The Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagara, Vol. I v1.c15: Chapter IX. The Battle of Raksas-Tagdi
The Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagara, Vol. I v1.c15
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Chapter IX. The Battle of Raksas-Tagdi
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SUMMARY.—1. Project of a league of the Deccani Muhammadans against Vijayanagara.—2. Reconciliation between the Sultans of Bijapur and Ahmadnagar. The Sultans of Golkonda and Bidar join the alliance.—3. Rama Raya's preparations against the Muhammadans.—4. Description of the two armies.—5. Advance positions near the river Krishna.—6. Order of battle in the two camps.—7. First action: Venkatadri's attack against Ali Adil Shah, and Tirumala's against the Sultans of Golkonda and Bidar.—8. Second action: Engagement between Rama Raya and Husain Nizam Shah. Muhammadan retreat.—9. Third action: The last effort of the Muhammadans. Treachery of two Muslim captains of Rama Raya.—10. Capture and execution of the Hindu ruler.—11. Flight of the Hindu army.—12. Plunder of the Hindu camp.
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CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.—1. Ferishta, Anonymous chronicler of Golkonda, *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, *Basatin-us-Salatin*.—2. Hindu inscriptions and grants.—3. Mrtyunjaya MSS., Maratha and Kanarese accounts of the battle.—4. Poona Persian Poem, *Ramarajiyamu*, *Chikadevaraya Vamsavali*, *Jangama Kalainyana*.—5. Couto, Faria y Sousa.—6. C. Frederick, Anquetil du Perron.
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IN one of the preceding chapters we said that the arrogance of Rama Raya was responsible for the Muhammadan alliance which culminated in the battle of Raksas-Tagdi. They disliked Rama Raya for interfering in the Muslim kingdoms: especially in the last campaigns their pride had been insulted, their religious feelings despised and their independence threatened by the Hindu Monarch¹. The natural consequence of this was the Muhammadan league.
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¹ Wilson, *The Mackenzie Collection*, p. 268, says that "the Hindu records state that on going to an audience of the Raja, the envoy of Ibrahim Adil Shah passed on his way some swine intended to be given to menials of the court. As he expressed his abhorrence of this unclean animal to the Raja, the latter treated his aversion with ridicule, and
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According to both Couto and Ali ibn Aziz, it was the Sultan of Ahmadnagar who promoted this alliance among the Deccani kingdoms, spurred on by his hatred towards Rama Raya, who had often laid waste the territories of his realm 1. But Ferishta says clearly that “Ali Adil Shah resolved to curb his insolence (Rama Raya’s) and reduce his power by a league of the faithful against him”. The first idea, then, of such an alliance came from the Sultan of Bijapur, and was confirmed by the opinion of his courtiers ; for having discussed this point in an assembly of his counsellors, two of them, Kishwar Khan Lary and Shah Aboo Turab Shirazy, represented “that the King’s desire to humble the pride of the Raya of Bijanagar was undoubtedly meritorious and highly politic, but could never be effected unless by the union of all the Muhammadan kings of the Deccan, as the revenues of Ramraj, collected from sixty seaports and numerous flourishing cities and districts, amounted to an immense sum, which enabled him to maintain a force, against asked him how he could hold them as unclean when he fed upon fowls, which picked out grains from the ordure of swine. He took an opportunity of showing him the fact. The insult roused Ibrahim Adil Shah to arms.” Wilson is mistaken at least in referring to Ibrahim Adil Shah as the Sultan of Bijapur who was present at the so-called battle of Talikota. It was his son Ali Adil Shah.
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¹ Couto, VIII, p. 28-9; Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., L, p.143. It seems however that Husain Nizam Shah was the most prominent in the battlefield among the four Sultans. Naturally the P.P.P. does not mention any other Sultan; according to the poet, the army of Ahmadnagar alone fought against and defeated Rama Raya. See Ap. A. A Marathi MS. of the Mackenzie collection refers to the pretext for commencing this campaign against Vijayanagara, as follows: “While Rama Rayalu was ruling, a Mahomedan Fakir came (to Anegundi) and bathed in a sacred pool; and being taken while doing so, was carried before the ruler, at whose command the Fakir himself, and two others of his class, were beaten and allowed to escape barely with life. They went to Delhi (a word often loosely used for Mohamedan) and represented that if Vijayanagara were not taken, the Delhi ruler was no Mussulman. In consequence of this incident preparations were made to go against Vijayanagara, which was captured.” Taylor, Catalogue Raisonne, III, p. 691-2.
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which no single king of the Mussulmans could hope to contend with the smallest prospect of success”.
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2. Accordingly, by the Sultan’s command, Kishwar Khan took the necessary measures to effect a general league. The first step was to send an envoy to Golkonda to sound Ibrahim Qutb Shah, and to propose to him, if found prudent, the aforesaid plan. The Golkonda Sultan at once fell in with the views of Ali Adil Shah, and even offered to bring together Ali Adil Shah and Husain Nizam Shah, who were in perpetual disagreement on the question of the possession of the fort of Sholapur ¹. With this view he deputed Mustafa Khan, one of the ablest nobles of his court, to the courts of Ahmadnagar and Bijapur, with the object of effecting a reconciliation between Husain Nizam Shah and Ali Adil Shah and forming some family connection between them if possible, in order to perpetuate the alliance ².
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¹ Ferishta, III, p. 123-4.
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² Ferishta, III, p. 123, says that Mustafa Khan was directed first to Bijapur, but I here prefer the authority of the anonymous chronicler of Golkonda, Ferishta, l. c., p. 413. Moreover, no satisfactory reason is forthcoming for his journey first to Bijapur, since from Bijapur the first idea of the league went out to Golkonda.
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On reaching Ahmadnagar Mustafa reminded its Sultan “that during the times of the Bahmani princes the whole strength of the Mussulman powers was united under one king, which maintained the balance against the force of the Raya of Bijanagar; that now, though the Mussulman dominion was divided, yet policy required that all the princes of the faithful should unite in restraining the increasing power of their common enemy. He observed that the authority of the Raya of Bijanagar, who had reduced all the Rajas of the Karnatic to his yoke, required to be checked; and that his influence should be removed from the countries of Islam, in order that the people of their several dominions, who should be considered as being committed by the Almighty to their care, might repose in safety from the oppressions of unbelievers, and their mosques and holy places no longer be subject to pollution from infidels” ³.
