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Early Tamil Epigraphy: From the Earliest Times to the Sixth Century A.D. c23: 4. Polity

Early Tamil Epigraphy: From the Earliest Times to the Sixth Century A.D. c23

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Contents

4. Polity

4.1 Introduction

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Tamil-Brāhmī cave inscriptions portray life in early Tamil society at the commencement of a period of great political, religious and social changes.¹ The earlier tribal chieftaincies had become small but well-organised kingdoms ruled by the Cēra, Cōḻa and Pāṇṭiya dynasties; smaller territories were held by local chieftains of long-established lineage. The Buddhist and Jaina faiths had entered the Tamil country and acquired sizeable following creating social and religious ferment in the society. The simple and easy-to-learn Tamil-Brāhmī script took roots and spread fast all over the Tamil country creating a literate society which would produce before long literary works of the highest quality. The influx of Prakrit along with the Buddhist and Jaina faiths had its impact on Tamil, which would also usher in significant changes in the language in due course. Trade flourished with Rome in the west, gem-rich Sri Lanka in the south and the powerful kingdoms in the Deccan and further to the north creating new affluence.

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¹ See K.V. Raman 1974: pp. 104-118 for a historical assessment of Tamil-Brāhmī inscriptions.

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This chapter presents brief gleanings from Tamil-Brāhmī stone and pottery inscriptions and legends on coins, seals, rings, etc., under the heads state, religion and society. For more information, the texts of the inscriptions in the Corpus and the Commentary thereon, both included in Part III of this volume, may be referred to.

A. State

4.2 The Pāṇṭiyas

4.2.1 Neṭuñceḻiyaṉ

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The existence of the Pāṇṭiya kingdom in the middle of the 3rd century B.C. is attested by the edicts of Asoka.² The next earliest epigraphic reference to a king of the Pāṇṭiya dynasty, not too long after Asoka, is contained in two of the earliest Tamil-Brāhmī cave inscriptions (Nos. *1* & *2*) at Mangulam near Madurai, assigned to early 2nd century B.C. on palaeographic and linguistic evidence.

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² *CII*. I: second rock edict at Girnar and other sites (p. 185).

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The Mangulam inscriptions record the grant of a monastery to Nanta-siri (Nanda-śrī), a senior Jaina monk. The donor in the first inscription (No. *1*) is Kaṭalaṉ Vaḻutti-y (Vaḻuti) described as the 'servant' of Neṭuñcaḻiyaṉ (Neṭuñceḻiyaṉ). The donor in the second inscription (No. *2*) is Caṭikaṉ who is described, in a curiously roundabout manner, as 'the father of Iḷañcaṭikaṉ, the husband of the sister-in-law of Neṭiñcaḻiyaṉ (Neṭuñceḻiyaṉ)'.

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The dynastic name 'Pāṇṭiya' is not mentioned in the inscriptions. But there can be no reasonable doubt on this score, considering that the name Neṭuñceḻiyaṉ occurs only in the Pāṇṭiya dynasty and that one of the donors, probably a vassal or kinsman, is named Vaḻuti, another characteristic dynastic name of the Pāṇṭiyas. The unusual manner of invoking a rather distant relationship to Neṭuñceḻiyaṉ by the donor of the second inscription clearly implies that the former was a very important personage, most probably the reigning Pāṇṭiya king, judging from his name. The close proximity of Mangulam, the site of the inscriptions, to Madurai, the capital city of the Pāṇṭiya kingdom, makes it all but certain that these are indeed records of the Pāṇṭiya king of the time.

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Two Pāṇṭiya kings named Neṭuñceḻiyaṉ are known to us from Caṅkam literature.

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I. Neṭuñceḻiyaṉ 'who overcame the Aryan armies'.¹
II. Neṭuñceḻiyaṉ 'the victor at Talaiyālaṅkāṉam'.²

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¹ *Puṟa.* 183 colophon; *Cilap.* 23: *Kaṭṭurai* 17-18.

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² *Puṟa.* 18 & 19 colophon. Hero of *Maturai-k-kāñci* (see colophon).

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It has been suggested that Neṭuñ-/Neṭiñ-caḻiyaṉ of the Mangulam inscriptions may be identified with either of them.³ However, we know from the well-established 'Gajabāhu synchronism' that Neṭuñceḻiyaṉ I was a contemporary of Cēraṉ Ceṅkuṭṭuvaṉ and Gajabāhu I of Sri Lanka and hence must be assigned to the 2nd century A.D.⁴ Neṭuñceḻiyaṉ II was a contemporary of Māntarañ-cēral Irumporai and lived still later.⁵ The early palaeography and archaic orthographic and linguistic features of the Mangulam inscriptions indicate a much earlier date (ca. 2nd century B.C.). The proposed identification is thus unlikely. It seems more likely that Neṭuñ-/Neṭiñ-caḻiyaṉ of the Mangulam grants lived much earlier than his namesakes and descendants celebrated in Caṅkam literature.

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³ K.V. Raman 1977: p. 37.

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⁴ The 'Gajabahu synchronism' is based on the statement in *Cilappatikāram* (30: 160-166) that Gajabahu, king of Sri Lanka, attended the worship of Kaṇṇaki instituted by Cēraṉ Ceṅkuṭṭuvaṉ. The date of Gajabahu I is known from Sri Lankan sources to be in the 2nd century A.D. (C.W. Nicholas and S. Paranavitana 1961: pp. 79-80).

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⁵ Neṭuñceḻiyaṉ, the victor of Talaiyālaṅkāṉam, also defeated Māntarañ Cēral Irumporai in battle (*Puṟa.* 17). As the latter is not among those celebrated in the decades of *Patiṟṟuppattu*, he belonged presumably to a later generation.

4.2.2 Peruvaḻuti

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Copper coins with the legend *pe ru vā ḷu ti* (Peruvaḻuti) discovered by Krishnamurthy confirm the historicity of another Early Pāṇṭiya king.⁶ The 'circular top' form of *ḻ* and the presence of the TB-I notation provide evidence to date this coin in the Early Period (ca. 2nd century B.C.).

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⁶ See Nos. 1 & 2, Table 1.6 and Fig. 1.22 A.

4.2.3 Kaḷumāra Nataṉ

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One of the donors mentioned in an inscription from Alagarmalai (No. **44**, ca. 1st century B.C.) has the name Kaḷu (Kaṭu) māṟa Nataṉ. He was probably a Pāṇṭiya prince or vassal judging from the first part of his name, which may be compared with Kaṭumān Māṟan.⁷

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⁷ *Puṟa.* 198: 27.

4.3 The Cēras

4.3.1 Irumporais of the Pugalur inscriptions

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Two near-identical inscriptions (Nos. *61* and *62*, ca. 2nd century A.D.) at Pugalur are grants of the Irumporai line of the Cēra dynasty ruling from Karur. The inscriptions record the construction of a rock shelter for Ceṅkāyapaṉ, a senior Jaina monk, on the occasion of the investiture of Iḷaṅkaṭuṅkō (Kaṭuṅkōṉ Iḷaṅkaṭuṅkō in No. *62*), the son of Peruṅkaṭuṅkōṉ, the son of King Ātaṉ Cel Irumporai (-Irumpuṟai in No. *62*) as the heir apparent (*iḷaṅkō*).

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The genealogy of three generations of the Irumporai line recorded in the inscriptions can be compared with the historical data found in the *Patikams* of *Patiṟṟuppattu* resulting in the following identifications: ¹

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¹ R. Panneerselvam 1968. I. Mahadevan 1971.

