuous warp, usually the full warp is stretched out horizontally

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Fig. 3c. After completion of each pick the weave is beaten in by two pānja beaters. Figs. 3a,b,c were taken at a fair organized for Adivasis at Sanskar Kendra, Ahmedabad, February, 1992. The two weavers, Amba Ram and Sanook Kastura Ram, hail from Gam Megha Par, Post Rama, Jilla Jaisalmer

Silk

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The silk tradition in India is a very early one and by the time of the compilation of the *Arthasastra*¹⁸ there had emerged a clear sense of the distinction between Indian and Chinese silk, and, within India, there was an association between the colour and the quality of local bi- and multi-voltine cocoons of *Bombyx mori* (mulberry feeding moth), and that spun from the cocoon of the multi-voltine *Atticus ricini* (Eri). Wild silk is reeled from *Antherea mylitta* (Tasar), *Antherea assamensis* and *Saturnia assama* (Muga). Eri is also obtained from the cocoons of the moth *Philosamia cynthia* (Wardle, pp. 5-6, 55; Nanavaty, pp. 193-210)¹⁹. Bengal and Assam have been the traditional centres for mulberry silk. Muga and Eri are restricted to Assam, while Tasar has been produced in Bengal, Orissa, Bihar and Andhra Pradesh.

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Mulberry silk has a tradition of being woven even in areas ignorant of its cultivation, but the weaving of wild silk has tended to be more localised being generally restricted to the actual regions where the raw material was produced. (For further details see Varadarajan, 1986, pp.189-198; 1988, pp 561-570).

Cotton

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The cradle of cotton cultivation appears to have been the Northwestern part of South Asia. There seems to have been two species, *Gossypium arboreum* and *Gossypium, horbaceum*. Three samples of cotton, dated circa B.C. 1760 have been found in Mohenjodaro. Two items constitute the base fibre for string but there is also a small 34 count cotton woven fragment comprising 60 ends and 20 picks per inch. A portion of one of the strings tested showed that the cotton was of the *G. arboreum* variety. Both varieties existed in their perennial forms in areas with adequate water and warm temperature. The appearance of the annual variety of *G.herbaceum*, which could be diffused over a larger area is dated circa late 6th early 7th centuries A.D. and its earliest appearance is associated with the Turfan region of Sinkiang. It soon became the predominant species in India as well ²⁰. The highest achievement in the area of textiles in India are associated with manipulation of this fibre.

Indian Predelictions in colour and levels attained in Dye Technology

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By and large, pre-Islamic Indian predelictions in colour tended towards a sober palate ²¹. The range of colour in cotton dyeing was based on blue and black from *Indigofera tinctoria*, black from iron acetate or a ferrugenous earth from Kutch called *Khayo*, red from either *Rubia cordifolia*, *Morinda citrifolia* or *Ventilago madraspatana*, yellow from *Curcuma longa* (turmeric), *Punica granatam* (pomegranate rind) or *Mangifera indica* (mango bark extract). Different shades could be obtained by combining individual dyeing procedures. Tanning and mordanting were very important pre-dyeing operations for cotton ²². In Egypt mordanting in linen was practiced but the importance of tanning for fixing of the mordant was mastered in India ²³. There is some variation in methods of dyeing and dyes used in the range of fibres such as silk and wool ²⁴. In the case of silk, efficient degumming is essential for success in subsequent dyeing operations. Generally, the yarn rather than the woven fabric has been dyed.

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Techniques of patterning achieved through variation in colour are associated with the practice of *ikat*, *plāngī*, painting or block printing. Batik as practiced in Indonesia involving usage of cold dyes is alien to the Indian tradition. However, in Mundhra, Kutch, there is a tradition of resist dyeing in which the resist paste, *minia*, is made of a mixture of top soil of goats pens which includes goats droppings, *gugul* local incense resin, olibanum, Fuller's earth and gum made into paste consistency which withstands hot dyeing. The colour palette comprised red, white and black. (Oral information: Shri Khodidas Parmar, Bhavnagar.) The earliest methods of dye patterning were accomplished by resisting through knotting of either the yarn as in *ikat*, or the finished product, as in *plāngī/bandhanī*, prior to processes of colouration. Fabrics could also be dye-patterned either by means of painting, or by stamping of mordant and resist with wooden blocks, the end product was called *Kalamkari* or Cit²⁵. Tie & dye may be practiced on wool, silk and cotton. In India painting and stamping has tended to predominate on cotton.

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²⁵ *Kalamkari* or Cit.