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³ Ferishta, l. c., p. 124-5; *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, Ind. Ant., L, p. 143-4.
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The mission of Mustafa Khan proved eminently successful. Husain Nizam Shah was moved by his reasons; and shortly afterwards plans were laid for the reconciliation between both Sultans. Husain Nizam Shah was to give his daughter Chand Bibi in marriage to Ali Adil Shah, and with her the fort of Sholapur as her dowry. In return, the Sultan of Bijapur was to give his sister Falah Bibi Hadya Sultana to Nizam Shah’s eldest son, Prince Shahzada Murtaza, afterwards Murtaza Nizam Shah ¹. Couto adds here that Husain Nizam Shah gave Ibrahim Qutb Shah another of his daughters as wife ². These family unions were only a sanction of the league calculated to reduce the power of Rama Raya; for this purpose it was resolved to march against him at the earliest practicable moment.
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¹ Ferishta, l. c., p. 125; Anonymous chronicler of Golkonda Ferishta, l. c., p. 413; *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, *Ind. Ant.*, L, p. 144; Couto, VIII, p. 89. Gribble, *A History of the Deccan*, I, p. 192, incorrectly speaks of the bride of Prince Murtaza as the daughter of Adil Shah. Both Muhammadan historians say that she was his sister.
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² Couto, l. c.
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Mustafa Khan then went to Bijapur, accompanied by Mowlana Inayatullah, the ambassador of Nizam Shah. There the political treaties and marriage agreements were drawn up and naturally confirmed by the most solemn oaths. The marriages were celebrated with great pomp, and nuptial rejoicings were held in both the cites of Bijapur and Ahmadnagar ³.
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³ Ferishta, l. c., p. 125-6; Couto, l. c.
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Were the other two Deccani Sultans invited to join this league? Faria y Sousa speaks only of the three above-mentioned Sultans, Nizamaluco (Nizam Shah), Idalxa (Adil Shah), and Gutubixa (Qutb Shah) ⁴. The same only are mentioned by the *Burhan-i-Ma'asir* ⁵. But Ferishta, although he does not mention the Sultan of Bidar when relating the making of peace and alliance, nevertheless goes on to say that Ali Barid Shah was making active preparations for the campaign against Rama Raya, as the other three Sultans were doing ¹. Frederick also mentions four, *viz.* Dialcan (Adil Khan), Zamaluc (Nizam Shah), Cotamaluc (Qutb Shah), and Viridy (Barid Shah) ². Anquetil du Perron states likewise that "Bisnagar was plundered by the four kings of the Deccan and the Concan" ³. But Couto says that the Izamaluco (Nizam Shah) invited four other kings to join the alliance, *viz.* Idalxa (Adil Shah), Hebrahe (Burhad Imad Shah, of Berar?), Cotubixa, (Qutb Shah) and Verido (Barid Shah) ⁴. According to this authority all the Deccani Sultans were united to this holy campaign against the infidels. Yet the *Basatin-us-Salatin* says that the Sultan of Berar did not join the other Sultans on account of his hatred for Husain Nizam Shah ⁵.
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⁴ Faria y Sousa, II, p. 432.
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⁵ *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, *Ind. Ant.*, L, p. 144. The Maratha account of the battle gives six names of sovereigns allied against the Hindus on this occasion. The first mentioned is Akbarshah Padsha. Cf. Chandorkar, *The Destruction of Vijayanagara*, *Account of the Second Conference of the Bharata Itihasa Sanshodhaka Mandala*, Poona, 1914, p. 170.
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¹ Ferishta, III, p. 126 and 246.
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² Purchas, X, p. 92.
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³ Anquetil du Perron, *Des Reserches Historiques*, l. c., p. 166. Queyroz, *Conquista de Ceylao*, p. 309, metions also four, but instead of the Sultan of Bidar he puts here Melique, the petty lord of Dabul in the Konkan.
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⁴ Couto, VIII, p. 88.
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⁵ *Basatin-us-Salatin*, p. 95.
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3. Rama Raya soon heard of the intentions of the Muhamadan Sovereigns, and lost no time in making preparations to oppose their united forces ⁶. The anonymous chronicler of Golkonda informs us that Rama Raya on this occasion summoned "all his dependents and Rajas from the banks of the Krishna as far as the island of Ceylon" ⁷. One of the Princes summoned was the Nayak of Madura, Kumara Krishnappa Nayaka. This prince, who had shortly before succeeded his father Visvanatha ⁸, did not proceed himself in person to the North to aid the Empire, for his kingdom was not yet entirely subdued. But he sent his prime Minister and great general Ariyanatha Mudaliyar with a large force ¹. One of the chiefs who accompanied Ariyanatha to the North for the defence of the Empire was Basavaraja, as we know from the Pudukkottai plates of Srivallabha and Varatungarama Pandya ².
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⁶ Couto, VIII, p. 19.
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⁷ Ferishta, III, p. 413.
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⁸ Cf. Ch. VII, No. 17.
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¹ Mrtyunjaya MSS., Taylor, O.H. MSS., II, p. 115. Prof. Satyanatha Aiyar, *History of the Nayaks*, p. 68, thinks that Ariyanatha arrived at Vijayanagara a little late.
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² T. A. S., I, p. 84, vv. 161-164.
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While he was thus preparing for the attack, Rama Raya was the recipient of an embassy from Ali Adil Shah of Bijapur demanding restitution of Etgir, Bagrakot, Raichur and Mudgal, which had at different times been wrested by the Vijayanagara sovereigns from their neighbours of Bijapur. This was supposed to afford Adil Shah a pretext for breaking with Rama Raya, who "as was expected," says Ferishta, "expelled the ambassador with disgrace from his court; and the united sovereigns made this circumstance a plea for hastening on their preparations to crush the common enemy of Islam" ³.
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³ Ferishta, III, p. 126. The Maratha account introduces Ali Adil Shah protesting against the war with Vijayanagara; the other Sultans sent him the following message: "Please allow us passage through your territory. You should also join us with your army." Ali Adil Shah, duly honouring the envoy, replied as follows: "As I call myself a friend of Ram Raj, I am sorry I cannot help you." Cf. Chandorkar, *The Destruction of Vijayanagar, Account of the Second Conference of the B.I.S.M.*, Poona, 1914, p. 170. Afterwards however the Sultan of Bijapur appears by the side of the other Sultans against his old friend.
