Pramāṇa · Search · About · API

Later Mughals v1.c9: Chapter IV. Farrukh-siyar

Later Mughals v1.c9

Language
English

Contents

Chapter IV. Farrukh-siyar

Sec. 1.—The March from Agra to Dihli.

v1.c9.s1.1

In the confusion and the darkness the Jats plundered impartially the baggage of both armies. No fitting resting-place for the Prince could be found, nothing but a dirty screen, all black from the smoke of cooking, and a small wooden platform. On this latter Farrukh-siyar seated himself and received the homage of his officers. It was not till three days afterwards that Sadullah Khan (son of Inayatullah Khan), who had been Jahandar Shah's Lord Steward, produced the late sovereign's duplicate set of tents, which owing to their erection within a walled garden, had escaped the plunderers. These were put up for Farrukh-siyar on the site of Jahandar Shah's encampment. [Warid, 148b.]

v1.c9.s1.2

Having spent the night of the battle (14th Zul Hijja, 11th January, 1713), in the small tent erected on the field, the next morning, after a formal enthronement, Farrukh-siyar offered up his thanksgiving at the shrine of Shah Mushtaq, and then marched one and a half *kos* to his camp. The Turani leaders, Chin Qilich Khan and Muhmmad Amin Khan Chin, with many others who had served in the army of Jahandar Shah, tendered their submission. Shariyat-ullah Khan (Ubaidullah) was also presented by Sayyid Abdullah Khan. Written orders were issued to Asad Khan and Muhammad Yar Khan at Dihli, and to many other subahdars, enjoining them to seize the fugitive Jahandar Shah wherever he might be found. At the end of the day His Majesty paid a visit to Husain Ali Khan who was confined to his tents by his wounds. After the battle was over, he had been found about midnight lying naked and insensible under a heap of the slain. When informed of the victory, new life was breathed into him. The following day, the 15th (12th January), the Emperor attended at the large mosque attached to Akbar's tomb at Bihishtabad Sikandra, and there heard the *khutba* read in his own name. More nobles and leaders now presented themselves. On this date Abdullah Khan brought in as a prisoner Azz-ud-din, who had been found hiding in the underground chambers of the mansion at Agra known as Dara Shukoh’s.* Public rumour asserted that Jahandar Shah and Zulfiqar Khan had gone to Dihli; the latter had been seen at Mathura on the way to that place.†

v1.c9.s1.3

† Kamwar 126, Ijad 100b, Warid 148a, Khafi Khan 724, 727.

v1.c9.s1.4

On the 17th (14th January), a move was made to the neighbourhood of Bagh Nur Manzil, also known as Bagh Dahra.‡ The stream of officers lately serving under Jahandar Shah continued to flow into the camp. As there was still great uncertainty about the future movements of Jahandar Shah, and a renewal of the struggle by Zulfiqar Khan was feared, it was thought advisable to take steps to secure possession of the capital as quickly as possible. Abdullah Khan was therefore invested with the usual dress of honour and despatched on this day (14th January, 1713), upon that service. With him went Chin Qilich Khan, Muhammad Amin Khan Chin, Hamid Khan, Jan Nisar Khan, Khwajam Quli Khan, Lutfullah Khan Sadiq, Turktaz Khan, and others. His orders were to attach all the property of the men belonging to the other side. An imperial rescript was also sent to Asad Khan by the hand of Ikhlas Khan. It was then Farrukh-siyar’s intention to follow as speedily as possible with the rest of his troops.§

v1.c9.s1.5

‡ Of this grove the only thing now left is a large well, which from its size is known as the well of the 52 water-bags (bawan lao ki kua)—Tarikh-i-Agra, Husaini Press, Fathgarh, p.

v1.c9.s1.6

§ Mirza Muhammad 150, 151; Kamwar 127; Ijad 104b; Khafi Khan, 727.

