Defence Architecture in Early North Karnataka c11: Chapter - III

Defence Architecture in Early North Karnataka c11

Language: English

c11.s1 Historical background — 2 parts
c11.s2 Description of the Fort — 7 parts
c11.s3 The Fort in Sannati — 45 parts

Chapter - III

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The Forts in Banavāsi and Sannati - Description and critical Analysis The political history of North Karṇāṭaka begins with the rule of Mauryas who had extended their empire as far down as the Tungabhadrā valley. The Minor edicts of Aśōka are found in Siddāpura, Jaṭṭiṅgarāmēshwara and Brahmagiri. The edict in Brahmagiri the most important, for it contains the orders of Aśōka the Mauryan emperor (273-232 B.C.) conveyed through the provincial governor of Suvarnagiri to the Mahāmātra stationed at Isila. Isila was, therefore, one of the administrative Head-quarters of the southern province, namely of Suvarnagiri. This Isila township must be in the vicinity of the edict. It is with this clue, Dr. M.H. Krishna, the then Director of the Department of Archaeology of the Old Mysore State explored the whole area near the edict, and discovered an ancient habitation site; (Annual Report of the *Mysore Archaeological Department*, 1940, pp. 63-74). He excavated the site and found that the area was occupied from very early times by the people using some stone tools such as microliths and Neoliths; immediately followed by the people using iron. Then followed the development of a town that was called Isila referred to in the edict. Material remains of every day use, structural parts etc. were traced. His inferences were later confirmed by further excavations carried out most methodically and scientifically by Wheeler (*AI*. No.4, pp. 181-308).

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Asokan edicts also have been found in Maski in Lingasgur Taluka and Koppal, both in Raichur district and two adjacent villages namely Nittur and Udēgolam of Bellary district. That the very existences of these edicts containing the royal commands indicate that they were of considerable importance in the reign of the king. In these places also similar ancient habitation sites have been traced and excavations have been conducted in Maski (*AI* No.13, pp. 4-142), which reveal similar sequence of cultures as known from Brahmagiri.

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But, in spite of intensive explorations and excavations in all these places, no remains of defensive walls enclosing the township have been noticed, and reported. However, all these places are located in the midst of hill valleys. The surrounding hill ranges had been sufficiently defensive, providing considerable protection from possible sudden attack from outside. Secondly these formed the southern border of the Mauryan empire that was away from the other contemporary kingdoms in the deep south, such as the Chōḷas and the Pāṇḍyas, referred to in the Aśōkan edicts No.2 and No.13. Thirdly, during the Mauryan period, this region was only an administrative centre, but was not politically active inviting the attention of the powerful rulers. Hence probably no necessity was felt by the administrative officers to think of having defensive walls enclosing the township.

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In the wake of the decline of Mauryan, there arose another political power gradually in the Deccan namely the Sātavāhanas. Their capital was at Pratigṭhānapura i.e.modern Paithan (in Aurangābād District, Mahārāṣtra). During their reign in the North Karṇāṭaka,their feudatories, such as the Kuras in Goa, and Kārwar regions, the Chutus in Banavāsi region and the Mahāraṭhis in Chitradurga,Bellary and Raichur region, were ruling. Their coins are found in large numbers in some places of their regions such as Banavasi, Chandravalli Maski etc.(Narashimha Murthy,A.V., 1975, pp. 48-49).

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In Karṇāṭaka there are remnants of forts at least in two places Banavāsi and Sannati. Now let us try to examine these two forts.