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4. Both the anonymous chronicler of Golkonda and the *Burhan-i-Ma'asir* state that the four Sultans finally met at the fort of Sholapur ⁴; but the statement of Ferishta locating the place of their meeting in the plains of Bijapur seems more probable ⁵. Such is also the view of Mirza Ibrahim Zabiri, who affirms that the Sultans marching towards Bijapur finally encamped in the vicinity of Talikota, where they were generously entertained by Ibrahim Adil Shah ⁶. On December 26th, 1564, they started for the South. The Portuguese authors record that the allied army contained fifty thousand horse and three thousand foot ¹. The anonymous chronicler mentions several of the Muslim generals in charge of the detachments of this army; Mustafa Khan from Golkonda; Mowlana Inayatullah from Ahmadnagar, and Kishwar Khan from Bijapur ². Rifat Khan was also in the army of Golkonda; he had been summoned from the South where he boasted of having reduced part of the country ³. Of these Mustafa Khan, whose real name was Kamal-ud-din Husain (Mustafa Khan being only a title), was as excellent a general as he was a shrewd politician and diplomatist, and was one of the foremost warriors of the Muslim world of those days. The beautiful Tughra inscription over the Makki gate of Golkonda still displays the titles bestowed upon him by the Sultan in token of the royal satisfaction and as a reward for his services to the state ⁴. Moreover, according to the Mrtyunjaya MSS. several Maratha detachments had joined the Muhammadan army ⁵. This seems certain; for shortly after we find a body of six thousand Maratha cavalry in the army of Bijapur ⁶. The anonymous chronicler mentions six of the officers of this Mahratta cavalry : Yeswunt Row, Bhoj Mul Naig, Dew Naig, Buswunt Row, Viswas Row and Koli Row ⁷.
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⁴ Ferishta, III, p. 413; *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, *Ind. Ant.*, L. p. 144.
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⁵ Ferishta, III, p. 126.
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⁶ *Basatin-us-Salatin*, p. 96.
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¹ Couto, VIII, p. 89; Faria y Sousa, II, p. 432. The P.P.P. says that "on account of the Arabian horses and of the intoxicated elephants, the desert and the fields became black". Ap. A.
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² Ferishta, III, p. 414.
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³ Ibid., p. 421.
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⁴ Yazdani, *Inscriptions in Golkonda Fort*, *Ep. Ind. Mosl.*, 1913-14, p. 48-9.
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⁵ Taylor, *O.H. MSS.*, II, p. 15.
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⁶ Ferishta, III, p. 418.
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⁷ Ibid., p. 433.
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On the other hand the Hindu army, according to Ferishta, consisted of seventy thousand horse and ninety thousand infantry ⁸, but the anonymous chronicler gives higher figures, viz. one hundred thousand horse and three hundred thousand infantry ⁹; and both Couto and Faria y Sousa, while agreeing as to the number of horse, state that the footsoldiers were more than six hundred thousand 1. Rama Raya and his two brothers were at the head of this formidable army. The so-called Emperor of Vijayanagara was then a very old man: according to Ferishta he was seventy 2; the *Burhan-i-Ma'asir* says he was eighty 3; but the Portuguese authors, who seem more reliable on this point, on account of their frequent intercourse with the court of Vijayanagara, state that he was in the 96th year of his age 4.
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⁸ Ibid., p. 247.
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⁹ Ibid., p. 413.
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¹ Couto, VIII, p. 89; Faria y Sousa, II, p. 432.
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² Ferishta, III, p. 129.
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³ *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, Ind. Ant., L, p. 146.
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⁴ Couto, III, p. 90; Faria y Sousa, l. c.; Sewell, p. 203, agrees.
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The Maratha account gives interesting details of the proceedings of Rama Raya on the eve of his departure from the capital. "He then went to his own harem, spent some time with Sathyabhamabai, the chief Queen, and presented many rich jewels to her. Then he went to another of his wives whose name was Devachintamani Trivegal. Her company gave him great pleasure and he made presents to her. Then he came to the drawing room of his third wife, Mana Mohini Nijaswarapi. She tried to please him in different ways. He ordered sundry fruits from his orchards and presented them to his wives. (There is here a list of 20 different kinds of fruits). Then he visited the chamber of his mother Chandrasala. She waved many jewels over his head that evil may be warded off. He then explained to her the state of affairs, how the four kings had made a common cause in attacking him and how the temples, alms-distributing houses, and the existence of the Brahmans was threatened. He therefore intimated to her the plan of repulsing and punishing the enemy. He then fell at her feet and asked for her leave. She did not like the idea and said: "We have not hurt the Muhammadans, but even then they are all coming united. It would be better to negotiate with them". He, not approving of her advice, went away. Whereupon she consented in order to please him. Afterwards he took rest during the night in his chambers. There he dreamt that somebody was depriving him of his ear-jewel and his throne and that he was being pulled down. At once he caused all the astrologers and fortune-tellers of long standing to be summoned and related his dream to them. They consoled him by saying that the enemy would be warded off, and that he would be long-lived and rule over his kingdom. He then presented them with costly cloths as well as coco-nuts. He also distributed 5,000 huns among the Brahmans". Chandorkar, *The Destruction of Vijayanagara*, l. c., p. 171-2.
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5. Rama Raya soon sent his brother Tirumala with twenty thousand cavalry, five hundred elephants and one hundred thousand foot to occupy the right bank of the Krishna, and defend all the passages of the river. He also sent his second brother Venkatadri with another equally large army. He himself next followed by slow marches with the rest of the forces of his dominions ¹. According to the Maratha account “horses, elephants, camels, stores, cattle, drink-shops, hunting materials, treasure houses and corn stores all these were also brought to the neighbourhood of the royal camp. Every man in Vijayanagara (every one having his own horse) was ordered to join the army” ².
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¹ Ferishta, III, p. 127. Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 96-7, compares Rama Raya's army to a locust cloud, and states that the total number of his soldiers were one lakh of horse and five lakhs of foot-soldiers. There is a slight difference in these numbers as given in the Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., L, p. 144: Venkatadri's army: 20,000 horse, 1,000 elephants and 100,000 foot. Eltamraj's (Tirumala's) army; 12,000 horse, 1,000 elephants and 200,000 foot.