Indian Loom Technology

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The loom has been defined by Dorothy Burnham as, “any device for weaving on which the warp may be arranged and openings for the passage of the weft formed through it by a shedding mechanism” (Hoffmann, p.7). The predominant loom in India has been the pitloom of the horizontal counter-balance treadle type (*Fig.4.*). Broadly speaking, on the basis of ethnological evidence, the evolution of the Indian loom could be postulated as follows: at the first stage the loom may have had shed sticks and heddles (*Figs. 3a, 3b.*). Next came the introduction of the reed (*Fig.4*), shaft, treadle and, perhaps, the barrell dobby²⁶ (*Fig. 5.*).

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²⁶ barrell dobby.

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The loin or body tension loom is used in the northeastern part of the country. It is a very early loom type used extensively in East and Southeast Asia in which the weaver regulates tension by moving backwards or forwards as required in course of weaving. This movement releases the warp threads and also facilitates the separation of the sheds (For details, see Shirali, pp. 83-87) (*Figs. 6a-c*).

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Fig.4. Horizontal counter balance pit loom with shafts and treadles. This loom is positioned within the living accommodation of the weaver and, therefore, allows for integration with other domestic activities and pastimes. Note the narrow reed. This loom is used for weaving tribal loin cloths. Weaver, Sri Rama Bhai Wanker, Chota Udepur, Gujarat

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Fig.5. Barrel dobby mechanism. The loom used for weaving Karvathi Kati dhoti. Photographed at Suraj Mela, 1987

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The loom used for Patola (double ikat) weaving in Patan, Gujarat, receives support from above and the sides. It is bereft of a treadle mechanism. It is a single harness loom with provision for two sheds. Every alternative warp end is threaded through a half heddle. Thus the shedding arrangement is based upon the division of the warp ends into two units. The shed rod is used to form one shed and half heddles for the formation of the second. These groupings of odd and even ends interlace alternately in course of weaving. The weaving sword helps in extending each shed opening and is used for beating in the weft. The resultant weave is an even tabby (Figs. 7a-c,8).

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Ornamentation on the loom can be achieved by introducing variations in color while maintaining a simple tabby weave (Fig.8). Similar effects can be achieved by using double cloth techniques in which warp ends are manipulated at two or more levels by relevant shafts and heddles. An example of this technique may be found in the khes²⁷ of Punjab (Figs.9a-b.). Items similar in patterning and technique and dated between the 12th and 16th centuries in the Dumbarton Oaks, collection, U.S.A., have been assigned an Egyptian provenance. This corresponds to the period between the Ayyubid and Mamluk dynasties thus reinforcing a Near Eastern origin for the sub- category called majñu in India (Thompson, pp. 35-36; Lamm, p.60, plate XXA, B).

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However, the double cloth technique also appears to have enjoyed an indigenous base. This is evidenced in the Deccani double coloured Pitāmbar sāri, a silken ritual (ii)

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Fig.6a. Loin loom and loom parts. (1. Bamboo which serves the same purpose as the warp beam in a horizontal loom, 2. Thin bamboo rod which acts as a lease rod, 3. Bamboo shod stick, 4. Thin bamboo heddle stick which holds the yarn heddles, 5. Wooden beater, 6. Wooden rods which serve the same purpose as the cloth beamin a horizontal loom, 7. Leather back- strap, 8. The continuous warp, 9. The woven fabric, 10. Mat spread on the floor on which the weaver sits

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Fig.6b. Change of shed in loin loom.
(i) 1. Lease rod, 2. Bamboo shod stick, 3. Heddle rod, 4. Yarn to make the heddle, 5. Weft
(ii) 1. Lease rod, 2. Bamboo shod stick, 3. New position of the heddle rod, 4. Weft. 6a,b from Aditi Shirali’s, Textile and Bamboo crafts of the Northeastern Region, Ahmedabad, 1983, pp.86-87 garment in which each side of the *sāri* presents a completely different colour field (*Fig.10*). However, the multiple cloths which evolved in the Near East have been absent in the Indian tradition.

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Fig.6c. Shrimati Lungham Chothe of Chandel, Manipur, demonstrating weaving on loin loom. Photographed at Craft

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One of the characteristics of the Indian loom has been the intensive use of shafts and treadles to achieve extra warp and weft patterning. For extra warp however, an ingenious device, the barrel dobby is much in evidence today. The dobby was patented in England but its roots may well lie in shaft and peddle devices used in extra warp ornamentation as in the *Paiṭhāni* loom, Maharashtra.