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| Inscriptions | *Patiṟṟuppattu* |
| I. Kō Ātaṉ Cel Irumporai | Celva-k-kaṭuṅkō Vāḻi-y Ātaṉ (7th decade) |
| II. Peruṅkaṭuṅkōṉ | Peruñ-cēral Irumporai (8th decade) |
| III. Kaṭuṅkōṉ Iḷaṅkaṭuṅkō | Iḷañ-cēral Irumporai (9th decade) |

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Though Ātaṉ is a recurring name in the Cēra dynasty, this name is borne by only one ruler in the Irumporai line. Further, the prefixed attributes *peru-* and *iḷa-* in the names of the next two generations of princes in the inscriptions are also found likewise in *Patiṟṟuppattu*. The evidence can be interpreted as indicating that Peruṅkaṭuṅkōṉ assumed the royal title Peruñcēral Irumporai when he ascended the throne, and that when Iḷaṅkaṭuṅkō ascended the throne in his turn, he assumed the royal title Iḷañcēral Irumporai. According to tradition, the Caṅkam poets, Pālai Pāṭiya Peruṅkaṭuṅkō and Marutam Pāṭiya Iḷaṅkaṭuṅkō, are identified with these two princes.² On the whole, the evidence is cogent that the Irumporai princes mentioned in the Pugalur inscriptions are the same as those celebrated respectively in the 7th to 9th decades of *Patiṟṟuppattu*.

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² M.S. Venkataswamy 1983b: pp. 230-232 & 248.

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Peruñcēral Irumporai, the hero of the 8th decade, is famous for his victory over Atiyamāṉ Neṭumāṉ Añci of Takaṭūr ³ (whose inscription at Jambai is also included as No. *59* in the present Corpus). Peruñcēral Irumporai held the learned in high esteem. In a famous poem, the poet Mōci Kīraṉār records the incident that once when he climbed unwittingly on the vacant platform of the royal drum and fell asleep, the king, instead of putting him to death for his unpardonable crime, fanned him gently so as not to disturb him in his sleep.⁴ The identification of the Irumporai princes of the Pugalur inscriptions with those celebrated in *Patiṟṟuppattu* yields one of the most important synchronisms found so far to determine the dates of the contemporary princes and poets of the Caṅkam Age from about the middle of the 1st century to the middle of the 3rd century A.D.

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³ *Patiṟ. Patikam* 8.

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⁴ *Puṟa.* 50.

4.3.2 Coins of the Irumporais

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Copper coins with the insignia of bow and arrow, and bearing the Tamil-Brāhmī legends *kol-i-p-puṟai* or *kol-irumpuṟai-y* ('Poṟai/Irumpoṟai of Kolli') have been found in the Amaravathi river bed at Karur.¹ The coins may be assigned to ca. 1st century A.D. on palaeographic evidence. While these are obviously the issues of the Irumpoṟais of Karur, it is not possible, in the absence of more specific evidence, to attribute the coins to particular rulers of the dynasty.

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¹ See Nos. 7 & 8, Table 1.6 and Figs. 1.22 B & C.

4.3.3 Cēra inscriptions from Kerala

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The Edakal inscriptions (Nos. **80** & **82**, ca. 3rd century A.D.) in Kerala are the only records of the Cēras of the Caṅkam Age found so far in the western region of ancient Tamil country. Unlike the Irumpoṟai inscriptions at Pugalur, those at Edakal are very brief and mention only the names of the Cēra kings. Inscriptional and literary evidence points to the existence of two branches of the Cēra dynasty, one on the west coast and the other ruling from Karur. The mention of the name *cēra* and the absence of the name *irumpoṟai* in the Edakal records would appear to indicate that they refer to the Cēra line ruling from the west coast.

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One of the inscriptions (No. **80**) reads *kaṭummiputa cēra* (Kaṭumiputta Cēra). The hybrid expression in the first part of the name seems to be a title comprising *kaṭumi-* 'the ferocious one' and *-puta* = *-makaṉ* > *-māṉ* 'man'. The expression may thus be equated with *kaṭumān*, a title borne by the Cēra kings, Kuṭṭuvaṉ Kōtai ² and Māntarañcēral Irumpoṟai.³ The title *kaṭummiputa* resembles *satiyaputō* borne by the Atiyamāṉs of Takaṭūr (No. **59**).

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² *Puṟa*. 54.

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³ *Puṟa*. 53.

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The other inscription (No. **82**) reads *kō-v-ātaṉ* (kō Ātaṉ) 'King Ātaṉ'. The name Ātaṉ is especially associated with the Cēra dynasty; but the Cēra king mentioned in this record cannot be identified in the absence of details.

4.3.4 Silver portrait coins of the Cēras

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Silver portrait coins with the names Kuṭṭuvaṉ Kōtai and Mākkōtai have been published by Krishnamurthy.⁴ The coins may be assigned to ca. 3rd century A.D. on palaeographic evidence. Perhaps Kaṭumiputta Cēra mentioned at Edakal is the same as Kuṭṭuvaṉ Kōtai who had the title Kaṭumān; but the data is insufficient to make a positive identification.

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⁴ See Nos. 11 & 12, Table 1.6 and Figs. 1.22 D & E.

4.4 The Cōḻas

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No stone inscriptions of the Cōḻa dynasty of the Caṅkam Age have been found; nor are there any early Cōḻa coins with legends inscribed on them. Circumstantial evidence relating to the Cōḻas from other types of Tamil-Brāhmī records is summarised below.

4.4.1 Tittaṉ

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A silver ring found in the Amaravathi riverbed at Karur has the legend *tittaṉ* in Tamil-Brāhmī characters of ca. 1st century A.D.¹

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¹ See No. **12**, Table 1.8 and Fig. 1.24 D.

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We hear of Early Cōḻa princes named Tittaṉ ² of Uṟantai (Uṟaiyūr) and his son Tittaṉ Veḷiyaṉ.³ They also figure as poets in Caṅkam literature. Tittaṉ is also known as Vīrai Vēṇmāṉ Veḷiyaṉ Tittaṉ.⁴ Vīrai has been identified as Vīrāmpaṭṭiṇam (Arikamedu) on the east coast.⁵ There is, however, no direct evidence to link the name Tittaṉ found on the silver ring with Tittaṉ of Vīrai and Uṟantai (Uṟaiyūr).

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² *Aka*. 6.

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³ *Aka*. 226.

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⁴ *Naṟ*. 58.

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⁵ I. Mahadevan 1970b.

4.4.2 Neṭuṅkiḷḷi

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A potsherd found during recent excavations at Teriruveli (Mudukulathur Taluk, Ramanathapuram District) is incised in Tamil-Brāhmī with the name *neṭuṅkiḻ [*[ḷi*]* in characters of ca. 1st century A.D.⁶ The name is that of a Cōḻa prince, as *kiḷḷi* occurs only in Early Cōḻa names.

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⁶ Unpublished. I have seen the potsherd in the collections of TNSA at Chennai.

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Neṭuṅkiḷḷi was known mainly for his internecine fighting with another Cōḻa prince called Nalaṅkiḷḷi. Once Neṭuṅkiḷḷi withstood a prolonged siege of his fort at Āvūr by Nalaṅkiḷḷi, causing much distress to the people and livestock within the fort. The poet Kōvūr Kiḻār chastised Neṭuṅkiḷḷi for refusing to go out to fight or surrender the fort acknowledging defeat.⁷ On another occasion, Neṭuṅkiḷḷi was besieged at Uraiyur by Nalaṅkiḷḷi, when Kōvūr Kiḻār again intervened advising both the Cōḻa princes to desist from fighting among themselves ⁸ While at Uraiyur, Neṭuṅkiḷḷi mistook the poet Iḷantattaṉ to be a spy and ordered his execution, when Kōvūr Kiḻār interceded on behalf of the poet and saved his life.⁹ Neṭuṅkiḷḷi died at Kāriyāṟu.¹⁰ However, as the fragmentary pottery inscription has been found in the Pāṇṭiya country and consists only of a name, it cannot, with certainty, be attributed to the Cōḻa prince of the same name.