Historical background

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During the imperial Satavahana rule from Pratishthanapura i.e. modern Paithen, Banavasi was the capital of one of their feudatories, namely the Chutus. Their genealogy (Desai, P.B. *et.al* 1970, pp. 55) is as follows:

Genealogy of the Chuṭus

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Vinhukada Chuṭukulananda Śatakarni I Sivaskandanagasri Viṇhukaḍa Chuṭukulānada Śatakarni II

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The well-known Naga inscription (*SII*, Vol. XX, No.1) speaks of Viṇhu Kada Chuṭukulānanda as a ruler there and his daughter Śivakhēda Nāgasiri had donated a Vihāra, a tank and the Naga image, sculptured by Naṭaka. Of late, one more inscription on an Ayaka Pillar mentioning the name of Sivasiri Pulumāvi is found (Mirasi, V.V. 1976, pp. 26-28). He is identified with Vāsiṣṭhiputra Puḷumāvi, a son of Gautamīputra Śātakarṇi. It is suggested that the rule of Śātavāhanas was extended over this part of Karnāṭaka and the queen in whose memory the Āyaka Pillar was set up probably hailed from Karnāṭaka and died at Banavāsi (*Ibid*). Thus, from these two inscriptions we find the establishment and continuation of the Sā́-tavāhana rule in the 2nd and 3rd century A.D.,respectively. It is likely, the extension of the Śātavāhana rule over this part may be slightly earlier i.e. from 1st century A.D., although there are no direct evidences to prove this suggestion. These two inscriptions any way clearly indicate Banavāsi as the capital of the Chuṭus.

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The whole of Banavāsi area is an ancient site with the cultural remains datable from about 1st century B.C.to 2nd century A.D. end. References even from the time of the Mauryan emperor Aśóka, have already been made above. It is because of the importance it had already gained as a place of commercial and religious importance and its strategic position as the acute circular bend of the river Varadā, that probably prompted the Chūṭus to make it their capital.

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Many brick structural/remains of the 1st and 2nd century A.D., coins belonging to the Chūṭus (Narasimha Murthy, A.V., 1975, pp. 48-49), and huge mounds supposed to be stūpas and extensive fort walls, found in the different parts of the locality are known over many years. The site of the period is very extensive, covering an area more than^100 Hectares.

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Recent excavations (IAR, 1970-71, P.29 and Sheshadri,M., 1970-71, pp. 56-57) of one of the partly disturbed mounds outside the fort and of a part of the site within the forts, have revealed two large imposing apsidal brick structures of the circa 2nd century A.D., besides terracotta figurines, coins, beads, bangles, potteries, including caoline painted potteries of every day use. Thus, during the Chutu reign Banavasi is flourishing city capital with numerous brick buildings etc.

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Fortification

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Naturally such an important city as a capital should have a fortification wall around it. Even today, the fort walls in ruins, enlarged in different periods are extant enclosing partly the present village of Banavāsi.

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Banavāsi (Fig.6) is in the Malnād region receiving very heavy rainfall, 300-400 mm. The whole region has a thick mantle of ever green forest grown on the thick soil cover. Consequently the local rock of the hills is not readily accessible. The fortification wall is therefore necessarily and largely of mud and for the purpose of increasing the strength of mud-bricks partly.

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Secondly, the location of Banavāsi too is worth noting in this context. It is on the left bank (Fig.7) of the river Varadā at the sharp bend of which point the river from the North-western direction takes abruptly an easterly turn. Here the river flows in a ^zsig-zag way thus providing considerable protection on the southern side.

Description of the Fort

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As mentioned above, at this sharp curve of the river Varadā the fort is built (Illn. A4). The interior measures 850 metres North-South and 600 m East-West along the principal axis and the total length of the periphery of the fort wall measures 2140 m (Fig.8). The width and height of the western wing of the fort wall (Illn.A1) are in all respects more than those of the other three wings. Along the exterior slope end is a moat still extant at some points.

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Normally the width of the fort wall at the base is 30 m from one slope-end to the other slope-end and the top rounded in its appearance is 10 m wide, at present. The moat width, on an average is about 12 m at the base and about 22 m at the top, with a raised earth pitching on either side, with the result that the interior rise goes with the fort wall and the exterior becomes one with the natural ground. There are two main gates (entrances) one on the north and the other on the south-^east. One Diddi-gate on the west almost in the mid-way of the western wing of the fortwall, is also in its ruins (Fig.8).