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For narrow weaving as in borders, *Pāgris*, and for cross borders, looms with multiple shafts have proved popular solutions (*Figs.11a-c*). For weaving of *newar* and *patti*, used in providing the base on bed frames and for winding around the calves of persons having to stand for long periods, variations of the fixed heddle and looms with shafts have been used (*Fig 12.*) Such looms are in operation to this day in Wadhwan, Gujarat. Tablet weaving (*Fig.13*) is used as a finishing technique for *dhablas*, used as shawls or as body garments in Gujarat. It also appears to have been utilised in the weaving of tapes (*Fig.14*) used for tying bundles of manuscripts of a religious nature.

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Fabrics can also be ornamented by the *jāmdāni* (*Fig.15a,b*), slit, single and double interlock as also the dovetail tapestry techniques (*Figs.16a-d,17a-b*). None of these methods of weaving involve usage of elaborate loom procedures. The investment is in terms of manual skill. *Jāmdāni* and tapestry both pre-date the introduction of the Islamic repertoire in weaves. In *Jāmdāni*, which falls under the category of Supplementary weft inlaid, pattern ends are manually lifted with the pattern weft and ground weft positioned within the same shed (*Fig. 15a-b*). Major centres of *Jamdani* have been Dhaka, Tanda, Uppada and Paithan.

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Slit tapestry, an early technique associated with Coptic tapestry, is found in the *pānjā dari* (*Fig.18*); single and double interlock (*Fig.16 b.c*), occur in Kani Pashmina, to mention one example; the prime example of dovetail tapestry is the Kulu and Kinnaur body wrapper of Himachal Pradesh (Fig.19.).

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Fig.7a. Pāṭolā Loom and parts. (1. Pole for fastening the loom, 2. Warp beam, 3. Ditto, 4. Stick, 5,6,7 Cross mechanism with indented stick, 8. Shed rod, 9. Pressure bar with handle, 10. Heddle rod mechanism and heddles, 11. Sword, 12. Breast beam, 13. Shuttle)

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Fig.7b (i). Pāṭolā Loom, cross section of shedding mechanism, shed. 1. Warp beam, 2. Stick, 3. Ditto, 4.5,6. Cross mechanism with indented stick, 7. Shed rod, 8. Pressure bar with handle, 9. Heddle rod mechanism and heddles, 10. Sword, 11. Cloth bea

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Fig.7b (ii). Pāṭolā Loom, cross section of shedding mechanism, counter shed. 1. Warp beam, 2. Stick, 3. Ditto, 4,5,6. Cross mechanism with indented stick, 7. Shed rod, 8. Pressure bar with handle, 9. Heddle rod mechanism and heddles, 10. Sword, 11. Cloth bea

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Fig.7c. Pāṭolā loom and work area. Operated by family of Sri Chotulal Salvi, Patan, Gujarat. Photographed in September, 1977

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Fig.8. Structure of tabby weave

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Fig.9a. Sample of khes. Courtesy, Pānipat Textiles and Handicrafts Pānipat

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Fig.9b. Samples of majnu. Courtesy, Pānipat Textiles and Handicrafts, Pānipat

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Fig.10. Structure of two faced Pitāmbar

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Fig.11a. Multi shaft and peddle loom used for weaving sāri borders

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Fig. 11b. Shaft and peddle attachments. Note narrow width of border, geometrical mirror image motifs and bobbin used

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Fig. 11c. Manipulation of peddles with the big toe of each foot. Figures 11a-c were photographed in August, 1981, at the loom operated by Sri Mani Lal Somnath Sakdi at his home/workplace, Serima Jeevan Pole, Ahmedabad

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Fig. 12. Newar shaft loom. From sample Book dated circa A.D. 1880 Courtesy, Kutch Museum, Bhuj

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Fig.13. Tablet weaving apparatus

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In South India where garments follow the mode of the ground fabric being fashioned in one colour with borders of another, the interlock is found at junctions where two opposing weft coloured picks are united. Since three separate shuttles are used in this category of weaving, this is also called the three shuttle technique (Fig.20).

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Fig.14. Tapes for tyeing manuscripts, possibly made in Varanasi, acquired in A.D.1885. It is double faced in reversible colour. Courtesy, Museum of Ethnography, Department of Southeast Asia, Berlin

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Fig.15a. Structure of Jāmdānī fabric. (1. Warp, 2. Weft, 3. Supplementary weft)

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The major differentiation between the North and South Indian schema in ornamentation is that in the former there is greater reliance on weft patterning whereas in the latter there has been a greater orientation to warp ornamentation. This is reflected in loom typology. The ability to experiment with weft structures is associated with the development of the reed which ensures a more even separation of ends and maintenance of tension. The reed number is related to the count of the yarn, and this in turn, conforms to the structure of the fabric. Its presence on the loom would also facilitate the working of loom attachments such as multiple shafts and harnesses.