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⁷ *Puṟa*. 44.

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⁸ *Puṟa*. 45.

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⁹ *Puṟa*. 47.

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¹⁰ *Puṟa*. 47, colophon.

4.5 Chieftains

4.5.1 Atiyaṉ Neṭumāṉ Añci

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The donor of the cave shelter at Jambai is referred to as *satiyaputō atiyan neṭumān añci* in the inscription (No. **59**, ca. 1st century A.D.). He may be identified as the famous chieftain Atiyamāṉ Neṭumāṉ Añci of Takaṭūr (modern Dharmapuri) celebrated in Caṅkam literature.

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Añci was a great warrior and a liberal patron.¹ Once, the poetess Auvaiyār went as his ambassador to the court of Toṇṭaimān.² The most famous legend connected with Añci is that when he was presented with a miraculous *nelli* (gooseberry) fruit which would confer immortality, he chose to give it away to Auvaiyār on the ground that her longevity would be more beneficial to the public good.³ Añci was defeated by Peruñcēral Irumporai, the Cēra king, who took Takaṭūr in a famous battle.⁴

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¹ *Puṟa*. 99 & 103.

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² *Puṟa*. 95.

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³ *Puṟa*. 91.

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⁴ *Patiṟ. Patikam* 8.

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It is significant that Jambai, the site of the present inscription, is near Kōvalūr (modern Tirukkoyilur in Viluppuram District), the seat of the Malaiyamān chieftains. The sack of Kōvalūr by Añci was a famous event celebrated in song by Paraṇar as mentioned by Auvaiyār.⁵ Perhaps the grant was made by Añci to celebrate this victory.

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⁵ *Puṟa*. 99.

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The title *satiyaputō* occurs in Asoka's second rock edict at Girnar⁶ (and with slight variations at other sites). As the discovery of the Tamil-Brāhmī inscription at Jambai has finally settled the question who the Satiyaputras were,⁷ it is not necessary to go into the details of this long debate here, except to mention the remarkably accurate identification made on purely linguistic grounds by Sesha Iyer and improved upon by Burrow.⁸ According to Burrow, the linguistic developments are *atiya* < *satiya* (*\*catiya*) with the loss of the initial palatal, and *māṉ* < *makaṉ*, shortened as in *cēramāṉ* corresponding to *kēralaputō*. The Jambai inscription which has, side by side, both the Prakrit and Tamil forms *satiyaputō* and *atiyan*, furnishes conclusive evidence for the correctness of this identification. Cf. *kaṭummiputa cēra* for an interesting parallel from the Edakal inscription (**No. 80**).

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⁶ *CII*. I. Gir. II. 2.

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⁷ R. Nagaswamy 1981a & b.

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⁸ K.G.Sesha Iyer 1937: p. 18. T. Burrow 1968b: pp. 158-159.

4.5.2 Piṭṭaṉ and Korṟantai

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Two of the Pugalur inscriptions (Nos. **65** & **66**, late 2nd century A.D.) record the gift of the daughter of Pi(t)taṉ alias Pi(ṭ)ṭantai. In another inscription (No. **67**, early 3rd century A.D.) at this site, Korṟantai (I)ḷavaṉ (that is, Iḷavaṉ, son of Korṟantai) figures as the donor. The names Piṭṭaṉ and Korṟantai occurring in such close proximity to the Irumporai inscriptions (Nos. **61** & **62**) on the same hill, remind one of Piṭṭaṉ, the famous chieftain of Kutiraimalai and commander of the Cēra army and his equally famous son Piṭṭaṅkorṟaṉ or Korṟaṉ. Though the evidence is circumstantial, it is not improbable that Piṭṭaṉ and Korṟantai mentioned in the Pugalur inscriptions are the same as Piṭṭaṉ and Korṟaṉ celebrated in Caṅkam literature.⁹ It is interesting that, as in the Irumporai records (Nos. **61** & **62**), three generations of Piṭṭaṉ's family also figure in these inscriptions (Nos. **65**-**67**).

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⁹ Piṭṭaṉ (*Puṟa*. 170 & 172; *Aka*. 77 & 143). Piṭṭaṅkorṟaṉ (*Puṟa*. 168, 169 & 171).

4.5.3 Kaṇimāṉ

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The Mamandur inscription (No. 73, ca. 3rd century A.D.) near Kanchipuram refers to Kaṇimāṉ, 'the chieftain (*kōṉ*) who took Tēṉūr'. He was probably a local chieftain in this region before the Pallava occupation of Kanchipuram around the middle of the 3rd century A.D.

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Kaṇimāṉ was probably of Cēra lineage, like the Atiyamāṉs of Takaṭūr and the Malaiyamāṉs of Kōvalūr, as indicated by the *-māṉ* suffix in his name. As the site of the inscription is in Toṇṭaināṭu, he was also probably connected with the Toṇṭaimāṉs who ruled over this region before the Pallava occupation. But beyond what is suggested by the names, there is no other evidence for these connections.

4.5.4 Atiṇṇaṉ Etirāṉ Cēntaṉ

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The name occurs as that of a chieftain in the Tamil-Brāhmī coin-legend in a large hoard of identical lead coins found by chance at Andippatti near Chengam in North Arcot District.¹ The coin may be assigned to ca. 3rd century A.D. on palaeographic evidence.

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¹ See No. 13, Table 1.6.

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The coin-legend has been read as *atiṇṇaṉ etir=āṉa cēntaṉ* and translated as 'Cēntaṉ, the successor of Atiṇṇaṉ'.² The phrase *etir āṉa* does not occur in this sense elsewhere, but the interpretation is plausible, as it is based on a comparison with a similar usage *etirāṉa* 'succeeding' (year) occurring in the Pāṇṭiya inscriptions. However, as it is unlikely that a successor would issue a coin in his name when the predecessor was still alive, the expression may be read as *etirāṉ* and given the wider meaning 'descendant' (< *etir* 'to come to pass in future'; *TL*). It is perhaps in this sense that *etiraṉ* occurs as part of a personal name in *vēṭkōvaṉ etiraṉ cāttaṉ* (alias) *nāṉūṟṟuva-p-peruṅkō vēḷāṉ*.³ Perhaps Atiṇṇaṉ was an illustrious forbear from whom Cēntaṉ wished to trace his lineage. The name Atiṇṇaṉ is not attested in literary works, but may be compared with Atiṉaṉ occurring as a personal name in the Tamil-Brāhmī cave inscription at Arittapatti (No. 7, ca. 2nd century B.C.).

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² K.G. Krishnan 1973-74c: pp. 139-140.

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³ K.V. Subrahmanya Aiyer 1933-34, The Larger Leiden Plates of Rājarāja I, *EI*. XXII: p. 264, lines 230-232.