v1.c9.s1.7

On the 18th (15th January, 1713), another visit was paid to Husain Ali Khan. The 19th was passed at the Taj, where the tombs of Shah Jahan and his queen, Mumtaz-i-Mahal, were visited. The Government of Akbarabad was confirmed to Sayyid Amir Khan Tatthawi or Sindhi, (grandson of Qasim Khan Namakin).* The jizya, or poll-tax, was abolished after it had been levied for thirty-four years. On the 20th submissive letters were received from Asad Khan at Dihli, reporting the imprisonment of Jahandar Shah and the restraint placed on Zulfiqar Khan. As Farrukh-siyar could not trust Asad Khan, it was decided to await full reports from Abdullah Khan before any further action was taken. On the 22nd the Emperor attended the public prayers at the Great Mosque near the Chauk, or market-place, in the city of Agra, gold and silver coins being scattered on the way. The next day Abdullah Khan sent the good news from Dihli that Jahandar Shah had been made a prisoner and Zulfiqar Khan dissuaded from continuing his resistance. As there was no longer the same pressing necessity for haste, re-assuring letters were sent to Asad Khan, and a leisurely advance to Dihli was ordered by the usual stages.†

v1.c9.s1.8

∗ Yahya Khan, 121a, says that Azz-ud-din and his wife were captured in a grove near Agra, and that Farrukh-siyar ordered them to be kept prisoners. Kamraj’s story, 52a, is that they were found in a milk-seller’s house.

v1.c9.s1.9

²⁸ The site is three miles south of the fort, it is now within the cantonments, and is called Khawaspura (private letter from Mirza Wiqar Ali Beg, dated 20th February, 1893). The epithet Nur Manzil was given with reference to the Emperor Jahangir’s name, Nur-ud-din Muhammad, Masir-ul-umara, iii. 79.

v1.c9.s1.10

† For abolition of jizya, see B. M. No. 1690, fol. 163.

v1.c9.s1.11

On the 25th (22nd January, 1713), a start was made for Dihli, the first camp being near Sikandra. The other marches were, 27th Sarai Godraya, 1st Muharram Iradatnagar, 3rd a place near Sarai Azimabad, between Mathura (Islamabad) and Bindraban, 5th Siyai, 6th Shergarh, 8th Shahpur 9th Sultanpur, 11th near Fathpur, 12th near Qabulpur, 13th Ismailpur, 15th (10th February, 1713), a grove in Khizrabad, five miles south of Dihli city.‡

v1.c9.s1.12

∗ For this man, see Blochmann, Ain, 470, and Masir-ul-umara, iii.

v1.c9.s1.13

⁷⁴ The rock-salt plates and bottles from which he got his nickname are described in Anand Ram's Mirat-ul-istilah. For Amir Khan himself, see M. U., i. 303.

v1.c9.s1.14

‡ Kamwar Khan 127, 128; Ijad 105a; Khafi Khan, 728 and M. U. i. 318, say the army arrived on the 14th Muharram at Barahpula, which is 1¾ miles nearer the city (Carr Stephen, plate 1). Sarai Godraya, Iradatnagar and Shergarh, I have not traced. Mathura and Bindraban are well known. Siyai (Seyee) and Shahpur are on sheet No. 50, Sultanpur, Fathpur (F. Biloch), Qabulpur, and Ismailpur on sheet No. 49 of the Indian Atlas.

Sec. 2.—Abdullah Khan at Dihli.

v1.c9.s2.1

We now return to Dihli. The first news of Jahandar Shah's defeat at Agra was received at Dihli after midday on the 15th Zul Hijja (12th January, 1713). We have already described the subsequent arrival there of Zulfiqar Khan and Jahandar Shah, and the measures adopted by Asad Khan. Sayyid Abdullah Khan, who started from Agra on the 17th arrived at Barahpula near Dihli on the 25th Zul Hijja. The principal men of the city came out to pay their respects,* and on the same day Zulfiqar Khan, to whom Ikhlas Khan had been sent, rode out to the camp. His interview with the new Wazir lasted over an hour. The Sayyids never doubted for a moment that Asad Khan and his son, as soon as they presented themselves, would be admitted to favour and high office. Thus they thought it wisest for their own future benefit, to put the two men under an obligation by acting as their introducers. Sayyid Abdullah Khan promised his predecessor that, if he would entrust himself to his and his brother's care, they would arrange that he and his father should not only be presented to the new Emperor, but that not a hair of their heads should be injured.† Visitors returning from the Nawab's camp met at the Turkman gate of the city‡ the retinue of Mahabat Khan, son of Munim Khan, who had just been released from prison along with Jahandar Shah's other prisoners. Amin-ud-din Khan, who was one of them, found his way to Mathura and was presented there to Farrukh-siyar on the 3rd Muharram (29th January).§

v1.c9.s2.2

† Yahya Khan, 121b, calls the overtures made by Sayyid Abdullah Khan to Asad Khan his "deceit" (fareb).

v1.c9.s2.3

‡ This gate is on the south side of the city, having the Dihli Gate between it and the river. See Constable's Hand Atlas, Plate 47, and Carr Stephen, 244.