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The selection of the spot for establishing the capital and construction of the fort, in relation to the topography of the surrounding land and also of the zig-zag course of the river, is of two fold significance. At a superficial glance of the site plan of the fort (Fig.7), one would expect the location of the fort to the south where the area is enclosed on three sides by the river obviously forming the nature gifted moat, but as the contour would indicate the area is low lying and therefore should be under waters at least partly during the rainy season in that Malnād area. Secondly, from the western side, during the floods the river would overflow the land with force and would affect that side of the fort also. Further, here the fort essentially has to be of mud and howsoever strong the fort may be, annual recurring flood waters surrounding the fort for considerable time would certainly weaken it rapidly.

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Coming to the present location, it is loftiest area normally not affected by floods, unless there is abnormal rain fall. There is yet another advantage in having the fort here, and that is evident from the point by which the water is taken from the river to the surrounding moat. The channel that connects the river and the moat is at the point where the river water comes with maximum force and has to take suddenly an easterly direction. If, therefore, the channel is cut in the same direction as that of the course of the water, the water easily and at the maximum can get into the moat. In fact, the orientation of the channel is in line with the course of the river flowing with maximum force. This in turn, has got another remarkable advantage, that can be known again from the careful study of the course of the river at this point. At this point where the river is flowing north-westwards with maximum force, before taking north-easterly direction and then easterly direction, directly has to strike the section of the river bank underlying the fort. Every year, it would be cutting this section thereby causing serious damage to the fort on the top. This serious threat in a simple way has been averted by providing an outlet for the gushing waters into the moat (Illn. 13). One has to simply admit the geniusness of the architect by following the principle of adjusting men's life with the nature.

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The extant fort wall is not of one period from the kinds of material used and the method of its construction. Three stages in the construction can at least be demarcated. The first stage is of the earliest period and belongs to the late Sātavāhana period, when the Chútus were ruling from this place. The part of the fort of this period is entirely of the brick construction, the bricks being of the standard size (45 cms x 22 cms x 7½ cms). The second stage indicates the enlargement of the fort and must be of the early Kadamba period. There are clear evidences that in the course of the enlargement, the existing fort was further fortified with laterite stones, bricks and mud. In the third stage that is probably of the later Kadamba period, the fort was further enlarged on the northern side and was built with exclusively laterite stones.

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Thus, we find that the fort and its plan are due to enlargements in three successive stages and therefore do not exhibit exclusively those of the Sātavāhana period. Hence, by a careful examination as far as possible, the extant part of the Sātavāhana period has been traced by careful comparative study.

The Remains of the early Historical Fort

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From the entrance at the south-south east corner to the entrance in the northern wing of the fort wall, the width of the wall is more or less uniform and measures 30 m, at the base and 10 m at the top, and height being 20 m. Thus, the tapering is like a hypotonuse of a right angle, triangle and therefore the slope is steady. From the surface to certain depth, the fortwall is of clay. Now trees here and there are grown on the fort.

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The section across the fort at the south-south eastern entrance exhibits brick construction entirely from the base upto the half the height of the fort and of the period under study. At the centre of this section from the base is a structural laterite door jamb with an offset, that is obviously must be the jamb of the mahādvāra.

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From above the brick construction of the remaining part of the fort is exclusively of clay. In the opposite section, so far as the lower part of the fort is concerned, it is similar to the above description, but here a deliberate attempt of the construction of two vertical parallel walls in the core enclosing the width of 10 m is visible. On the exterior side of the two walls there is a slopy brick construction acting as buttress to the wall and is in line with the tapering slope of the opposite part. On the exterior side of the fortwall is a moat.

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We find that the construction of the exposed two sections at the entrance offers details in two respects:

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ie. 1) The presence and the absence of the retaining walls in the core of the wall.
2) The absence and the presence of the door jamb

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These two differences clearly indicate that the retaining wall exposed in section was concealed originally, while making provision for the door jamb at the centre. But in the recent times when the entrance was widened, unfortunately the jamb and the coping material had been scraped off, while in the opposite section (Fig.14) the door jamb is still in its original position. Although the finished surface on the sides had been seriously affected but not to the extent of exposing the retaining walls in the core in alignment with those of the opposite section.