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The level at which major innovations to the loom begin to taper off is marked at the point when the harness attachment, associated with the drawloom, comes into existence. Functionally, the mechanism of the North, simplistically called the Banaras jala, and that of the South identified through the terms, jhungu and adai, are similar.

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Fig. 15b. Lifting of warp ends for design area in Moirangphee fabric done through the Jamdani technique. Srimath Lungham Chothe, Chandel, Manipur, Photographed at Craft Museum, New Delhi, 1990

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Fig. 16a. Structure of slit tapestry as in pānja dari

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However, there is a wide disparity if these are viewed from the points of view of origin and chronology. The Banaras jala is derived from the Persian drawloom which achieved its specific identity under the Seljuks, A.D. 1038-1194 (Wulff, p. 176; Varadarajan. 1991, pp. 208, 217, 4.5). This would place the Banaras jala well within the medieval period. The lineage of the ādāi and jhuṅgu (Fig.21) on the other hand, can be traced to the Malay Kota Bahru and the Chinese Han dynasty derived Kuala Trengganu loom of Thailand²⁸. In ādāi, the weaver manipulates the extra warp ends by pulling jhurigu, tassels attached to these ends above the loom (Fig.22a.). For elaborate weft ornamentation a helper standing to the side of the loom operates the harness (Fig.22 b).

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Fig.16b. Structure of single weft interlock found, on occasion, in Kānī Pashminā

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Fig. 16c. Structure of double interlock found in Kānī paśminā and Paithānī borders an Pallus

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Fig.16d. Structure of dovetailing. This is found in Panja dari weaves and border ornamentation of Kulu and Kinnaur weaves, Himachal Pradesh

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Fig. 17a. Sample of double interlock on Paithani pallu. Reverse side. Note verticle ridges at colour junctions where double interlocking has taken place

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Fig. 17b. Sample of double interlock in Kani Paśminā. Reverse side

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Fig. 18. Pañjā Dari. Courtesy, Pānipat textiles and Handicrafts, Pānipat. The actual slit is prevented as color junctions follow a stepped outline

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Fig. 19. Loom of Srimati Gyan Bhagati, Thapasari village, Kinnaur. The red weft is passed manually under lifted ends. Note jagged outlines of white motif where dovetailing with orange weft has taken place on the vertical plane

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Fig.20. Structure of three shuttle weaving

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Fig.21. The Ādāi Loom. 01. Comber Board, 02. Harness, 03. Maileyers, 04. Varnish Healds, 05. Lingo, 06. Jungus, 07. Shafts, 08. Reed, 09. Cloth beam, 10. Warp beam, 11. Cross threads, 12. Cross border Juṅgus, 13. Pedals

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Fig.21a. Part detail of Harness for Ādāi for extra warp

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Fig.21b. Cross border pattern healds (vaḍi) tie-up order

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Fig.22a. Weaver manipulating Jhuṅgu for border ornamentation

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Fig 22b. Woman manipulating ādāi. 22a, b, photographed in June, 1981 at the Kalakṣetra Craft Education Centre, Adyar, Madras

Conclusion

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In the absence of archaeological evidence and written records pertaining to textile technology, any attempt to trace the evolution of this technology during the ancient period has to be based on ethnographic evidence and craft tradition. Methodological problems arise which can be traced to the implicit dichotomy between historical evidence for which an established time frame and chronology are of prime importance, and ethnological evidence which cuts through the barrier of time and finds its anchorage in cultural modes. However, there is an innate logic in the latter which facilitates identification of false presumptions, bringing inferences made in this sphere into line with hard historical evidence. It is this methodology which has been adopted in this review aimed at tracing textile technology of the ancient period in India.

Notes

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The term textile is derived from Latin, texere, to weave. It refers to woven (i.e. interlaced warp-weft) fabrics The term, fabric, is a generic term for all fibrous constructions (Emery, "The Primary Structures of Fabrics", 1980 p.XVI.) For definition of cloth see Emery, pp.86, 208-210.