4.5.5 Patumaṉ Kōtai

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A pottery inscription, deeply incised in bold, stylised characters of ca. 1st century A.D., was found in the recent excavations at Alagankulam.⁴ The inscription reads *pa tu mā ṟ kō tai* (Patumaṉ Kōtai). The name is clearly that of a Cēra prince or chieftain as judged from *kōtai*, the second part of the name. The first part of the name *patumaṉ* reminds one of Vēḷ Āvi-k-kōmāṉ Patumaṉ, the high-ranking chieftain whose two daughters were married to the two Cēra rulers, Cēral Ātaṉ (of the main line) and Celva-k-kaṭuṅkō (of the Irumpoṟai line) respectively.⁵ He lived in a large palace in Karuvūr.¹ However, as the pottery inscription is fragmentary consisting only of the personal name and has been found in the Pāṇṭiya territory, the name in it cannot be positively identified as that of the famous chieftain of the Cēra country mentioned in the *Patiṟṟuppattu*.

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⁴ See No. 5, Table 1.5 and Fig. 1.20 B.

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⁵ *Patiṟ*. *Patikams* 4 & 8.

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¹ *Puṟa.* 13, colophon; *Cilap.* 28: 198.

4.6 Administration

4.6.1 King

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The king is addressed as *kō* in the inscriptions at Pugalur (**Nos. *61* & *62*, ca. 2nd century A.D.**) and Edakal-A (**No. *82*, ca. 3rd century A.D.**).

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The term *aracaṉ* (< Skt. *rājan*) first occurs in the Tamil-Brāhmī coin-legends on the reverse of the silver portrait coins of the Sātavāhanas.² A fragmentary potsherd from Uraiyur has the legend *araica-* which could be a variant of *araca-* 'king' or *araiya-* 'chieftain'.³

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² For discussion on these coin-legends, see section 5.15.

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³ K.V. Raman (ed.) 1988: p. 74, No. 12, Fig. 24.12, Pl. 19.10.

4.6.2 Heir apparent

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The Pugalur inscriptions cited above refer to the investiture of the heir apparent, *(i)ḷaṅkō*.

4.6.3 Princes

c23.s7.t3.1

Princes of the royal family have the suffixes *-kō* (as in *kaṭuṅkō* and *(i)ḷaṅkaṭuṅkō*) or *-kōṉ* (as in *kaṭuṅkōṉ* and *peruṅkaṭuṅkōṉ* ) in the Pugalur inscriptions cited above.

4.6.4 Chieftains

c23.s7.t4.1

Chieftains are referred to as *kō* at Edakal-A (**No. *81*, ca. 3rd century A.D.**) and as *kōṉ* at Mamandur (**No. *73*, ca. 3rd century A.D.**).

4.6.5 Servant (of the king)

c23.s7.t5.1

Kaṭalaṉ Vaḷuti is the donor of a *paḷḷi* at Mangulam (**No. *1*, ca. 2nd century B.C.**). He is described as the *paṇa-aṉ* (*paṇavaṉ*) of *neṭuñcaliyaṉ* (Neṭuñceliayaṉ). The expression *paṇavaṉ* is derived from *paṇ* 'service' and means literally a 'servant' (*TL*). The expression may, however, be interpreted in the present context as a 'royal servant' or high functionary under Neṭuñceḷiyaṉ, the reigning Pāṇṭiya king. He was most probably a Pāṇṭiya prince or vassal, judging from his name Vaḷuti.

4.6.6 Superintendent, chief

c23.s7.t6.1

The expression *-(a)tikaṉ* (< Pkt. *adhika*) occurs twice in these inscriptions, once at Mangulam (**No. *3*, ca. 2nd century B.C.**) in *kāḷitika-* (read *kāḷ-atika-*) 'superintendent of pearls' and again at Alagarmalai (**No. *40*, ca. 1st century B.C.**) in *kaṇatikaṉ* (*kaṇa-atikaṉ*) 'chief of scribes'. Before looking into the specific duties of these officials, the expression *atikaṉ* may be considered.

c23.s7.t6.2

In the Sinhala-Brāhmī inscriptions, a number of officials are mentioned with the designation *adika* who were placed in charge of various departments of the state.¹ The Pallava kingdom in the Tamil country had also officials known as *adhika* in charge of different departments of the state or of the provinces.² The Pallava administration has been compared in this respect with the Mauryan, "rather than (that) prevalent in the Tamil country".³ It now appears that the Pāṇṭiya kingdom also possessed an administrative organisation resembling at least in some respects those of the Mauryan in the north and Sri Lanka in the south during this period.

c23.s7.t6.3

¹ The term *adika* (< Skt. *adhyaksha*) occurs also as *adaka* or *adeka*. Cf. *ati-adika* 'superintendent of elephants', *paṇ-adaka* 'superintendent of trade', etc. S. Paranavitana 1970: p. xciv.

c23.s7.t6.4

² Cf. Pallava *Inscrs.* No. 3: *arakhādhika* 'superintendent of guards', *dēsādhika* 'prefect of a county' (4th century A.D.).

c23.s7.t6.5

³ C. Minakshi 1977 (revised edn.): p. 140.

4.6.7 Superintendent of pearls

c23.s7.t7.1

In an inscription at Mangulam (No. *3*, ca. 2nd century B.C.), the *kāviti* of the merchant guild of veḷ-aṟai (Veḷḷaṟai) is described as *kāḷitika-* (read *kāḷatika-*). The expression is interpreted as 'superintendent of pearls' from *kāḷ* 'pearl' and *(a)tikaṉ* 'superintendent'. He was presumably a minister or high official (as indicated by his title *kāviti*) entrusted with the responsibility of superintending pearl fisheries.

c23.s7.t7.2

Pearls from the Pāṇṭiya kingdom were famous from ancient times and are mentioned in the *Rāmāyaṇa*,⁴ *Arthaśāstra*⁵ and also in the *Periplus*.⁶ The Mangulam inscription provides evidence of state control over pearl-fishery and trade even from this early date. An inscription from Kilavalavu (No. *10*, ca. 2nd century B.C.) refers to Toṇṭi, the Pāṇṭiya port on the east coast, which was involved in pearl fishery and trade from early times.

c23.s7.t7.3

⁴ *Rāmāyaṇa*, Kish. Kāṇḍa, 41: 19 (MLJ edition, Madras 1958).

c23.s7.t7.4

⁵ *Arthaśāstra*, ii: 11. See summary in K.A. Nilakanta Sastri 1955 (4th edn. 1975): p. 84.

c23.s7.t7.5

⁶ The *Periplus*: paragraph 56 (in K.A. Nilakanta Sastri 1939, revised edn. 2001: pp. 57-58).

4.6.8 Chief of scribes

c23.s7.t8.1

An inscription at Alagarmalai (No. *40*, ca. 1st century B.C.) refers to 'Ataṉ Ataṉ, son of Ataṉ, the accountant (*kaṇaka-*), the chief of scribes (*kaṇatikaṉ*)'. He figures as one of the many donors from Matirai (Madurai) who collectively made endowments to the cave shelter at Alagarmalai. He was by vocation an accountant and, judging from his title, served as the chief of scribes probably in the royal court at Madurai.

c23.s7.t8.2

The term *kaṇaka* (<Pkt. *gaṇaka*) means an 'accountant'. The term *gaṇaka* occurs in this sense in the Sinhala-Brāhmī inscriptions.⁷ In later Tamil inscriptions, *kaṇakkaṉ* meant the 'accountant who maintained the accounts of the village or temple'.

c23.s7.t8.3

⁷ S. Paranavitana 1970: p. xcv.

c23.s7.t8.4

The expression *kaṇatikaṉ* is construed as *kaṇa* 'scribe' + *atikaṉ* 'chief' and interpreted as the 'chief of scribes'. In Sinhala-Brāhmī inscriptions, the term *kaṇa* (<Skt. *karaṇa*) 'scribe' occurs in the same sense as *gaṇaka* 'accountant', and the duties of both functionaries appear to be more or less similar.¹ This was also the case in the Tamil country where the terms *karaṇam*/*karṇam* and *kaṇakkaṉ* were synonymous and meant 'village or temple accountant'.

c23.s7.t8.5

¹ S. Paranavitana 1970: p. xcv.