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Thus, in the present state of their existance, although the sections appear different in their constructional details, originally there were no such differences.

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With the notice of the above feature, the original fort could be traced on both the sides of the entrence. By the close examination of the eastern wing of the fort from the entrance at the points wherever possible upto the entrance in the north of the fort wall, the fort wall is found to be exclusively of brick and mud construction and is of the early historical period. Now, the section of the fortwall from that point westwards and southwards has wider width, i.e. 45 (m). Thus it is 15 m wider than the opposite section (Fig.9). Further, the central core from the bottom level to a small height 3 m is of brick construction suggesting that it is the original part of the fort. From above the brick construction is the laterite structural wall again to a height of 5 m and again from the top course of the laterite wall rises the mud wall. The total height of the fort is about 30 m i.e. 10 m higher than the opposite wing of the fort. At the edge of the original brick construction on both the sides are the vertical retaining wall of cut stones and on the exterior of the walls on each side is the mud ramp which meets the clay part of the fort, making rather indistinct angles. Thus the slope on the both sides is not even. All these distinctive variables namely use of the laterite block, construction method, depressed slope on the sides and larger measurements indicate that original wall of the bricks evidently of early historical period, had been reinforced probably during the early Kadamba period.

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Further, the examination of the section of Diddi-gate (Fig.11) in the western wing of the fort wall, clearly reveals no brick construction in the central core. Instead, there is a wall of well cut laterite blocks 10 m wide and height 4 m and this wall has clear ramp on the interior sides leading to the top part of the wall which is exclusively of clay. We find therefore that the section here is different from the section described immediately above. This may suggest at least a part of the west wing of the fort wall is of still later period, when no bricks at all were used for the construction. Thus, the present fort oval in shape consists of the parts belonging to three different periods namely :

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1. The early historical;
2. The early Kadamba; and,
3. Presumably the Late Kadamba.

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The plan of the fort of the early historical period is extant to a larger extent comprising parts of northern and southern wings and almost entirely of the eastern wing.

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The Ghat :

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Another remarkable feature to be noted of the early historical fort is the provision of terraced Ghat (Fig.12) leading to the bed of the river Varadā and these terraces are partly made of bricks. The Ghat (llln.12) again, it is noteworthy, is almost exactly in alighment with the famous temple in the locality namely Madhukeśhwara, reasonably, therefore, this temple must have been there of course certainly not in the present form from the early historical period, and must have been very important in the locality.

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The moat:

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The exterior of the fortwall actually rises from the inner edge of the moat that runs all along. This method of construction has been deliberately done in order to avoid any space between the inner edge and the exterior base of the fort (Fig. 13). It is true, that it is normal feature with regard to any fort with the moat of the later period. What is noteworthy here is the earliest attempt of important feature representing in this fort.

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The moat is narrow at the bottom and wide at the top the former being about 10 m and the later about 14 m wide; the depth is about 4 m. The moat is sufficiently wide. The channel that connects the river with the moat, as mentioned above already, provided the necessary water from the river and it must have been, it is reasonable to presume, concealed for enemies planning to attack should not easily come to know about the source of the water supply to the moat. However, traces of the probable concealment cannot be detected.

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From the above critical analysis, it is obvious that it has been possible to trace only a part of the fort of the early historical period with its two main gates, moat on the outside and a Ghāt in the middle of the eastern wing. The plan of the fort therefore cannot be known in the present state of its existence.

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However, it cannot be ruled out that the western wing of the fort which is constructionally of later period, appears to have followed the alignment of the early historical fort. If this has got to be proved, it is only possible by a proper excavation at appropriate spots. If the excavation proves the suggestion to be correct, then the plan of the early historical fort is oval.