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² Chandorkar, The Destruction of Vijayanagara, l. c., p. 172.
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The Muhammadan armies, having passed the town of Talikota, which wrongly gave its name to the battle ³, were laying waste the Vijayanagara territory to the North of the Krishna ⁴. Tirumala and Venkatadri had encamped on the South bank of this river, where they had constructed field fortifications and strenghtened them by cannon and rockets ⁵. The allies on reaching the Krishna, found that the only known ford was already occupied by the Hindu army, and despatched scouts to explore the river, hoping to find another fordable passage for their troops; it was not long before they fully ascertained that the only safe ford was just in front of the Hindus.
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³ Talikota is twenty five miles North of the Krishna. This is the reason which inclined me to change the appellation of this battle. History must be accurate even in these minor details.
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⁴ Couto, VIII, p. 89. Both the Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Int. Ant., L, p. 144, and the Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 97, describe the battle as having taken place on the banks of the Krishna. Only Ferishta, III, p. 246, says that the allies had crossed the Krishna and the fight occurred near the river Hukery, twelve miles South of the Krishna.
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⁵ Ferishta, l. c., p. 127. There was no fort there, as Sewell, p. 201, supposes.
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"On obtaining this information", says Ferishta, "the allies held a council, when it was determined that they should march to another part of the river, as if with the intention to cross; in hopes that the enemy might be induced to quit his position and follow, thus enabling the Muhammadans to return suddenly, and throw part of the army across at the desired ford without interruption. Agreeably to this plan the army of Islam moved on the next morning, and continued to march for three days successively; which completely deceived the enemy, who quitted all his posts, and manoeuvred along the opposite side of the river. The allies on the third night suddenly struck their camp, and moved with such rapidity that, during the next day, they gained the ford which the enemy had deserted and crossed the river without opposition". Husain Nizam Shah was among the first to cross the river. On the next day the vanguards of both armies met some miles South of the Krishna¹, in the neighbourhood of the two villages of Raksasji and Tagdiji, the names of which combined give the word Raksas-Tagdi².
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¹ Ferishta, III, p. 127-8; *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, *Ind. Ant.*, L, p. 145; *Basatin-us-Salatin*, p. 97-8. Sewell, p. 199, note 2, says that this place was probably "the plains about the little village of Bayapur or Bhogapur on the road leading directly from Ingaligi to Mudkal." Ferishta, III, p. 247, while narrating the history of the Sultans of Ahmadnagar, says: "The kings of the Deccan made overtures to him (Rama Raya), promising the restitution of the districts they had taken from him on the march, in order to obtain peace; conceiving themselves unequal to cope with his formidable army. Ramraj however refused to listen to any accomodation." This statement seems inconsistent with the whole account of the battle and its preparations, and with his own narrative. It is evidently intended to extol the Muslim bravery in winning such an unequal engagement.
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² Patwardan, *The Battle of Raksas-Tagdi*, *The Bharata Itihasa Sanshodhaka Mandala Quarterly*, IV, p. 72. Raksas-Tagdi is mentioned both in a Kanarese, and in the Maratha account. Cf. Chandorkar, *The Destruction of Vijayanagara*, l. c., p. 176; S. Krishnaswamy Aiyangar, *The Bakhair of Ram Raj*, Indian Historical Records Commission, Poona Session, p. 57.
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6. In the meanwhile, Rama Raya had joined his army and despatched to the vanguard a body of Rachebidas (of the Rachevadu race)¹ under a captain of their own, to reconnoitre the surroundings²; and these were probably the force met by the Muslim vanguard. According to the Maratha account there was a fierce exchange of arrows from both sides; and both parties suffered heavily, but the Muhammadan vanguard was forced to retreat³. Rama Raya was having his dinner when news suddenly came that the enemy was approaching and was almost within sight; and that between the vanguards of both armies an engagement had taken place⁴. The Hindu chief, " though somewhat astonished at their activity", remarks Ferishta, " was by no means dismayed"⁵, but mounting a horse with juvenile agility he put his troops in battle array⁶. He entrusted his right wing to his brother Tirumala, and his left wing to his younger brother Venkatadri, while he himself commanded the centre. Two thousand elephants, trained and armed, and one thousand pieces of ordnance were placed at different intervals of his line⁷. The Muhammadan writer says that the infantry of Vijayanagara used to go into battle "quite naked, and had their bodies anointed with oil, to prevent their being easily seized" 1.
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¹ They belonged to the Northern Circars, in the present Nellore District, and were very brave and fearless soldiers.
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² Couto, VIII, p. 90. These captains, according to the Maratha account, were named Bisalaya Naik, Trivengallappa Naik and Kartik Virappa Naik. Chandorkar, *The Destruction of Vijayanagara*, l. c., p. 176.
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³ Chandorkar, *The Destruction of Vijayanagara*, l. c., p. 177.
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⁴ Couto, l. c. This engagement is probably the one spoken of in the *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, l. c., 146, when it is stated there that "Ikhas Khan first charged the enemy with his Khurasani horse and slew large number of the infidels."
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⁵ Ferishta, III, p. 128. The *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, l. c., with evident fatuity, says just the contrary: "When Sadasiva Raya (Rama Raya) heard of the passage of the river by the Muslims, which seemed to be a presage of their success, he was much perturbed and alarmed."
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⁶ [No footnote text provided for this mark in the source image]
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⁷ Couto, l. c.
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⁸ Ferishta, l. c. The *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, l. c., p. 193, supposes that Venkatadri was commanding the right wing and Tirumala the left one.
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¹ Ferishta, III, p. 137. The description given by Paes of the Vijayanagara soldiers refers to the great parade before the King. Their dress was as magnificent on that occasion as it was scanty on entering a battle. Cf. Sewell, p. 275-9. The paintings of the P.P.P. reproduced here represent the foot-soldiers killed during the battle covered only with a short loin cloth.
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² Ferishta, III, p. 128 and 247-8; Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., L, p. 146 and 193.
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³ Couto, VIII, p. 90.