4.6.9 Title of ministers, palace officials or merchants

c23.s7.t9.1

The title *kāviti* is borne by a member of the merchant guild (*nikama*) of *veḷ-aṟai* (Veḷḷaṟai), who, as mentioned above, served as *kāl(a)tika*- 'superintendent of pearls' (Mangulam, No. **3**, ca. 2nd century B.C.). The title *kāviti kōṉ* 'chief *kāviti*' is borne by a donor in an inscription at Tirumalai (No. **52**, ca. 1st century A.D.).

c23.s7.t9.2

The title *kāviti* was bestowed by kings on the Vēḷāḷar, Vaiśyas (men and women), ministers or palace officials, as recorded in early Tamil works.²

c23.s7.t9.3

² *Tol. Poruḷ.* 30, comm. Nacc.

c23.s7.t9.4

The expression *kāviti* seems to be derived ultimately from Skt. *gṛhapati* 'householder' through Pkt. *gahapati*. Cf. Sinh. Pkt. *gapati*/*gapiti* ³ and the variants *kaviti*/*kāvati* in later Tamil inscriptions.⁴

c23.s7.t9.5

³ S. Paranavitana 1970: pp. lxxxviii-lxxxix.

c23.s7.t9.6

⁴ See Commentary (3.5) for the suggested derivation.

c23.s7.t9.7

It is significant that Tamil merchants with the title *gahapati* are mentioned in Early Sinhala-Brāhmī inscriptions.⁵ The title *kapāti* (cf. Sinh. Pkt. *kapati*) occurs as part of the name of a Tamil merchant in the Tamil-Brāhmī legend on a recently discovered lead coin from Tissamaharama in Sri Lanka.⁶

c23.s7.t9.8

⁵ S. Paranavitana 1970: Nos. 94, 356 and 357.

c23.s7.t9.9

⁶ See No. 4, Table 1.6.

c23.s7.t9.10

The original import of the term *gahapati* can be gathered from Prakrit inscriptions where it is specifically associated with merchant classes and prosperous landowning gentry who were supporters of Buddhist and Jaina religions. It is likely that *kāviti* had a somewhat similar significance in early times in the Tamil country also, later becoming a title bestowed by the king on merchants and officials as recorded in early literary works. Still later, the term *kāviti* came to mean an 'accountant' in medieval Tamil inscriptions.

4.6.10 An honour or title bestowed by the king

c23.s7.t10.1

A short inscription at Tirupparankunram (No. **54**, ca. 1st century B.C.) reads *mārayatu kaya[m*] 'the pool (is the gift) of the *mārāyam*'. The expression *mārayatu* (read *mārāyattu*) is the oblique form of *mārāyam* which occurs in early Tamil works with the meaning 'an honour or a title (Ta. *paṭṭam*) bestowed by the king'. In later Tamil inscriptions, the title occurs with the personal names of several types of functionaries and others, and does not appear to indicate, by itself, any specific function or duty. The term is probably derived from Pkt. *mahārāya* (<Skt. *mahārāja*).

4.6.11 Titles of other important personages

c23.s7.t11.1

The title *kō* is given to the head of the institution known as *kaṭikai*, an assembly of learned persons, in an inscription at Mannarkoil (No. **88**, ca. 2nd century A.D.). The title *kōṉ* is accorded, probably as an honorific, to a *kāviti* at Tirumalai (No. **52**, ca. 1st century A.D.) and to a chief of a village in the Pillaiyarpatti inscription (No. **117**, ca. 6th century A.D.). A member of a particular class of Vaiśya community is given the honorific *(i)ḷaṅkō* in an inscription at Mannarkoil (No. **89** ca. 2nd century A.D.). A chief of the village or its leading landowner or an eminent person of the place is referred to as *kiḻār* in the inscription at Ammankoyilpatti (No. **84**, ca. 4th century A.D.).

4.6.12 The village assembly

c23.s7.t12.1

As short inscription at Mudalaikulam (No. **35**, ca. 2nd century B.C.) reads:

c23.s7.t12.2

vēmpir-ūr pēr-ay-am cētavar
'Vēmpiṟṟūr constructed (*cētavar*) the large tank (*pēr-ayam*)'.

c23.s7.t12.3

What is remarkable about the inscription is that the predicate *cētavar* (LT ceytavar) 'they who made' is in the plural indicating that the subject of the sentence (*ūr*) refers not to the village as such, but to assembly of the village, also known as *ūr* in later Tamil inscriptions. The text has thus to be understood as follows:

c23.s7.t12.4

'the assembly (*ūr*) of Vēmpil (Vēmpiṟṟūr) constructed the large tank'.

c23.s7.t12.5

If this interpretation is accepted, we have in this inscription the earliest lithic record of a village assembly in the Tamil country. *vēmpiṟṟūr* (*vēmpil-tt-ūr*) may be identified with Vēmbaṟṟūr of later Tamil inscriptions and modern Vempattur in Ramanathapuram District (see Table 4.³).

4.6.13 Assembly of learned persons

c23.s7.t13.1

An inscription at Mannarkoil (No. **88**, ca. 2nd century A.D.), mentions *kaṭikai* 'an assembly of learned persons or institution of higher learning; the place of such an assembly or institution'. The expression is derived from Skt. *ghaṭikā* 'assembly'.

c23.s7.t13.2

The most famous *ghaṭikā* in the Tamil country was the one at Kanchipuram, which flourished during the Pallava rule.¹ It seems to have come into existence even prior to the conquest of Kanchipuram by the Pallavas in the middle of the 3rd century A.D.² Similar *ghaṭikās*, though probably on a smaller scale, functioned in many other places in the Tamil country as indicated by literary and epigraphic evidence; for example, at Vēmpaṟṟūr (modern Veppattur in Thanjavur District)³ and Kavanur (in Chengalpattu District).⁴

c23.s7.t13.3

¹ C. Minakshi 1977 (revised edn.): pp. 223-232.

c23.s7.t13.4

² *Pallava Inscrs.* pp. xxx-xxxi.

c23.s7.t13.5

³ *ARE* 293/1908, Cōḻa, 11th cent. A.D.

c23.s7.t13.6

⁴ *ARE* 51/1933, Pāṇṭiya, ca. 13th cent. A.D.

c23.s7.t13.7

The Mannarkoil inscription dated on palaeographic evidence to the 2nd century A.D. is the earliest reference known so far to a *kaṭikai* functioning in the Tamil country and that too in the far south.⁵ The mention of *kaṭikai* in the inscription in a Jaina hermitage, and the donor of the *paḷḷi* being referred to as the son of the chief of the *kaṭikai*, would appear to indicate that the *kaṭikai* was associated with the local Jaina community and its composition and functions were probably different from those of the *ghaṭikās* of the Pallava period.

c23.s7.t13.8

⁵ See Commentary (88.3) for identification of the place name.

4.6.14 Warfare

c23.s7.t14.1

There is only one reference to warfare. The inscription at Mamandur (No. 73, ca. 3rd century A.D.) describes Kaṇimāṉ as 'the chieftain who took Tēṉūr (in battle)'. It can be surmised that the battle referred to in this inscription must have taken place before the Pallava occupation of Kanchipuram.