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The Second stage - the Banavasi : Kadamba period:

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The section looking east of the northern gates (Fig.10) clearly indicates the remnants of the wall of the early historical fort. The base being about 20 m,consisting of two courses now. From above the two courses, it is about 10 m wide upto a height of about 3.25 m and this forms the core of the fort. Now, on either side of the basal wall is aretaining vertical wall of laterite blocks and again from above the central brick wall is the wall of laterite blocks to a height of about 5 m. In between the retaining walls and above the central laterite wall is clay filling, that forms the upper part of the fort and the fort tails of gradually from the retaining wall outside to the ground level.

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Thus, it is amply evident, that the original fort which had fallen in ruins reasonably after the fall of the Chutus, by about the early part of the 3rd century A.D. must have been reinforced during the beginning of the Kadamba rule from the early part of the 4th century A.D. In other words, the existing fort was renovated by the early Kadambas.

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In the remaining part of the fort wall, the indications are available in the present state of its existence about the renovation of the works carried out by Kadambas. Hence it is not possible to ascertain the additions and alterations, if there be any, made by the Kadambas. Consequently no clear picture of the plan and the original constructional methods of the fort of the early Kadambas can be known.

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Third stage - The late Kadambas:

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The western wing of the wall has a narrow entrance in the middle, it is locally known as 'Diḍḍi' (=small or narrow) gate (Fig.11). The section looking south indicates structural laterite wall in the core supported by retaining walls on the sides at lower part. The upper part is of clay. The structural wall is again concealed by the clay ramp on the sides. The total width of the fort wall here at the base is about 12 m and the height about 10 m. Further the structural wall in the core is exclusively of laterite blocks, which differ in size from those of the section looking east in the north gate. Thus, the constructional details, the material used and the measurements are different from those of the early Kadambas. The western wing of the fortwall, therefore, appears to be still later than that of the early Kadambas, and may be assigned to the later Kadamba period. It was at the same time, it appears that the semicircular projections entirely of clay added to the exteriors of the walls to the northern entrance, serving as bastions and the watch tower, again entirely of clay that is raised on the fort wall a few metres away from the bastion to the left of the entrance, were added since such fortificational features are common during the 10th and 11th C. A.D.

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The Diddi gate is made narrow deliberately with specific purpose. Already two gates, one in the north and the other in the south, are provided as main entrances. Hence the Diddi-gate is not meant for regular and common entrance. A close observation reveals that certain length of the wall of the both sides of the Diddi-gate have been constructed so as to provide a narrow passage. Hence, this gate was meant to be used in times of danger by people for escaping. On the extreme side of the gate there must have been a moat, which in course of the time,must have been filled up. Now there are no indications that there existed the moat on the exterior side of the Diddi-gate.

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[Figure: FIG. 6

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SCALE 0 60 120 km MAHARASHTRA BHĪMA KRISHNĀ ANDHRA PRADESH GOA FORT OF BANAVĀSI VARADA T-BHADRĀ ARABIAN SEA KĀVERĪ KERALA TAMIL NADU Karnātaka - LOCATION OF THE FORT OF BANAVĀSI SK]

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[Figure: FIG. 7

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m 0 80 160 240 TO SIRSI NORTHERN GATE MOAT DIDDI GATE FORT CHANNEL FEEDING THE MOAT TO SORABA 650 625 610 600 SOUTHERN GATE (SE CORNER) 575 FOREST 550 TANK BANAVĀSI FORT DHARWAR L R. VARADA NOTE :- CONTOURS ARE]

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[Figure: BANAVĀSI FORT

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NORTH GATE DIDDI GATE MOAT FORT WALL MADHUKESWAR CHANNEL GHAT VARADĀ NARŪR AGASE GATE 1 CHARIOT ROAD 2 KANCHAGĀR ROAD 3 HALE MATHAD ROAD 4 MĒLINA KĒRI ROAD 5 RĀJAVAR ROAD. 6 KELAGINA KERI ROAD

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[Figure: FIG. 9.

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0 5 10 15 (M)

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EASTERN WING OF FORT WALL BRICKS OVER LAID BY STONES WATCH TOWER BASTION OF LATER ADDITION, IN LATERITE STONES M O A T ROAD M O A T

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BANAVĀSI FORT— NORTHERN (AGASE) GATE.