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The allies likewise drew up their army in order of battle. Ali Adil Shah took over the command of the right wing to oppose Venkatadri; the left was entrusted to Ibrahim Qutb Shah and Ali Barid Shah, in front of Tirumala's wing, while the centre was led by Husain Nizam Shah. Each of these three divisions erected twelve standards, in honour of the twelve Imams, before proceeding to the attack. Ikhas Khan, an officer of Ahmadnagar, was posted with a force of mounted Khurasani archers in advance of the centre. The gun-carriages, fastened together by strong chains and ropes, were drawn up in front of the line of Husain Nizam Shah; there were altogether six hundred pieces of ordnance of different calibre, placed in three lines of two hundred each. In the first line were the heavy guns, the smaller were in the second, while the third line consisted of swivels; the whole was commanded by Chalabi Rumi Khan, distinguished officer from Asia Minor, who had served in Europe. The elephants were placed at intervals in the main line of battle, their tusks being armed with sharp sword blades 2.
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Before the battle, Tirumala and Venkatadri tried to persuade their aged brother Rama Raya to leave the superintendence of the army to them. His advanced years made his position precarious in battle. But Rama Raya could not be induced to change his mind; and with the valour of a man of thirty, he despatched them back to their respective wings 3. It was probably on this occasion that he addressed his brothers and generals and "encouraged them to make a resolute stand against the Muslims, saying that he had attained the age of eighty years (?) without having disgraced himself, and that he did not wish to be disgraced by cowardice at the end of his life. He said that anybody who was overcome by fear was free to depart while there was yet time, and to save his life. The Raya's brothers and their 30,000 horsemen swore that they would fight to the death¹. Then Rama Raya mounted a litter of state, called *sing'hasun*, in spite of the entreaties of his officers, who felt that he would be much safer on horseback. "But", said he, "there is no occasion for taking precautions against children, who would certainly fly on the first charge; this is not war"².
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¹ Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., L, p. 146.
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² Ferishta, III, p. 128-9; Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 99. According to the Burhan-i-Ma'asir, l.c., p. 145, Rama Raya and his brothers on approaching the Muslim army "were terrified and decided not to fight on that day, but to make the most of their last day of dominion and power. They therefore withdrew from the field, and Husain Nizam Shah and the other two Sultans took advantage of their unwillingness to fight, to allow the armies of Islam time for repose, and rested that night in anticipation of the morrow's battle". The P.P.P., says also that "when that infidel (Rama Raya) heard that the army (of Ahmadnagar) was approaching, the world became dark to his eyes". Ap. A. This conduct of Rama Raya is not consistent with the narrative of Ferishta and other authorities. This passage is an evident concoction of the author in order to represent the Vijayanagara ruler as a cowardly warrior.
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7. It was noon³ when the two armies advanced and soon joined battle⁴. The left wing of the Hindu army, under the command of Venkatadri, was the first to attack its opponent the Sultan of Bijapur⁵. Venkatadri had always been a helpmate to his brother Rama Raya on the battlefield, 'verily as Lakshmana was to the epic hero Rama', as the Kondyata grant of Venkata III says⁶. He was 'a great hero' according to the Kallakursi grant of Ranga III⁷, and 'a veritable [Figure: V. Battle of Raksas-Tagdi. The Hindu Army. First engagement. Rama Raya in upper right corner. (P.P.P.) (By kind permission of the Hony. Secretaries, Bharata Itihasa Sanshodhaka Mandala, Poona.)]
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³ Ferishta, III, p. 128; Burhan-i-Ma'asir, l. c., p. 146.
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⁴ Ferishta, III, p. 120.
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⁵ Couto, VIII, p. 91; Burhan-i-Ma'asir, l. c., p. 193.
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⁶ Ind. Ant., XIII, p. 129.
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⁷ Ibid., p. 157.
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Arjuna in the battlefield' according to the *Ramarajiyamu* 1. This great general was the first to attack the Mussulman force. "The infidels," Ferishta remarks, "began the attack with vast flights of rockets and rapid discharges of artillery" 2. Venkatadri had under his command two hundred thousand infantry, twenty five thousand cavalry and five hundred elephants 3; and with this force he fought valiantly, inflicting great loss on his enemies. The *Ramarajiyamu* records that Venkatadri "in a pitched battle dealt destruction to the combined troops of the Nizam, Adil Khan and Qutb Shah, and drove away all the three chiefs from the field" 4. The second part of the sentence sounds like a poetical exaggeration, but points, nevertheless, to the success of Venkatadri's army over that of Adil Shah 5. The *Burhan-i-Ma'asir* agrees with this when affirming that Ali Adil Shah 'left the position allotted to him' 6.
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After Venkatadri had opened the attack, the action become general 6. On the right wing of the Hindu army, Tirumala, at the head of twenty thousand horse, two hundred thousand infantry and five hundred elephants, was likewise successfully opposing the combined armies of the Sultans of Golkonda and Bidar 7. Both he and his eldest son, Ragunate Raje (Raghunatha), distinguished themselves by their heroic conduct and mercilessly slew hundreds of Muhammadans 8. The *Burhan-i-Ma'asir* openly declares that "the left of the allies under Ibrahim Qutb Shah was beaten back" 9. Raghunatha had previously defeated the armies of Nizam Shah near the river Krishna and had driven them to the North of the river ¹. But as Couto records both father and son had at last to retire from the battle field for both were dangerously wounded ². The Portuguese chronicler does not say what these wounds were, but C. Frederick informs us that “Timaragio fled in the battle having lost one of his eyes” ³. Raghunatha’s injuries are not recorded anywhere, but since no mention of him is found afterwards, and it is known that he was not alive at the time of his father’s death, we may suppose that he died as the result of the injuries received in this battle.
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¹ Cf. H. Krishna Sastri, *The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty*, l. c., p. 119.
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² Ferishta, III, p. 129.
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³ Ibid., p. 247.
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⁴ S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, *Sources*, p. 222.
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⁵ The *Narusabupaliyamu* speaks also of the military achievements of Venkatadri in a pitched battle against Adil Shah. If the Bijapur poem refers to this battle, it is quite certain that the Sultan was driven from the field. Cf. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, *Sources*, p. 224.
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⁶ *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, l. c., p. 193.
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⁷ Ferishta, III, p. 129.
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⁸ Ibid., p.
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²⁴⁷ According to the *Basatin-us-Salatin*, p. 102, Tirumala was defeated by the Sultan of Bijapur.
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⁹ *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, l.c., p. 193.