B. Religion

4.7 Earlier views on the authors of cave inscriptions

4.7.1 Buddhist occupation of the caves

c23.s9.t1.1

To the earlier investigators of the Tamil caves, the Brāhmī inscriptions in characters resembling those of the Asokan edicts suggested Buddhist association even before the inscriptions could be properly understood. Venkayya traced the use of natural caves for religious purposes to the Buddhists "whose creed makes it binding on the monks to resort to out-of-the-way places". He compared the Tamil caves having stone beds and inscriptions with the rock-cut Buddhist caves of Western India. He also suggested that Asoka's Buddhist missionaries to Sri Lanka must have passed through the Tamil country and propagated their faith here too.¹

c23.s9.t1.2

¹ *ARE 1906-07*: paragraphs 1-5.

c23.s9.t1.3

Krishna Sastri compared the Tamil caves with very similar ones in Sri Lanka and proposed that the caves were successively occupied by aboriginal tribes in prehistoric times and then by the Buddhist monks, and in much later times, by the Jainas who carved the stone sculptures and Vaṭṭeḻuttu inscriptions.²

c23.s9.t1.4

² H.Krishna Sastri 1919: pp. 330-332; also in *ARE 1908-09*: paragraph 7.

c23.s9.t1.5

Subrahmanya Aiyer drew attention to the parallelism in place names between Pañcapāṇḍava malai and Kaḻukumalai in the Tamil country and Pāṇḍava Pabbata and Gṛidhrakūṭa respectively, the latter two associated with incidents in the Buddha's life.³

c23.s9.t1.6

³ K.V. Subrahmanya Aiyer 1924: pp. 278-281.

c23.s9.t1.7

However, the texts of the Tamil-Brāhmī inscriptions which have now been fully deciphered, do not reveal any internal evidence for associating the Buddhist faith with the Tamil caves. Some of the earlier readings and interpretations which seemingly provided evidence for the presence of Buddhism in the cave inscriptions have now been shown to be incorrect:

c23.s9.t1.8

(a) The expression **ū pā cā a ṉa** (*upaca-aṉ*) occurring at Kilavalavu and Kongarpuliyankulam was regarded by Subrahmanya Aiyer as the Tamil form of Skt. *upāsaka* from Prakrit, and interpreted to mean a 'lay devotee' as in Buddhist terminology.⁴ However, the same expression was earlier derived by Krishna Sastri from Skt. *upādhyāya* 'teacher.'¹ Though he did not interpret it, the expression means a 'preceptor' or 'spiritual teacher' in Jaina terminology. The latter interpretation has been adopted in this study.²

c23.s9.t1.9

⁴ *Ibid.* p. 294.

c23.s9.t1.10

¹ H. Krishna Sastri 1919: pp. 339-340.

c23.s9.t1.11

² See section **4.9.3(iii)**.

c23.s9.t1.12

(b) I had earlier read the words *mātavirai* 'great nun' and *tavira* 'monk' in the Alagarmalai cave inscriptions.³ As these terms can have Buddhist association, they have been considered as evidence for the presence of Buddhism in the Tamil caves. However, later field work has shown these to be incorrect readings respectively for *mattirai* ('Matirai') and *av[v]ir[u]-* ('those two') (Nos. **38** and **45**).

c23.s9.t1.13

³ I. Mahadevan, *Corpus of Tamil-Brāhmī Inscriptions 1966* (1968): Nos. 33 and 41.

4.7.2 Ājīvika presence in the caves

c23.s9.t2.1

Mahalingam suggested that, in addition to the Buddhist and Jaina monks, Ājīvika ascetics were also present in the caves.⁴ While the Ājīvika sect was known in the Tamil country from ancient times as attested by literary evidence and inscriptions, there is no evidence that it ever had a large following. Mahalingam's view that "considerable sections of the population seem to have been attracted to this faith which had taken a deep root in the country and had attained good progress apparently with large patronage"⁵ is overstated and has not been generally accepted. The decipherment of the Tamil-Brāhmī cave inscriptions has not produced any evidence of Ājīvika association with the Tamil caves.⁶

c23.s9.t2.2

⁴ T.V. Mahalingam 1967: pp. 188-192.

c23.s9.t2.3

⁵ Ibid. p. 188.

c23.s9.t2.4

⁶ For a succinct account of the Ājīvikas in Tamil country, See R. Vijayalakshmy 1988.

4.8 Early phase of Jainism in the Tamil country

4.8.1 Bhadrabahu-Chandragupta legend

c23.s10.t1.1

The advent of Jainism in South India is traditionally traced to the migration of Chandragupta Maurya and his preceptor Bhadrabahu to Sravanabelagola in Karnataka. According to the legend, when foretold of a terrible famine in Magadha which would last twelve years, the Jaina Saṃgha led by Bhadrabahu and Chandragupta migrated to South India and settled down at Sravanabelagola.⁷ Viśākha Muni, the disciple of Bhadrabahu, went further south to the Tamil country and preached in the Cōḻa and Pāṇḍiya kingdoms.

c23.s10.t1.2

⁷ S.B. Deo 1956: pp. 86-88.

c23.s10.t1.3

As the Bhadrabahu-Chandragupta legend is found only in relatively late sources, scholars have been hesitant to accept it as a historical event. The Tamil-Brāhmī cave inscriptions, now known to be the earliest Jaina records in South India, provide indirect corroboration of two key elements of the legend. The palaeography of the cave inscriptions is consistent with borrowing from Magadha in ca. 3rd century B.C. during the Mauryan Age. The decipherment of the inscriptions has also revealed early links with Karnataka and Old Kannada indicative of the proximate source of Jainism in the Tamil country.¹ The views of some scholars that Jainism reached the Tamil country from Bengal and Orissa and not from Karnataka can no longer be accepted.²

c23.s10.t1.4

² E.g., A. K. Chatterjee 1978: p. 119.

4.8.2 Samprati and Jainism in the Tamil country

c23.s10.t2.1

Dasaratha and Samprati, grandsons of Asoka, succeeded him and ruled simultaneously from Pataliputra and Ujjain respectively. While Dasaratha seems to have supported the Ājīvika faith, Samprati became an ardent supporter of Jainism under the guidance of his preceptor Suhastin. Samprati despatched Jaina missionaries to various regions in South India including the Damila (Tamil) country.³ Jaina literary evidence credits the spread of Jainism from Ujjain to the Deccan and other southern countries.⁴

c23.s10.t2.2

³ S.B. Deo 1956: pp. 91-92.

c23.s10.t2.3

⁴ Ibid. p. 115. Prakrit loanwords in the Tamil cave inscriptions lend support to this tradition. See section 3.3.5 (ii).