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[Figure: FIG. 10

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0 5 10 15 KM EARTH FILLIN. LATERITE STONE WORK HEARTING IN CLAY STONE EDGING BRICK WORK MOAT BANAVĀSI FORT — SECTIONAL ELEVATION OF NORTH GATE (LOOKING WEST)

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[Figure: FIG. 11

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0 1 2 3 4 5 (m) EARTH FILLING LATERITE STONE WORK G.L. SECTION LOOKING SOUTH]

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BANAVĀSI FORT — DIDDIGATE, TO THE WEST, JOINING THE WESTERN MOAT

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[Figure: FIG.12

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0 5 10 15 20 (m) FLIGHT OF STEPS TOP OF THE FORT WALL 20 m HEIGHT OF FORT WALL WATER LEVEL BANAVĀSI FORT - ELEVATION OF THE GHĀT LEADING TO R. VARADĀ.

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[Figure: FIG. 13

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⁰ 5 10 15 (m) 10.00 4.00 15.00 15.00 EARTH FILLING BRICK WALLING MOAT 5.00 10.00 5.00 GL 45 cms 7½ cms 22 cms BRICKS BANAVĀSI FORT — Section of Fort Wall at C

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[Figure: FIG.14

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⁰ 5 10 15 (m) CLAY RAMP BRICK WORK DOOR JAMB (5.10 m. ht) IN LATERITE STONE G L BANAVĀSI FORT — Section at Narūr Agāse (SOUTH-EASTERN WING OF THE WALL)

The Fort in Sannati

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critical analysis Sannati, in Chitāpur Taluka of Gulbarga district, is now a well known site for its Buddhist inscriptions, sculptural remains and huge mounds, that are probably stupas (Fig. 15). As early as 1956, this Buddhist site was noticed by Sri Kapatral Krishna Rao, who had genuine interest in the study of inscriptions and such cultural remains and had considerably surveyed the area in and around Gulbarga. Subsequently, in 1964, Dr.S.Nagaraju explored the site and published a note on the Buddhist remains in the site assessing its due importance in the news paper. From that time onwards, scholars such as Dr.Seshadri,M. (Seshadri,M., 1965-66, pp.35-37), Dr.Desai,P.B. etc., 1968, pp. 158-73) have been visiting the site and writing on different aspects of the site. The site is now a very important Buddhist site, rich in Buddhist sculptures,inscriptions and stupa remains, having no parallel in Karnātaka elsewhere and next to Amarāvati of Āndhra Pradesh.

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Among the remains noticed in the site are the fortification walls; but these walls have attracted little attention so far, from the scholars. I have, therefore, surveyed the walls and made a study in detail.

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The whole region is a plain land covered with black soil overlying lime stone and other sedimentary rocks of the Bhîma series. The river Bhîma runs southerwards and takes a sudden abrupt curve almost at right angle eastwards (Fig.10). It is at this deep curve, are located the fortification walls and the village Sannati between the two walls. The area enclosed by the bend is the highest point in the region. A careful examination of the course of the river (Fig.16) reveals that the course southwards is not strictly straight that takes a bend slightly south south-west wards and then again south-wards and finally it takes east turn in a curved way. The water at the point of the curve is relatively very deep, so deep that crocodiles are often found at that point. Taking into consideration these natural protective facilities, a fort wall in a semi-circular way has been constructed across the area and connecting the two arms, the southern and the eastern bends of the river. The area enclosed is not flooded, as it is at very high level. It is not affected by the ferocious floods, because of the natural south-south-westerly direction of the flow of the water on the northern side and north-easterly direction of the flow on the eastern side. Thus possible destruction by the angry floods of the left bank in the area, where the fort is raised is naturally averted. On the other-hand, the right bank is relatively low lying area, which is overflown by the floods; thus the force of the flood water affects the right bank and almost never the left bank at the curve. Further, the water is very deep infested with crocodiles at the bend and forms a natural moat with deadly creatures; and the elevation of the area provides a commanding view over the whole area (Illn. B3). It is therefore but natural that the builders had selected the strategic area for fortified habitation.