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Usage of animal skin by ascetics is mentioned in the Ṛgveda. This text is dated by Kane between B.C.4000- 1000. Vedic texts refer to animal skins as ajina Macdonnell, and Keith, p.14, ajina, q.v. The bark cloth tradition which is so rich in Africa and the Pacific Islands, is relatively weak in India. Valkala, a bark cloth worn by ascetics, is mentioned in the Yājñavalkya-smṛti and the Mahābhārata (Monier Williams, p.928 Valkala q.v.; Sardesai and Padhya, p.61). The Yājñavalkyasmṛti and Mahābhārata have been dated respectively between A.D. 100-300 (Kane,) and between B.C. 4th century to A.D.4th century (Winternitz, p.465, Krishnamoorthy, p.272). Both these texts refer to a bark cloth, potti in usage in the districts of Ganjam in Orissa and Vishakhapatnam in Andhra Pradesh. It is not clear if this has been confused with the woven bast fibre, pāṭa, which, according to Professor R.S. Singh (formerly of the Department of Rasa Shastra, Institute Medical Sciences, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi), is derived from a plant of the Malvaceae family, the fabric being called Pāṭu (see below paṭṭa n.10).

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At a much later date, the Garo tribe of Northeast India receive notice for Phakram, Grewia (Leea) liliaefolia; Thewek, like Phakram, a leguminous tree; Phrap, a Ficus, and Chram, an Artocarpus jack fruit. See Walker, pp.15- 16. Mittre on p.46 notes that in South India bark of Antiaris toxicara is soaked and beaten into cloth.

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3. Namda, felt, is made from sheep wool in Kutch Gujarat, Tonk, Rajasthan and in Kashmir. The wool fibre is spread on some material which serves as a mat. The wool is moistened, rolled and pounded until the fibres adhere to each other and mesh into a fabric. Irene Emery ascribes its origins to the nomadic peoples of Central Asia. (Emery 1980, p.22). Wuff(p.222) identifies a date as early as B.C. 2300 to felt in Chinese sources). On the basis of the documentation of felt making described by Louis D. Levine (pp.203-211) at the Kurdish village, Seh Gabi, and equivalent field data available in India, it is clear that the same techniques are followed at Indian centres. Emery (1980) distinguishes between felt and felting as a finishing process in woven cloth. In the latter, woven woollen cloth in subjected to the same process as for felt, and the resulting fabric may present a similar surface appearance. Such a process should, however, be called fulling (Emery 1980, p. 23). India also has a tradition of felting. According to Sri Gangalal Weaver, Chitkul Village, Kinnaur, Himachal Pradesh, after completion of weaving of local woollen material it is soaked in a large container. It is then foot pounded for one day in the same waterfilled container. After drying it is ready for use. Kharcha cloth woven in narrow width from inferior quality shawl goat underfur is fulled in the same way. Kharcha has a multiplicity of uses and is reputed to be waterproof.

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4. It is possible that Linum usitatissimum was introduced from Ferghana into China. However, in China as in India, It was only grown for oil, (Laufer, pp.293-294).

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5. Sandesara and Mehta p.27. The Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitā and Taittirīya Saṃhitā are dated respectively to circa B.C.4000 (Kane), and B.C. 1600. (Satya Prakash, and Sharma, p.5).

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6. Mesopotamia had developed its expertise in wool, Egypt had traditionally been the centre for linen weaving. The decline of flax as an agricultural crop in Egypt is traced to the 12th century, A.D. Syria, 1935 Wiet, p. 279; Forbes, p.160; Frantz-Murphy, pp.245, 297.

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7. The *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa*, dated to between B.C. 4000-1000 (Kane, V), mentions hemp as *śaṇa*.

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8. It is of interest that in Bengal and Orissa, there is living memory of a cheaper variant of the silken ritual garment, called *paṭṭa vastra*. These are said to have been woven of a mixture of silk and hemp, or of hemp alone. In Maharashtra a similar garment exists, referred to as *mugaṭa*. In present times, with the help of modern technology, rayon *paṭṭa vastra* are being fashioned.

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9. The Bonds and the Gadaba are associated with the Korapat District and the Dudma Falls respectively in Orissa. Samples of Keranga cloth are displayed in the Department of Anthropology, Utkal University, Bhubaneshwar. The loom is a simple frame loom.

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10. A degree of confusion has emerged resulting from a common terminology, *pat/paṭṭa/puṭṭa* for silk as well as jute, Singh, B.N., has demonstrated that *paṭṭa* can be taken as a reference to a cloth woven from a variety of bast fibres. Initially it was dervived from plants of the Malvaceae, shifting later to the *Hibiscus cannibinus* grouping. However, after the 4th century A.D. the term *paṭṭa* was also imbued with the connotation of silk (Gulati p.3). It is possible that the Bengali term *pāṭ* for jute was coined because of the glossy appearance of the fibre.