v1.c9.s2.4

§ Mirza Muhammad 153, 157; Kamwar Khan 129; Yar Muhammad 26; Khafi Khan, ii. 732; M. U. i. 317.

v1.c9.s2.5

On the 26th Zul Hijja, Abdullah Khan entered the city and occupied the mansion known as Jafar Khan’s.* He busied himself in restoring order in the capital and the rest of the country. Khwaja Husain (Khan Dauran), Hifz-ullah Khan (son of Murtaza Khan), Murid Khan and other partisans of the late Emperor were seized and their property confiscated. The same course was adopted with the estate of the late Kokaltash Khan (Ali Murad). Sabha Chand, Zulfiqar Khan’s chief man of business, who had been promoted by him to the office of diwan of the Khalsa, or imperial revenue office, with the title of Rajah, was summoned by Abdullah Khan. Finding that this man was sent for, Zulfiqar Khan began to fear for himself, and he told Sabha Chand not to obey the order. Abdullah Khan sent reassuring messages and advised the ex-wazir not to interfere. Zulfiqar Khan was not satisfied, until in a few days farmans arrived, addressed to himself and his father, promising them the new Emperor’s favour. Some of these letters went so far as to promise his restoration to the office of Wazir. As there was no other way out of the difficulty, Sabha Chand was now sent in charge of Dawar Dad Khan to Sayyid Abdullah Khan. Sabha Chand was put into prison and his house confiscated. [M. M. 158.]

v1.c9.s2.6

∗ Among others Mirza Muhammad, the historian, with his brother and a cousin, was presented to the Nawab by Lutfullah Khan Sadiq. Barahpula is 3¾ miles south of the Dihli Gate of the modern city (Carr Stephen, plate 1 and p. 209).

Sec. 3.—Death of Zulfiqar Khan.

v1.c9.s3.1

Although one month had barely elapsed since Farrukh-siyar had won an Empire almost entirely by the exertions of the two Sayyid brothers, a party adverse to them had already been formed in the imperial camp. At its head was Ubaidullah, Shariyat-ullah Khan,† a Turani, who when Qazi of Dacca had acquired great influence over Farrukh-siyar. Allied with him were other personal friends and dependents of the new Emperor, the principal man being Khwaja Asim (Ashraf Khan),* a native of Agra. Shariyat-ullah Khan, although possessing little capacity for high office, was a bold ambitious man, whose chief object was to clear his own road to power by destroying as many as possible of the old nobility, and sowing in Farrukh-siyar's heart the seeds of suspicion against the Sayyids, whom he hoped soon to supplant. [M. M. 158-159.]

v1.c9.s3.2

∗ It had belonged to Kokaltash Khan and was sometimes called Ali Mardan Khan’s. Azam Shah had owned it in Alamgir’s reign—(B. M. 1690, fol. 162a). It was afterwards granted to Abdullah Khan.

v1.c9.s3.3

† Afterwards Mir Jumla. To give him a status in the Court he had been made darogha of the pages (khawas) on the 20th Zul Hijja (17th January, 1713) and the title of Ibadullah Khan was conferred on the 26th of that month.

v1.c9.s3.4

When it was known in Farrukh-siyar's entourage that Zulfiqar Khan had visited Abdullah Khan and that some kind of friendly proposals had been interchanged, it was resolved to interfere at once.† The man selected as their envoy was one Muhammad Jafar, who had long been steward to Farrukh-siyar and had lately been raised to the title of Taqarrub Khan. As he was a native of Iran, it was thought that he would be more trusted than any one else by Asad Khan and Zulfiqar Khan, who were also from that country. Taqarrub Khan swore the most solemn oaths on the Quran that no harm should happen to Asad Khan or his son. He hinted to them that it was dangerous to accept an introduction through the Sayyid brothers, as in secret Farrukh-siyar was already displeased with them, and was not likely to turn a gracious ear to any representation from them. Persuaded by these arguments, Asad Khan proposed that he and Zulfiqar Khan should set out together. His son preferred that, in the first instance, Asad Khan should go alone, that they might see what sort of fate was in store for them. Asad Khan would not listen to any such proposal. He was convinced that, as their services could not be dispensed with, no harm could come to them. Finally on the 15th Muharram the two nobles accompanied Taqarrub Khan to the camp at Khizrabad and passed the night in their own tents, it being arranged that they should be received in the morning. Their too ready acquiescence bears out the truth of the proverb, "When Death arrives, the physician becomes a simpleton."*

v1.c9.s3.5

∗ Afterwards Samsam-ud-daulah Khan Dauran, who was made darogha of the audience-hall on the 1st Muharram (27th January, 1713).