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¹ *Vasucharitramu*, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, *Sources*, p. 216. This action must have occurred before the battle of Raksas-Tagdi, because Vijayanagara never recovered the territories to the North of the river
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² Couto, VIII, p. 91.
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³ Purchas, X, p. 93.
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8. When the news of this event reached Rama Raya’s ears, the valiant chief, realizing that the issue was much beyond his expectations, was incensed with fury; and in order to encourage his troops he remounted his horse, and shouting several times ‘Gorida! Gorida!’ (Garuda! Garuda!) ⁴, with his men charged the allied army. The wings commanded by the Sultans of Bijapur, Golkonda and Bidar, soon broke before the indomitable fury of the old Hindu King and his Rachevadu soldiers. Then the Hindu army charged straight to the centre of the allied army, which was led by the Sultan of Ahmadnagar with ten thousand horse under his command. But the attack of Rama Raya was so unexpected and effective that the Nizam’s army retreated about half a league, with the loss of more than two thousand of its men. Here the Rachevadu soldiers proved the bravery of their race; for seeing their Sovereign engaged with the enemy they dismounted in great haste; and rushing to his defence slew many Muhammadans.
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⁴ “Que he o seu idolo das batalhas, como nos o fazemos ao apostolo Santiago.” Couto, VIII, p. 91. According to the Maratha account this horse was called Amritanidhan. Chandorkar, *The Destruction of Vijayanagara*, l. c., p. 172. The exaggerated account of the
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But the field was not yet clear of the enemy¹. Adil Shah returned to battle, with his soldiers, to check the advance of Rama Raya. In the meanwhile the Sultan of Ahmadnagar collected his dispersed forces, and was back again on the battlefield before the engagement between Rama Raya and Adil Shah was over². Then several detachments of the Hindu army were sent against the Nizam's troops. In the first lines of the latter's army there were now two thousand Iragi and Khurasani archers under Ikhlas Khan, drawn up to conceal the artillery that lay behind in charge of Rumi Khan. "These kept up a heavy discharge on the enemy (the Hindus) as they approached, and fell back as the Hindus advanced, till they were close to the heavy battery, which opened upon them with such effect that they retreated in confusion with dreadful loss"³. "In fact," says Ali ibn Aziz, "Ikhlas Khan and Rumi Khan were the heroes of the day"⁴.
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¹ This retreat of the Sultan of Ahmadnagar is, of course, omitted in the *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*; but it is also recorded in the Maratha account. Chandorkar, *The Destruction of Vijayanagara*, l. c., p. 180.
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² Couto, VIII, p. 91-2.
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³ Ferishta, III, p. 248; *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, l. c., p. 193; Couto, VIII, p. 92.
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⁴ *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, l. c.
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"At this phase of the fight," continues the *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, "Husain Nizam Shah ordered the camp followers to set up his pavilion in front of the enemy. The pavilion was the king's great tent of state, and it was the custom of the Sultans of the Deccan, whenever they ordered this pavilion to be set up on the field of battle, to stand their ground without P.P.P. is full of oriental imagery and worth copying: "On account of the noise the beasts of the desert took to flight. When they were arrayed for the battle, even the devil fled away from their excessive clamour. The two clouds (of soldiers) began shouting and the two seas of fire came into tumult. And such was their shouting that on account of its dread the devil became mad. The trampling of the horsemen broke the ribs of the bullock (that supports the earth). The black cloud started shouting and the shining of the fish (that supports the bullock) reached the sky. The clamour was such that it reached the sky and even deafened the ears of the angels." Ap. A.
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quitting the saddle until victory declared for them. The erection of this pavilion at this stage was not without danger to the king's honour” ¹.
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¹ Ibid.; Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 101. According to this authority, Husain Nizam Shah had in the camp several of his wives and concubines; at this point he placed eunuchs next to every one of them, with the special command of killing them should the battle take a bad turn.
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This was probably too much for the old Hindu ruler, who now dismounted and sat similarly “on a rich throne set with jewels, under a canopy of crimson velvet, embroidered with gold and adorned with fringes of pearls”. But not to discourage his troops with his weakness, he ordered his treasurer to give some money to them, and “to place heaps of money around him that he might confer rewards on such of his soldiers as merited the distinction; rich ornaments of gold and jewels were also placed before him for the same purpose”. The Hindus, inspired by this generosity, recovered from the panic produced by the discharge of the Nizam's artillery, and charged the right and left wings of the allies “with such vigour that they were thrown into temporary disorder; and Ali Adil Shah and Ibrahim Qutb Shah began to despair of victory, and even to prepare for retreat” ². This account of Ferishta, who also states that “the two flanks had already fallen back” ³, agrees not only with the Burhan-i-Ma'asir, which says that “the defeat of the Muslims appeared inevitable” ⁴, and with the Hindu chronicles, which say that two divisions of the Muslim army had been defeated ⁵, but also with Faria y Sousa, who writes that “Rama Raya almost defeated his enemies” ⁶. The Basatin-us-Salatin relates this tremendous havoc in the Muslim army as follows : “The Muslim slain were piled in heaps over heaps, and autumn seemed to have come over the Muslim army. The infidels showed their superiority and valour” ⁷.
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² Ferishta, III, p. 129.
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³ Ibid., p. 248.
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⁴ Burhan-i-Ma'asir, l. c.
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⁵ Cf. Taylor, O.H.MSS., II, p. 142
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⁶ Faria y Sousa, II, p. 432.
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⁷ Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 101.
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VI. Battle of Raksas-Tagdi. The Defeat of the Hindu Army. (P.P.P.) By kind permission of the Hony. Secretaries, Bharata Itihasa Sanshodhaka Mandala, Poona.
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9. Husain Nizam Shah, however, remained firm in the centre¹. The commander of the artillery, Chalabi Rumi Khan, had provided bags of copper money to lead off with, should the enemy close; and these proved so destructive, that upwards of five thousand Hindus were left dead close to the muzzles of the guns before they retreated². The confusion of the Vijayanagara army then grew enormous: Kishwar Khan Lary, an officer of Bijapur attached to the centre of the Muslim host, charged with five thousand cavalry and routed the centre of the Hindu line².
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¹ Ferishta, III, p. 129.
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² Ibid., p. 248.