4.9 Evidence of Jainism in Tamil-Brāhmī and Early Vaṭṭeluttu inscriptions

4.9.1 Jaina character of the inscriptions: a statistical study

c23.s11.t1.1

The earlier speculations about the nature of the religion associated with the Tamil caves have now been set at rest with the complete decipherment of the Tamil-Brāhmī inscriptions. There is no longer any doubt that the Tamil-Brāhmī cave inscriptions are mostly associated with the Jaina faith (see Table 4.¹). Out of 30 sites with 89 Tamil-Brāhmī cave inscriptions included in the present Corpus, 28 sites with 84 inscriptions are Jaina and the remaining 2 sites with 5 inscriptions are secular, that is, having no apparent religious significance. The position is somewhat different in the case of the Early Vaṭṭeluttu inscriptions included in the Corpus. Out of 12 sites with 21 inscriptions, only 4 sites with 12 inscriptions are Jaina; the Pillaiyarpatti rock-cut shrine with one inscription is affiliated to Vedic (Brahmanical) Hinduism; and the remaining are secular records.

c23.s11.t1.2

| Tamil-Brāhmī (ca. 2nd cent. B.C.- 4th cent A.D.) | Tamil-Brāhmī (ca. 2nd cent. B.C.- 4th cent A.D.) | Early Vaṭṭeluttu (ca. 5th & 6th cent. A.D.) | Early Vaṭṭeluttu (ca. 5th & 6th cent. A.D.) | Total | Total |
| Sites | Inscrs. | Sites | Inscrs. | Sites | Inscrs. |
| Jaina 28 | 84 | 4 | 12 | 32 | 96 |
| Hindu -- | -- | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 |
| Secular 2 | 5 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 13 |
| Total 30 | 89 | 12 | 21 | 42 | 110 |

c23.s11.t1.3

Table 4.¹. Religious association of Early Tamil inscriptions in the Corpus.

c23.s11.t1.4

¹ See section 3.2.4 for discussion on the influence of Old Kannada on Tamil-Brāhmī inscriptions.

4.9.2 Jaina terminology

c23.s11.t2.1

Some of the key words in the inscriptions which help us to have a glimpse of the early phase of Jainism in the Tamil country are discussed below.

4.9.3 Titles of monks

c23.s11.t3.1

(i) *kaṇi

c23.s11.t3.2

The expression *kaṇi* (Pkt. *gaṇi* < Skt. *gaṇin*) ' a senior Jaina monk, the head of a *gaṇa*' occurs four times at Mangulam (Nos. *1-4*, ca. 2nd century B.C.) and twice at Alagarmalai (No. *48*, ca. 1st century B.C.). While many terms like *ācārya*, etc., are common to the Brahmanical, Buddhist and Jaina religions, the expression *gaṇin* is peculiar to Jaina hierarchy.¹ Thus, the occurrence of this term in Early Tamil-Brāhmī inscriptions is conclusive evidence of the occupation of the caves by monks of the Jaina faith.

c23.s11.t3.3

¹ S.B. Deo 1956: pp. 149-150.

c23.s11.t3.4

We learn from the Mangulam inscriptions (Nos. *1-3*) that Kaṇi Nanta-siri (Gaṇi Nanda-śrī) was the senior Jaina monk who received the endowments of three hermitages from the kinsmen, vassals or officers of Neṭuñceḻiyan, the reigning Pāṇṭiya king. The inscriptions bear testimony to the support that the Jaina faith received from the Pāṇṭiya king, his court and the local merchant guild (*nikama* < *nigama*) at this early period.

c23.s11.t3.5

The given name or clan name of the senior Jaina monk was Kuvaṉ, revealing his Tamil origin. This is a significant fact. For, if a native Tamil ascetic could have risen in the Jaina monastic hierarchy to occupy the position of a *gaṇi* ('head of a *gaṇa*') at this time, then Jainism must have taken root in the Tamil country much earlier, that is, not later than the earlier half of the 3rd century B.C.

c23.s11.t3.6

(ii) *amaṇaṉ

c23.s11.t3.7

The expression is derived from Ta. *camaṇa* < Pkt. *samaṇa* < Skt. *śramaṇa* 'an ascetic or monk of non-Vedic religions (Ājīvika, Buddhist or Jaina)'. However, in the Tamil tradition, the term is exclusively applied to the Jaina monks indicating that the Jaina *samaṇa* monks reached the Tamil country earlier and that the Buddhist monks who came later had to be given other appellations like *cākkiyar*, *tērar*, *puttar*, etc., to distinguish them from the Jaina ascetics.

c23.s11.t3.8

The term *amaṇaṉ* occurs first at Mettuppatti (No. *24*, ca. 2nd century B.C.). This inscription records the gift of Utayaṇaṉ (Udayana) to Attiraṉ, the Jaina monk from Matirai (Madurai). The occurrence of the word in a Tamil-Brāhmī inscription of the 2nd century B.C. proves that Jainism had spread to the Tamil country before that date. The linguistic testimony furnished by this word goes further. The use of the evolved form *amaṇaṉ* (formed by the loss of the initial *c* in *camaṇaṉ*) shows that the word must have been borrowed into Tamil much earlier to allow sufficient time for the linguistic assimilation and evolution *samaṇa* > *camaṇa* > *amaṇa*. On the basis of this evidence, we may date the spread of Jainism to the Tamil country at least to the 3rd century B.C., if not earlier.

c23.s11.t3.9

The variant form *amaṇṇaṉ* occurs in two later inscriptions from Pugalur (Nos. **61 & 62**, ca. 2nd century A.D.). The inscriptions record the construction of a rock shelter for Ceṅkāyapaṉ, a senior Jaina monk, by King Ātaṉ Cel Irumporai to mark the occasion of the investiture of his grandson as the heir apparent (*iḷaṅkō*). The Pugalur inscriptions (Nos. **61-72**, ca., 2nd and 3rd centuries A.D.) attest to the support of Jainism by the Cēra king, his court and by the merchant community.

c23.s11.t3.10

(iii) ***upacaṉ***

c23.s11.t3.11

The expressions *upacaṉ* at Tiruvadavur (No. **9**) and its variant form *upaca-aṉ* at Kilavalavu and Kongarpuliyankulam (Nos. **10 &11**) dated to ca. 2nd century B.C. are derived from Skt. *upādhyāya* 'spiritual teacher' through Pkt. *upajhaya*, *uvajha*, etc.; cf. Ka. *uvajjara* and Ta. *uvaccaṉ* 'teacher'.¹

c23.s11.t3.12

¹ See discussion on *uvaccaṉ* in the Commentary (9.1).

c23.s11.t3.13

The *upādhyāya* is venerated as one of the Pañca-paramēshṭhin (along with Arhat, Siddha, Ācārya and Muni) by the Jainas. In the Tamil Jaina tradition, the *upādhyāya* is a lay teacher of scriptures. He functions as the priest in the local Jaina temple and also conducts religious ceremonies in Jaina households. In course of time, with the waning of Jaina influence in the Tamil country, the Uvaccar became priests in the shrines of *piṭāri* (< *bhaṭāri*, originally Jaina) and other village goddesses. Still later, they figure as temple-drummers, dance-masters and musicians in medieval inscriptions.

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(iv) ***patantaṉ***

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The expression *patantaṉ* occurs as the title of a Jaina monk at Anaimalai (No. **60**, ca. 2nd century A.D.). It corresponds to Pkt. *bhadanta* 'venerable, reverend'. A variant form *bhadata* occurs as the title of a Jaina monk in an early Prakrit inscription from Mathura.² The variant forms *bhadamta* and *bhayaṁta* are attested in Jaina Prakrit works.

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² E.g., G.Bühler 1894a, *EI*. II: p. 199, No. IV.

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(v) ***att(a)vāyi***

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The expression *attuvāyi* in the Anaimalai inscription (No. **60**, ca. 2nd century A.D.) is obscure, with most of the authorities choosing to regard it as a personal name. However, it appears to be a title as it is prefixed to a personal name, most probably that of a Jaina monk. The word is probably to be read as *attavāyi*; the scribal error appears to be due to stress on the first syllable in the original Prakrit. The first part of the name is from Pkt. *attha* < Skt. *artha* 'meaning', and the second part from Pkt. *vāyi* < Skt. *vācin* / *vādin* 'one who reads / expounds'. The whole expression *attavāyi* may be interpreted as 'one who expounds the meaning (of scriptures)'; cf. AMg. *atthavāya* 'disputation of meaning' (*PSM*); *vācaka* / *vāyaka* 'preacher' occurring in Prakrit inscriptions.¹

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¹ I acknowledge my indebtedness to Pūjya Śrī Ārjavasāgar Muni, the distinguished Digambara Jaina monk, for the interpretation. Also see Commentary (60.6).