v1.c9.s3.6

† Yahya Khan, 121b, makes out that Farrukh-siyar asked the Sayyids for advice as to the conduct to be pursued towards Jahandar Shah, Asad Khan, and Zulfiqar Khan. Abdullah Khan, Husain Ali Khan and Lachin Beg held that on no account could they be allowed to live. Thereupon Farrukh-siyar decided that Asad Khan was innocent; but they were at liberty to kill the other two.

v1.c9.s3.7

We are told by Warid, I know not with what amount of truth, that after Zulfiqar Khan's death the hand which Taqarrub Khan had employed in taking the false oath on the Quran began at once to wither. He could not move it, and it grew continually worse. He lived on asses' milk, he tried every remedy, nothing was of the least use. Thus the hand remained a witness to his false oath until three years afterwards his end came.†

v1.c9.s3.8

† T. Kh. died on the 9th Rabi II. 1128, 1st April, 1716, Tarikh-i-Mhdi. Mirza Mhd., 261, says he died of diqq (hectic fever, consumption, atrophy), of which he had been seriously ill for one year. He left sons, one of whom, Tahir Khan, was on the 7th Jamadi II. 1128 H. created Taqarrub Khan, see Kamwar Khan, 163, 164.

v1.c9.s3.9

On the 16th Muharram the presentation of Asad Khan and his son took place. Zulfiqar Khan, as he entered the imperial enclosure, felt a presentiment of his impending doom. He said to his father that he would withdraw and greet the Emperor the next day, when on his march into the city. Asad Khan lost his temper and gave a sharp answer. Zulfiqar Khan was silenced, and they entered the enclosure together.‡ Asad Khan went into the Justice Hall and sat down. His presence was announced to the Emperor. Farrukh-siyar came from the chaplet tent (tasbih-khana) and Asad Khan rose, made his bow, and pronounced his salutation. The Emperor advanced quickly, embraced him, took his two hands, and seated him close to himself. Many flattering remarks were pronounced and robes and jewels were brought, with which he was then and there invested. Asad Khan now said, "I have brought a culprit with me, may I hope for the pardon of his offences?" The Emperor replied, "Brother, let him be brought in." Zulfiqar Khan came in, unarmed, his two hands tied together, and stood before the sovereign. Farrukh-siyar, making a gesture of repugnance at seeing his hands tied, ordered them in an agitated voice to be untied. The Khan was then told to approach. He came and fell at the Emperor's feet, but he was raised up and embraced and kindly spoken to. A robe of honour and jewels were brought for him. Farrukh-siyar then, addressing Asad Khan, said that he was just on the point of starting for a visit to the shrine of Nizam-ud-din Auliya,* he (Asad Khan) had better go home and "Brother," that is, Zulfiqar Khan, would remain. Before their arrival, the orders for the visit to the shrine had been given, and the imperial retinue and the men of the haft chauki (personal guard) had all assembled.†

v1.c9.s3.10

∗ Yahya Khan, 121b, chun qaza ayad, tabib ablah shawad. Mirza Muhammad 159, Kamwar Khan 129, Warid 113, Khafi Khan, ii. 732, 733.

v1.c9.s3.11

‡ Mirza Muhammad's account of Zulfiqar Khan's death was obtained from a friend, whose truthfulness he fully believed in. This gentleman had gone that morning, in Indian fashion, with a dali or basket of fruit and vegetables from his own garden, to be laid at the new Emperor's feet. By this means he had been admitted into the privy chamber and justice hall. Before he could come out, the approach of Asad Khan and his son was announced. When he tried to make his exit, he found that of those inside no one was allowed to leave the place. He was thus a witness of all that happened (M. Mhd., 161, 162).

v1.c9.s3.12

† M. Mhd. 160-2, Ijad 119b, Warid 114.