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And then, at the height of all the confusion, there was a movement in the Hindu army that decided the fate of the day. Two Muhammadan generals who served under Rama Raya, taking advantage of the confusion caused by the last charge of Kishwar Khan Lary, turned their backs on their lord, and went over with their troops to the cause of Islam. This treason, recorded neither by Ferishta nor by Ali ibn Aziz, explains quite satisfactorily the sudden change of fortune at the end of the battle. We are made aware of it by C. Frederick, who heard the account of the whole action one year later when he passed through Vijayanagara: "These foure Kings," says he, "were not able to overcome this Citie and the King of Bezeneger, but by treason. This King of Bezeneger was a Gentile, and had, amongst all other of his Captaines, two which were notable, and they were Moores (Muhammadans): and these two Captaines had either of them in charge threescore and ten or fourescore thousand men. These two Captaines, being of one Religion with the foure kings which were Moores (Muhammadans), wrought meanes with them to betray their owne king into their hands. The King of Bezeneger esteemed not the force of the foure kings his enemies, but went out of his Citie to wage battell with them in the fields; and when the Armies were joyned, the battell lasted but a while, not the space of foure houres; because the two traiterous Captaines, in the chiefest of the fight, with their companies turned their faces against their King and made disorder in his Armie, that as astonied they set themselves to flight" ¹. Anquetil du Perron records likewise that "the king, abandoned during the battle by two Muhammadan chiefs, perished" ².
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¹ Purchas, X, pp. 92-3. According to the Maratha account the final cause of the defeat was the surprise of the Hindu camp by the Sultans of Golkonda and Bijapur. Chandorkar, *The Destruction of Vijayanagara*, l. c., p. 181.
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² Anquetil du Perron, l. c., p. 166. This treason, not mentioned by Sewell, is recently recorded by Krishnamacharlu, *The Origin, Growth and Decline of the Vijayanagara Empire*, Ind. Ant., LII, p. 11.
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Who were these two Mussulman generals who so treacherously deserted the Vijayanagara army? Their names are found nowhere, but I suspect that one of them was that Ain-ul-Mulk whom Rama Raya used to call his brother ³, and at whose request Sadasiva granted the village of Bevinahalli to the Brahmans ⁴. He seems to have come from a family of traitors. His father, mentioned also in the aforesaid grant as 'the chief Ainana Malukka,' was beheaded for treason at Bijapur in 1553, during the reign of Ibrahim Adil Shah ⁵; and it was perhaps then that his son "offended Ibrahim Adil Shah, left his service and entered that of Ramraj" ⁶. As a matter of fact we find one Ain-ul-Mulk in the army of the Sultan of Bijapur in the subsequent wars with the Sultan of Ahmadnagar ⁷.
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³ Anonymous chronicler of Golkonda, Ferishta, III, p. 381.
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⁴ *Ep. Ind.*, XIV, p. 231, vv. 64-68.
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⁵ Cf. Cousens, *Bijapur*, p. 53, and Ch. V, No. 9.
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⁶ Ferishta, l. c.
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⁷ Ibid., p. 133; Anonymous chronicler, Ibid., pp. 419, 427, etc.
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10. The desertion of these generals threw the division of Rama Raya into chaotic confusion ⁸, in the course of which he himself was wounded ⁹. On seeing this, the old Sovereign again mounted his state litter to retreat from the battlefield; but the bearers, panic-stricken at the approach of a furious elephant of the Ahmadnagar army, ran away, abandoning their Monarch in the middle of that tremendous turmoil ¹. Rama Raya then attempted to make his escape on foot; but just when he was dismounting from the litter he was overtaken by the elephant, who seized him with his trunk ². The venerable prisoner was then conducted to Chalabi Rumi Khan ³, who just was going to kill him when one Dalpat Rai, a Brahman general of the Hindu army, cried out: "Do not kill him, but carry him alive before Divan Barid; for he is Sadasiva Raya (Rama Raya)" ⁴. Rumi Khan on hearing this brought the prisoner into the presence of Husain Nizam Shah ⁵. Ferishta, Ali ibn Aziz, and the P. P. P. say that the Ahmadnagar Sultan ordered his head to be instantly cut off ⁶; but Couto relates that Husain Nizam Shah beheaded him with his own hand exclaiming:
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⁸ Ferishta, p. 129. "The soldiers refused to obey the orders of their generals and ran away in all directions". *Basatin-us-Salatin*, p. 103.
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⁹ *Basatin-us-Salatin*, l. c.; Couto, VIII, p. 92.
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¹ Ferishta, III p. 129.
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² Ibid., p. 249. The *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, *Ind. Ant.*, L, p. 193, relates that the capture of Rama Raya took place when he was riding on horseback.
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³ Ferishta, III, p. 130. According to the *Basatin-us-Salatin*, p. 103, Rumi Khan himself was riding the elephant that seized Rama Raya.
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⁴ *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, l. c.; *Basatin-us-Salatin*, l. c.
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⁵ Ferishta, III, p. 130; *Basatin-us-Salatin*, l. c. The *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, l. c., pp. 193-4, says also as follows: "They therefore straitly bound the chief of hell and carried him before Husain Nizam Shah".
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⁶ Ferishta, III, p. 249; *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, l. c., p. 194; P. P. P., Ap. A.
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"Now I am avenged on thee! Let God do what he will to me!" ⁷ "His mischievous head", says Ali ibn Aziz, "was then severed from his foul body and was cast beneath the hoofs of the king's horse" 1. Moreover the P. P. P. relates that Rama Raya's head was stuffed with straw 2.
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⁷ Couto, l.c. The *Basatin-us-Salatin*, p. 103, depicts here an incredible scene: "Nizam Shah was much pleased with the capture of Rama Raya, caused him to sit down before him and asked him: 'How are you?' and 'How do you feel?' Rama Raya could not speak, but pointed out to his own head saying: 'This was destined'. On this point Akim Hasan Beg of Dabris, who was a favourite of Nizam Shah and the confidant of his Court, hastily came forward and told him that this was not the time for talking, saying: 'Send him immediately to the gallows of retribution (kill him), otherwise Adil Shah who claims to be his son, will cause great disturbances and will snatch Ram Raj from your hands'. Accordingly Ram Raj's head was severed from his body".
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Husain Nizam Shah then caused Rama Raya's head "to be placed on the point of a long spear, that his death might be thus announced to the enemy" 3.