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11. Royle notes that in Bengal Hindus were engaged in the manufacture of jute while Muslims turned to cotton, pp.248-249.

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12. The manufacture of rope from coir was restricted in earlier times to Kerala and the Lakshadweep Islands. Bast fibres served the same purpose elsewhere. However, bast fibre cordage could not substitute for coir when it come to the equipment of ships tackle in earlier times.

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13. Schou-me is equated with China grass. Royle describes this as *Urtica nivea*. Hamilton and Robinson concur with Royle and define its usage as exclusive to that of rope making. According to W. Robinson, it was another species of *Urtica* called *ban khua* in local parlance, which was used in weaving, Royle, p.241; Robinson, p.67; Hamilton, p.59.

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¹⁴ Master, Streynsham (p.136, Temple p.339) equates *herba/erba* with *tasar*, a wild silk. For *écorce d'arbre* see Savary II, p.239, *ecorce d'arbre*, q.v.

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¹⁵ Satya Prakash, R.S. Sharma, p.5, date the *Pāṇini sūtras* to B.C.

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⁵⁰⁰ For further references to wool see Ray, pp.208-210; Singh, and Ahivasi, pp. 1-7. Sangam classics such as the *Silappadikaram* contain references to usage of rats' hair in wool fabrication in the south but such production must have been of marginal importance. See Dikshitar, p.54.

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¹⁶ Wilson, pp.168-178; Gazeteer of Kashmir and Ladak reprint 1974, pp. 69-74; Khan, p.232; Khushi Mohammad, p.181; Barker p.318; Carroll, pp.25-26.

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¹⁷ With regard to the antiquity of the tapestry weave it is of interest to note that the earliest Egyptian tapestry was excavated from the tomb of Thotmes IV, B.C. 1405. Broudy, p.44. The tradition in Egypt is that of slit tapestry.

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¹⁸ For silk in *Arthaśāstra* see Kangle.II pp.104-105, 2.11 102-124.Prof.B.N.Mukherjee (Oral communication,30 Dec, 1981, Dept. of

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Ancient Indian History, Calcutta, dates Arthaśāstra to a point earlier than first century A.D.

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19. For further details refer to Yusuf Ali, pp. 1-8. The distinction between domesticated and will silk is based on whether the worm can be reared under controlled conditions or not, i.e. whether the worm is fed indoors or left to find its nutriment and complete its life cycle outdoors.

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20. Candolle, pp. 403-405. For the find of madder dyed cotton fibre in Mohenjodaro circa second millenium B.C. see Gulati, Turner, pp.1,4,9; Watson, pp. 356-357, 359- 360, n.7, 363-364.

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21. For further development of the argument see Varadarajan 1985, p.65; Varadarajan, 1984, p.234.

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22. For the technology of cotton dyeing see Varadarajan, 1982, pp. 46-59, 75-89; Varadarajan, 1983, pp.43-65; Varadarajan 1991, pp. 210-213.

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23. In Egypt textile dyeing is associated with the New Kingdom, B.C. 1570-1085. Funerary inscriptions indicate that red, blue and green were required by the gods and the deceased. However, with the exception of indigo, expertise in dye technology for linen was difficult to attain and dyes were very expensive. Upto the early 6th century A.D., therefore, clothing of the Egyptians in daily life tended to be monochrome. Carroll, p.32; Vogler, pp.162-163.

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24. For wool and silk dyeing see Muhammad Hadi, pp.35- 41,41-44.

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25. A variation of block printing restricted to silk guaze was the clamp resive method practiced in Gujarat. See Buhler, and Fischer, pp.3-7.

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26. Varadarajan and Patel, p.20. The reed not only maintains even spacing and tension but also serves to comb the warp ends in course of weaving.

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27. The item categorised as khes in Pakistan corresponds to the article in Fig. 9b. In India, however, there appears to have been two categories, khes and majnu. Khes is a rough quality off-white or checked handloom material used as wrapper in Punjab. According to Sri D.N. Vij, Panipat Textile Handicrafts, Panipat, majnu is a double cloth with a patterning as shown in Fig. 9b. The technique was ascribed by him to Multan.

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28. This problem has been discussed in greater depth in Varadarajan and Patel, pp.8-11.

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Linked texts (12)