v1.c9.s3.13

Asad Khan returned to his tents and Zulfiqar Khan remained in the Emperor's camp. Farrukh-siyar rose and went out, saying to Zulfiqar Khan, "I am going now; I must get something to eat and see to my equipage; I will send some food for you, you can eat it here." He then went inside, leaving Zulfiqar Khan seated with Khwaja Asim.‡ In a few moments trays from the imperial table were brought. Fearing that the food might be poisoned, Zulfiqar Khan hesitated to eat. Khwaja Asim, penetrating his thoughts, said: "If his lordship permit, this slave, too, will take a share." Thus reassured Zulfiqar Khan began to eat. The Khwaja then remarked that to eat food in the tent used as Hall of Justice was not fitting, had they not better move to the screens outside and eat there? It so happened that two canvas screens had been put up in the space before the Hall of Justice, an entrance having been left at one end only. The two nobles came out. As soon as Zulfiqar Khan had entered within the screens, and while Khwaja Asim was still outside them, the tent-pitchers with the greatest expedition brought the screens together and closed the entrance. In an instant about two hundred men, each armed with sword and shield, sprang from their place of concealment and drew up round the screen, shoulder to shoulder, leaving no space whatever between them. When the capture was reported to Farrukh-siyar who was seated in the chaplet tent (tasbih-khana), Ibadullah Khan, darogha of the pages,* was sent out. Entering between the screens, he said loudly, "His Majesty asks what reason there was for you to imprison Muhammad Kam Bakhsh and inflict injury on his followers. Does it accord with the rules of loyalty and of submission to a gracious master to act thus to his sons?" Zulfiqar Khan answered:—

v1.c9.s3.14

∗ Kamwar Khan, 130, says "the Qutb-ul-aqtab," i.e., the shrine of Khwaja Qutb-ud-din Bakhtiyari.

v1.c9.s3.15

‡ He had just been made Khan Dauran Bahadur, Ijad, 119a. His titles were afterwards added to, and he became Samsam-ud-daulah Mansur Jang.

v1.c9.s3.16

"The imprisonment of Kam Bakhsh was by his father's order; I was Alamgir's servant and Kam Bakhsh, his son. If he had told me to make my father a prisoner, I should have obeyed."

v1.c9.s3.17

After each answer Ibadullah Khan returned to Farrukh-siyar and came with a new demand. The questions and answers continued on this wise as follows:

v1.c9.s3.18

"You were generalissimo and chief adviser of Muhammad Azam Shah. Was it fitting for a general to flee, as you did, and leave his Prince all alone?"

v1.c9.s3.19

"As long as he was alive, I remained with him; when he was slain, what right had I to continue a contest in the field."

v1.c9.s3.20

"What was your quarrel with the martyred Prince, (i.e. Azim-ush-shan, Farrukh-siyar's father)?"

v1.c9.s3.21

"He did not look on me with favour, thus I was not in a position to join his side. All the officers of the State took one side or another. I, too, took a side; nor did I thereby commit any crime."

v1.c9.s3.22

"Why did you kill Mukhlis Khan and Rustam Dil Khan?"

v1.c9.s3.23

"I had nothing to do with that matter. These things were done on the advice and by the instigation of Kokaltash Khan."

v1.c9.s3.24

∗ Afterwards Mir Jumla, Muazzam Khan, Khan Khanan, Bahadur, Muzaffar Jang.

v1.c9.s3.25

“All the other Princes survive: what was Muhammad Karim’s offence that you should seize him, bring him to your house, and slay him? Are you not aware that he was our brother, and that his blood cannot go unavenged?” [M. M. 163-166.]

v1.c9.s3.26

Zulfiqar Khan, by this time, knew that his death was resolved on, and that any further display of meekness would avail him nothing. He changed his tone and returning taunt for taunt, cursed Farrukh-siyar and said, “If you want to kill me, kill me in any way you like, what is the use of all this talk.” Upon this Lachin Beg and several Qalmaq slaves* fell upon him, threw him to the ground, twisted the strap from a shield round his throat and strangled him. The others stamped upon his chest till the breath left him. But to make quite sure a dagger was plunged into his body several times. Ropes were tied to his feet and he was dragged to the outside of the railing in front of the public audience-hall. There the body was left exposed. Officials were deputed to confiscate the houses and property of both father and son. Zulfiqar Khan’s retinue, which was drawn up outside the artillery park at the entrance of the camp, dispersed on hearing what had happened, and the men sought safety wherever they could find it. All this took place at the time of afternoon prayer. [M. M. 166, K. K. 734.]

v1.c9.s3.27

The official statement of the case against Zulfiqar Khan, as found in Ijad, whose narrative was corrected weekly by Farrukh-siyar himself, follows the lines of the conversation reproduced above. The misleading letters and messages sent to him through Taqarrub Khan are exultingly referred to as an exhibition of consummate policy and statesmanship. [Ijad 116a.]

v1.c9.s3.28

∗ The name is sometimes given as Ilachin Beg and Dilachin Beg. Ijad, 119b, and Kamwar Khan, 130, say “Nur Beg and other Qalmaqs of the brotherhood of Ilachin Beg.” Khafi Khan, ii. 734, has Lachin Beg (Bahadur Dil Khan) “or as some say, one of the chelas.” Mhd. Qasim Lahori, 172, describes the man as a servant of Khwaja Qutb-ud-din, son of Maulana Sharf Husain Kajkiyah (?) He received the title of Bahadur Dil Khan at the request of Mir Jumla.