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(vi) *ācāriyar*

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The expression *ācāriyar* and the variant form *ācirikaru* < Skt. *ācārya* 'preceptor' occur as the titles of senior Jaina monks in the Early Vaṭṭeḻuttu inscriptions at Paraiyanpattu and Tirunatharkunru respectively (Nos. *115* & *116*, ca. 6th century A.D.).

c23.s11.t3.22

In the Jaina monastic tradition, especially the Digambara, *ācārya* is a title accorded to very senior monks who are considered to be superior to the *upādhyāya* in the list of the Five Dignitaries (*pañca-paramēshṭhin*) worshipped daily by the Jainas.

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(vii) *māṇākkar*

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The term literally means 'student' (honorific singular), but occurs at Paraiyanpattu (No. *115*, ca. 6th century A.D.) as a Jaina technical term with the specialised meaning of 'acolyte or disciple' of a senior Jaina monk. In later Jaina inscriptions as at Kalugumalai (Tirunelveli District), the expressions *māṇākkar* (masc.) and *māṇākkiyar* (fem.) occur in this sense.

4.9.4 Titles of nuns

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(i) *pa(m)mitti*

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The expression *pa(m)mitti* occurs at Alagarmalai (No. *41*, ca. 1st century B.C.) as the title of a Jaina nun named Sapamitā (from Pkt. *sappamittā* < Skt. *sarpamitrā*). The term *pammi-tti* appears to be the feminine gender form of *pammaṉ* (masc.) 'Jaina novice'.² The expressions are ultimately derived from Pkt. *bamma* < Skt. *brahma* / *brāhmī*.

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² *Aruṅkala*. 168. See Commentary (41.3) for further references.

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(ii) *kanti*

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Cē-k-kant(i)-aṇṇi and Cē-k-kanti, mother and daughter, figure in the inscription at Nekanurpatti (No. *83*, ca. 4th century A.D.). Both are Jaina nuns as may be seen from the suffixed title *kanti*. The term *kanti* is attested as a personal name or title of Jaina nuns in Tamil literary works. The variant form *kavunti* occurs as the personal name of a senior Jaina nun.³

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³ *Cilap.* 10: 165, 211, etc. See Commentary (83.2.b) for discussion.

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The term *kanti* (variants *khanti*, *ganti*) occurs in Kannada inscriptions as an affix to the personal names of Jaina nuns. The expression is probably derived from *gaṁthi* (AMg.) 'one who composes a literary work' (*PSM*) < *grantha* (Skt.) 'book'.

4.9.5 Names of Jaina monks and nuns

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The following are the names of Jaina monks and nuns occurring in the inscriptions included in the Corpus. Their titles are added after the names within brackets (*vide* Inscriptional Glossary for references).

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*Monks*

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| 1. | Attiraṉ (*amaṇaṉ*) | 8. | Ceṅkāyapaṉ (*mutā amaṇṇaṉ*) |
| 2. | Araṭṭa Kāyipaṉ [*att*(*a*)*vāyī*] | 9. | Natti (*kaṇi*) |
| 3. | Āritaṉ (*patantaṉ*) | 10. | Nataṉ (*kaṇi*) |
| 4. | I(l)lavōṉ (*upaca-aṉ*) | 11. | Nanta-siri Ku(v)aṉ (*kaṇi*) |
| 5. | Iḷaṅkāyipaṉ | 12. | Nākaṉ (*kaṇi*) |
| 6. | U(p)paruva[ṇ\*] (*upaca-aṉ*) | 13. | Paracu (*upacaṉ*) |
| 7. | Cantirananti (*ācirikaru*)† | 14. | Vaccaṇanti (*ācāriyar*)† |

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(† These two names are from Early Vaṭṭeḻuttu inscriptions.)

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*Nuns*

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1. Kavuṭi
2. Cē-k-(kanti) / (*kanti*)
3. Cē-k-(kant(i) -aṇṇi) / (*kanti*)
4. Sa(p)pami(t)tā [*pa*(*m*)*mittī*]

4.9.6 Common religious terms in Tamil-Brāhmī and Early Vaṭṭeḻuttu inscriptions

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Some of the expressions in the Tamil-Brāhmī and Early Vaṭṭeḻuttu inscriptions included in the Corpus are common to Vedic (Brahmanical) Hinduism and non-Vedic faiths (Ājīvika, Buddhist and Jaina). They have been treated in the present study as relating to Jainism taking the overall context into account (*vide* Inscriptional Glossary for references and Commentary for discussion).

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| (i) | *atiṭṭāṉam* | : | 'seat, permanent fixed abode'; refers to stone beds in the cave shelters. |
| (ii) | *aṟam* | : | 'charity, religious life'. |
| (iii) | *uṟai, uṟaiyuḷ* | : | 'abode of ascetics'. |
| (iv) | *tāṉa* | : | 'religious gift'. |
| (v) | *namōttu* | : | 'Let there be salutation!'; an invocation. |
| (vi) | *paḷḷi* | : | 'hermitage'; refers to the cave-shelter. |
| (vii) | *dhammam, dhamam* | : | 'religious gift, charity or endowment'. |

4.9.7 Jaina religious terms in Early Vaṭṭeḻuttu inscriptions

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Religious terms specific to Jainism or with specialised meanings in the Jaina context occur in the *nicītikai* inscriptions in Early Vaṭṭeḻuttu at Paraiyanpattu and Tirunatharkunru (Nos. ***115*** & ***116***, ca. 6th century A.D.). The expressions are listed below in alphabetical order with meanings. (*vide* Inscriptional Glossary for references and Commentary for discussion).

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| (i) *aṇacaṇam* | : | 'abstinence from food'; the Jaina religious penance of fasting unto death. |
| (ii) *ārātaṉi* | : | 'worship'; a Jaina technical term for the religious penance of fasting unto death. |
| (iii) *nicītikai* | : | 'seat of penance' (for fasting unto death). |
| (iv) *nōṟṟa, nōṟṟu* | : | 'who observed / having observed penance'. In Jaina terminology, *nōṉṟal* or *nōṉpu* refer to religious fasting. |
| (v) *muṭitta* | : | 'who completed'; a Jaina technical term for ending one's life through the penance of fasting unto death. |

4.9.8 Cave shelters: the earliest Jaina hermitages

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A brief description of the physical features of the cave shelters with Tamil-Brāhmī inscriptions has been given in Chapter 1.¹ Here we shall look at the shelters as the earliest Jaina hermitages in the Tamil country (*vide* Inscriptional Glossary in Appendix I for references).

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¹ See section 1.7.

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(i) *paḷḷi

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The most frequent term used in the Tamil-Brāhmī inscriptions for the hermitage is *paḷḷi*. In Early Tamil-Brāhmī, the word was spelt **pā ḷi** but read as *paḷḷi* according to the orthographic conventions of the period. In Late Tamil-Brāhmī, the word was spelt as *paḷḷi*. The original, literal meaning of *paḷḷi* 'sleeping place' applied to the cave shelters with stone beds and was later extended to hermitages or temples built of brick and mortar. The term *paḷḷi* came to mean 'school' as the hermitage was also a centre of learning from the earliest times. In literary works and later inscriptions, the term *paḷḷi* came to denote a non-Vedic (Ājīvika, Buddhist, Jaina) place of worship.

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