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The death of Rama Raya on the battlefield is also recorded in the Hindu contemporary sources. A grant of his brother Tirumala, 1568, says that when Sadasiva "was governing the kingdom of the world, the Mahamandalesvara Aliya Rama Rajayya Deva-Maha-Arasu having, by the action of kings, suddenly set," (died), etc. 4 In another similar grant of Tirumala it is said that Rama Raya, "owing to the action of the kings of the Turukas (Turks, i. e. Muhammadans), having set" (died), etc. 5 The Pudukkottai plates of Srivallabha and Varatungarama Pandya say that "in Vidyanagari the famous Rama Raya was killed by his enemies" 1. The Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali states that "in one of his invasions against the Yavana kingdoms of the North he lost his life" 2. Rama Raya’s death is also mentioned in the *Krishna Raya Rajya aleda vivara* 3. Finally his defeat and death are given in the *Jangama Kalajmyana* in a prophetic strain by Sarvajna, a Jangama priest, and his son, staunch devotees of Siva 4.
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¹ *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, l. c.
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² *P. P. P.*, Ap. A.
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³ Ferishta, III, p.
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¹³⁰ *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, l. c. Briggs, Ferishta, l. c., note * says that "the real head (of Rama Raya), annually covered with oil and red pigment, has been exhibited to the pious Muhammadans of Ahmadnagar on the anniversary of the battle, for the last two hundred and fifty four years, by the descendants of the executioner, in whose hands it has remained till the present period". This was written in 1829. Since then no remains in Ahmadnagar of such a head can be traced. The Maratha account states that Rama Raya's head was sent to Benares. Chandorkar, o. c., p.
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¹⁸¹ In the Museum of Bijapur there is a stone representation of Rama Raya's head. M. J. Bird, *On the Ruined City of Bijapur*, J. B. B. R. A. S., I, p. 376, says as follows: "The only other thing that formerly attracted notice at the citadel was the stone representation of Rama Raya's head. It was on the right of the gate at entering; but having been removed from there by the Raja of Sattara, was lately thrown into the ditch". As a matter of fact it seems to have been thrown into the Taj Bauri; for when it was subsequently cleaned out this head was discovered in the mud at the bottom. Cf. Cousens, *Bijapur*, p. 9, note 2. The sculpture is photographically reproduced in the frontispiece of this volume.
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⁴ *Ep. Carn.*, XI, Hk. 7.
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⁵ *Ep. Carn.*, XI, Hk. 6.
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VII. Battle of Raksas-Tagdi. The execution of Rama Raya. (P.P.P.) (By kind permission of the Hony. Secretaries, Bharata Itihasa Sanshodhaka Mandala, Poona.)
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II. When news of the capture of Rama Raya reached Ali Adil Shah, this affectionate Sultan, who sometimes called Rama Raya his father, proceeded to where Husain Nizam Shah was, in order to save the life of the old Monarch; but before he reached the spot his old friend had been beheaded, to the great sorrow of the Bijapur Sultan 5.
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The noble head of Rama Raya was soon raised on the top of a pike, according to the Nizam’s orders; and this was the cause of the flight of the Hindu army. "The Hindus", says Ferishta, "according to custom, when they saw their chief destroyed, fled in the utmost disorder from the field" 6 towards Vijayanagara 7. They were pursued by the Muhammadans. "Husain Nizam Shah," says Ali ibn Aziz, "pursued the fugitives; and so many were put to the sword that the plain was strewn with their accursed bodies ” 1. “ The river”, according to Ferishta, “ was dyed red with their blood. It is computed by the best authorities”, he continues, “that above one hundred thousand infidels were slain during the action and in the pursuit ” 2.
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¹ *T.A.S.*, I, p. 84, vv. 161-164.
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² S. Krishnaswami Ayangar, *Sources*, p. 302.
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³ Wilson, *The Mackenzie Collection*, p. 345.
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⁴ Ibid., p. 272.
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⁵ Couto, VIII, p. 92; *Burhan-i-Ma'asir*, l. c., p.
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¹⁹⁴ One of the paintings of the P. P. P., reproduced here, shows the Sultan of Bijapur begging for Rama Raya’s life before Husain Nizam Shah. Ali Adil Shah is there represented as far too advanced in years. The Hindu accounts say generally that Rama Raya was beheaded by Adil Shah, and speak of him as having performed a meritorious action in saving Rama Raya from the disgrace of captivity. Cf. Taylor, *O. H. MSS.* II, p.
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¹⁴² See for instance Chandorkar, *The Destruction of Vijayanagara*, l. c., p. 181.
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⁶ Ferishta, III, p. 130; *Basatin-us-Salatin*, p.
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¹⁰⁴ Maratha account, Chandorkar, o. c., p. 181.
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⁷ Ferishta, III, p. 249; Maratha account, Chandorkar, l. c., p. 181.
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What was the fate of Venkatadri, the youngest brother of the deceased Raya? Frederick says that both Venkatadri and his brother died 3, and Couto 4 and Anquetil du Perron 5 agree with the Italian traveller. But Ferishta definitely asserts that Venkatadri “escaped from the battle to a distant fortress”⁶. The Ramarajiyamu seems to confirm this, while stating that “ the combined armies of Nizam (Nizam Shah), Yedulakhana (Adil Shah) and Kutupusahu (Qutb Shah) altogether gave up the hope of capturing him ” 7. Finally, the Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva, dated at least two years after the Raksas-Tagdi disaster, speak of Venkatadri as still alive; they say that he shone on earth as a hero and a conqueror 8. Probably the fact that he retired to that distant fortress was the cause of the belief that he was dead. Which fortress this was, it is difficult to say: Chandragiri, near Tirupati, would have offered him a safe refuge; it is distant, indeed, from the Mussalman realms, and considered as one of the strongholds of the Empire; Krishna Deva Raya had imprisoned there his three brothers and his nephew, as soon as he was enthroned, according to Nuniz 9.
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Linked texts (5)
- Tārīkh-i Firishta — Muḥammad Qāsim Hindū Shāh Firishta 1606, Persian
- Timmapuram plates of Viṣṇuvardhana I — Sanskrit
- Epigraphia Indica
- Indian Antiquary
- Pudukkottai plates of Srivallabha and Varatungarama Pandya (ed. Rao 1913) — Sanskrit