Sec. 4—Death of Jahandar Shah.

v1.c9.s4.1

On the same day that saw the end of Zulfiqar Khan (16th Muharram, 1125 H., 11th Feb., 1713), Saifullah Khan* was sent to the citadel with a letter in Farrukh-siyar's own hand-writing addressed to Muhammad Yar Khan. The nazim, although sorrowful at Jahandar Shah's fate, complied with the order and admitted the messengers. When the group of men entered the prison room, Lal Kumwar shrieked, clasped her lover round the neck, and refused to let go. Violently forcing them apart, the men dragged her down the stairs. Then laying hands on Jahandar Shah, they tried to strangle him. As he did not die at once, a Mughal, with his heavy-heeled shoes, kicked him several times in a vulnerable place and finished him off. Word was sent to the nazim that life was extinct, that an executioner was needed to cut off the head. Muhammad Yar Khan, who was standing down below, bathed in cold perspiration, answered "What is left for an executioner to do? Cut off his head, and carry it to His Majesty." They cut it off. The body was then thrown into an open litter (miyana) and the head placed on a tray (khwan). Half an hour after nightfall, they reached the camp with the lifeless head and trunk and laid them at the entrance to the Emperor's tents, alongside the body of Zulfiqar Khan. Lal Kunwar was sent to the settlement of Suhagpura, where the widows and families of deceased Emperors lived in retirement.†

v1.c9.s4.2

† Kamwar Khan 130, Ijad 122a, Khafi Khan 734, Khush-hal Chand 395a, Rustam Ali 225b. Suhagpura (Hamlet of Happy Wives) or the Bewa-khana (Widow-house) was one of the establishments (karkhanajat) attached to the Court "where in the practice of resignation they pass their lives, receiving rations and a monthly allowance," Dastur-ul-aml, B. M. No. 6598, fol. 55a. The name, Suhagpura, may have been due to delicacy for the feelings of the ladies, or it was perhaps given in derision.

Sec. 5.—Procession into Dihli.

v1.c9.s5.1

Next morning, the 17th Muharram (12th February, 1713), Farrukh-siyar left Khizrabad and marching in state into Dihli took possession of the palace and its citadel. The artillery of all sorts went in front. Behind the guns came the new Emperor mounted on an elephant, and at his back sat Ibadullah Khan (Mir Jumla) waving a peacock fan over his master's head. Largesse was scattered among the crowd as he went by. The head of Jahandar Shah was carried on the point of a long bamboo held by an executioner seated on an elephant; his body was laid across the back of another elephant. The corpse of Zulfiqar Khan, with head and feet bare, was tied by the feet to the tail of a third elephant. These followed about one hundred yards behind the elephant on which the Emperor rode. The procession was met by Sayyid Abdullah Khan (now Qutb-ul-mulk) near the city wall, at the inside of the Dihli Gate. The crowd in the streets was immense, a greater had rarely been seen. Some of the spectators were unable to restrain their grief, their eyes filled with tears, lumps formed in their throats, and they muttered to each other, under their breath, "Glory be to God! Yesterday lords over thousands, to-day fallen into this calamity."*

v1.c9.s5.2

∗ B. M. No. 1690, fol. 162a says Taqarrub Khan (alias Nusrat Khan), Yahya Beg, was the messenger.

v1.c9.s5.3

The bodies of the unfortunate Jahandar Shah and of his Wazir were thrown down on the sandy waste before the Dihli Gate of the palace. Asad Khan's family, taking with them nothing but the clothes they had on, were removed in palkis from their house to one known as the peshkhana of Khan Jahan where they were kept under surveillance; and Taqarrub Khan, the new Khan-saman or Lord Steward, brought in two elephants loaded with the jewels and jewelled vessels from Asad Khan's house, and also sixty-two of his horses. The fallen vice-gerent himself had been forced to appear in the triumph procession into Dihli, seated in a palki and accompanied by a few men on foot, all that was left of his former grandeur. At the Akbarabadi mosque he was halted, and there he sat in his *palki* unheeded for four or five hours, until Farrukh-siyar ordered his removal with his women to the office rooms of the diwan above referred to. Some temporary screens were put up, and there he and his family sought shelter. Food was sent to them at night by Husain Ali Khan.*