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Although many inscriptions now are known from the site, none of them gives any clear indication regarding the political supremacy in that area. Inscriptions from the well known sites like Nāgārjunakoṇḍa, Amarāvati to the east of this site, and from Banavāsi to the west, also do not incidentally refer to this place as political centre. Moreover, all the inscriptions known so far are mostly donative records and a few commemorative, pertaining to the Mahā-Chaitya at the place. Thus, it appears that this area was essentially religious centre and perhaps not a capital of even a chieftain, let alone a king. However, the inscriptions from the site mention the names of ladies, who donated to the religious and constructional activities there, had official designations of the dignitaries of the state, such as Amātya, Rāja Amātya. For example, two ladies named as Yakhanika (Yakshanika) and Saghanika (Sanghanika) bore the epithet Amatya. Another lady, Ganganika was having the designation wife of 'Rājāmātya'. These indicate that there were some local chiefs here and near administrating the region, (Desai,P.B., 1968, pp.158-163).

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This political condition probably explains the simple nature of the fortification, for the fortification consists of two concentric semi-circular walls with entrances. They function essentially as protective enclosures rather than a carefully designed defensive walls to counteract the military attacks.

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The outer wall (Illn. B4) is actually semi-circular in plan, 600 M. long enclosing fairly a large area. The wall (Fig. 17) is about 12 m - 15 m wide at the base and 4 m at the top, and rises to a hight of about 5 m on the outer side and 3 m - 4 m in the inner side.

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There are two entrances almost equidistance from the river banks. Both the entrances are similar to each other. The entrance is just an opening about 5 m wide made across the wall. One can have clear view of the interior from outside. These entrances are quite simple without any protective measures and are directly straight openings.

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Now, the core of thewall consists of well burnt bricks; whether this core wall is throughout of the bricks, from the bottom to the top, is not very clear, but at the top level, that the wall is of bricks, is clearly evident. On both the sides of the wall are clay ramps, gradual and steady. On the outside of the periphery of the ramp there is no indication anywhere that there was a moat. But, even cursory observation of the location of the town at the acute bend of the river makes it clear that with minimum effort, an effective moat could have been provided with. It would have been just easy to cut a channel at the point. When the river takes a turn in south-westerly direction, at point 'X' (Fig. 17) and to connect it with the moat. This would have subjugated the probable damage to the fort by the forceful currents of the river. Although such device could be thought of, there is no indication of such attempt. We have seen above, how such simple but intelligent device was adopted at Banavasi.

c11.s3.9

Coming to the wall proper, it may be noted that at the top of the brick-wall portion, horizontal offsets are provided both on the exterior and on the interior. Provision of the steps on the interior side is understandable, but the same on the outside is certainly not advisable from the point of defence, since it would be very favourable for enemies to climb up the sloping wall.

c11.s3.10

The end point of the wall right over the northern bank of the river clearly exposes the core brick wall and the brick pitching (Fig. 18) work to the bank from the river bed to the middle of the bank, to over come the serious cutting along of the bank by the forceful currents of the river, that dash damagingly against the northern bank, where the fort exists. Hence it is very necessary to have strong brick pitching work at this point. At the opposite end the force of the current would affect more seriously the opposite bank, where therefore, a brick Ghāt is provided.

c11.s3.11

Now coming to the inner wall (Fig.19 and Illn.B2), it is similar in construction to the outer, excepting the dimensions. It is about 450 m. long and asymmetrical in its plan and not as semi-circular as the outer. It has only one entrance.

c11.s3.12

The wall of bricks is 12 m. wide and 3 m. at the base and the top, and about 3 m and 1.7 m high on exterior and interior, respectively. On both the sides of the wall are ramps of clay more gradual than that of the outer. The brick wall has horizontal offsets on the top on both the sides. Thus, the wall is smaller in dimension than the outer.