v1.c9.s5.4

∗ Mirza Mhd. 168, Ijad 123, Khush-hal Chand 395b. The Dihli Gate is on the south side of the city, it is the one nearest the Jamuna. Mirza Muhammad and his brother witnessed the entry into Dihli from the roof of the Akbarabadi mosque, which is in the Faiz Bazar, the street running north and south from the Dihli Gate of the city to the Dihli Gate of the fort. (Asar-us-sanadid, 70; Carr Stephen, 246, 248). Khush-hal Chand, also, was one of the onlookers and "into the skirt of this humble one, too, fell a silver rose, weighing seven mashas."

v1.c9.s5.5

It was not till the 19th (14th February, 1713), that Arslan Khan received orders to bury the bodies of the murdered Jahandar Shah and Zulfiqar Khan. The Prince was laid in the vault of the Emperor Humayun's tomb, at the side of other members of the family. Zulfiqar Khan's remains were interred close to the shrine of Shaikh Ata-ullah, which is situated at the gateway of the same tomb. Zulfiqar Khan was a little over fifty-nine (lunar) years of age at the time of his death ; he left no sons. No memorial was erected over him for several years. At length some of his eunuchs, who had been transferred to Sayyid Husain Ali Khan, mentioned this fact to their new master. The Sayyid ordered a tomb to be built, and on a tablet were inscribed the following lines, composed by Asad Khan :—

v1.c9.s5.6

"A hidden voice, lamenting with blood suffused eyes, said, 'Ibrahim made of Ismail a sacrifice' " (1125 H.)†

v1.c9.s5.7

† The father's original name was Ibrahim and the son's Ismail, Ijad 127b, Warid 147a, Khush-hal Chand 395a.

v1.c9.s5.8

In connection with these lines, Warid tells a story in praise of Asad Khan's strength of mind and vigour of intellect, even at the extreme age that he had then reached, which, if true, would seem rather to prove his want of common feeling. At the moment that his son's death was announced to him, he hung his head for a little while, and then said to the bystanders, "My thoughts repeatedly recur to the words 'Ibrahim made of Ismail a sacrifice.' " As the numerical value of the letters in these words accords with the year of Zulfiqar's death, the coincidence, if the words came spontaneously into his mind, was very wonderful. If not, this excogitating of a numerical puzzle was a curious use of the first moments following the news of an eldest son's violent death. As there was no member of the family left to support its name and fame, and Asad Khan now disappears from our history, it will be sufficient to note that he survived until the 25th Jamadi II. 1128 H. (15th June, 1716), when he passed away at the great age of eighty-eight lunar years.*

v1.c9.s5.9

∗ Kamwar 131, Ijad 124b, Khafi Khan 734, B. M. No. 1690, 162b.

v1.c9.s5.10

Zulfiqar Khan had obtained great renown as a soldier in the Dakhin, and there can be no question that he was a man of great experience in matters of State. But during the period that we are treating, commencing with the battle between Azam Shah and Bahadur Shah in 1707, his generalship was prudently displayed more in furthering his own interests than in winning battles for the master that he might be serving at the moment. Danishmand Khan (Ali) has a passage, taunting him with his conduct in the battle of Jajau, and accusing him of acting on the maxim that discretion is the better part of valour. An anecdotist [*Chamanistan*, 22] states that Zulfiqar Khan offered the poet and historian a large sum if he would erase this passage from his work, but to Ali's credit be it said, the words still stand in the copies which have come down to us.†

v1.c9.s5.11

The greatest blot on the life of Asad Khan and Zulfiqar Khan is, however, the base ingratitude displayed towards Jahandar Shah. Even native historians do not defend this act

v1.c9.s5.12

[^ *]: Warid 146b, *Tarikh-i-Muhammadi* year 1128 H., Kamwar Khan 165. *M. U.* ii. 319, says 94 years; also Khafi Khan, ii. 771, where the year is 1129 H. Kamraj makes the age 98 years. An allowance of Rs. 50,000 a year had been given to him by Farrukh-siyar, B. M. Or. 1690, fol., 164a. [^ †]: *Bahadur-Shah-nama*, B. M. Or. 24, fol. 37b. "The first to show his back was Muhammad Ismail, entitled Zulfiqar Khan. To Azam Shah's face he made great protestations, but instead of sacrificing his life, he made off at the earliest moment. Receiving from an arrow a skin wound near the mouth, he cast away his honour through excessive love of life. If he is abhorrent (*malun*) to the people, his excuse is notorious (*malum*). He had risen to fame and place in the Dakhin; from his youth up, his training in valour had been in running after the traces of the Mahrattas, a tribe of cats, whose occupation is robbing and running away. He had never seen a battle between kings; had never met in battlefield with tigers from the forest of valour. In brief, to stand firm in such violent contests you must be a hero."

v1.c9.s5.13

of treachery. Jahandar Shah had many claims upon them for favours conferred; and he had placed his life in their hands. If Asad Khan had thought fit to excuse himself from joining any further in the Prince's fortunes, he should have left it open for the fugitive to seek some other refuge. But he should not have seized him or delivered him over to his mortal enemy to be killed with indignity. Apart from this harsh and fruitless act, Asad Khan was superior in character to the other nobles of his time. He did little oppression, was long-suffering, full of dignity and of a handsome presence. He was of a correct disposition, which means, we are told, the showing of benevolence and sympathy to the lowly, and of ostentation and hauteur to your equals. His rise was rapid and unchecked, or as it is put, "he threw without intermission double-six from the dice-box of desire." [M. U. ii. 317—318.]

Sec. 6.—New Officials and New Appointments.

v1.c9.s6.1

On the way from Agra to Dihli, and after arrival at Dihli, many new appointments were made and new titles conferred. Sayyid Abdullah Khan (now made Nawab Qutb-ul-mulk, Yamin-ud-daulah, Sayyid Abdullah Khan, Bahadur, Zafar Jang, Sipah-salar, Yar-i-wafadar) became chief minister. The diwan-i-khalsa, or Exchequer Office, was given to Muhammad Baqir Mutamid Khan, who had been for a time Prince Muhammad Azam Shah's Lord Steward, and then diwan, or comptroller of the household, to Prince Jahan Shah; the diwan-i-tan went to Lutfullah Khan Bahadur Sadiq, who in Bahadur Shah's reign was agent at Court of Prince Jahan Shah, and in Jahandar Shah's was comptroller (diwan) to that sovereign's eldest son, Azz-ud-din. Sayyid Husain Ali Khan was appointed first Bakhshi with the titles of Umdat-ul-mulk, Amir-ul-umara, Bahadur, Firuz Jang, Sipah-sardar. As the reward for the Turani betrayal of Jahandar Shah, the place of second Bakhshi was conferred on Muhammad Amin Khan Chin Bahadur, who now became Itimad-ud-daulah Nusrat Jang. The third Bakhshi was Afrasyab Khan Bahadur, a Wala-shahi, or personal follower of Farrukh-siyar, with whom he had been in Bengal and had there taught him wrestling.* The pay-mastership of the Ahadis† was given to Qamar-ud-din Khan Bahadur, son of the above-named Muhammad Amin Khan. Islam Khan (grandson of the late Islam Khan), formerly Mir Atash to Bahadur Shah, who had retired from Court, was restored to his rank of 5,000 (3,000 horse), and appointed to be first Mir Tuzak, or quarter-master-general.‡ For the period of one month from the victory at Agra Sadullah Khan§ (son of Inayatullah Khan Kashmiri) was continued in the office of Khan-saman, or Lord High Steward; but at the camp in Khizrabad, this office was transferred to Taqarrub Khan (Muhammad Jafar Shirazi), who already held the place of private secretary.**

v1.c9.s6.2

† Ahadi (one, single) means a gentleman trooper serving under no chief or noble, but directly under the Emperor.

v1.c9.s6.3

‡ This Islam Khan (d. 1144 H., 1731-2), was one Mir Ahmad, first Barkhurdar Khan, then Islam Khan, son of Safi Khan (d. 1105 H., 1693-4), the second son of Abdus-salam, first Ikhtisas Khan, then Islam Khan, Mashhadi, (d. 1057 H., 1647-8), M. U., i. 162, ii. 740.

v1.c9.s6.4

§ His former titles were Hidayatullah Khan, and then for a time, after the death of Munim Khan, Bahadur Shah's Wazir, he was Wazarat Khan. We shall speak of this man again presently.

v1.c9.s6.5

Some smaller Court offices were conferred on Farrukh-siyar's personal favourites. Although these offices were of the second rank, their holders exercised, as we shall soon see, as much if not more power than the nobles who were nominally their superiors. For instance, against the opinion of Mir Jumla, who was officially no more than head of the pages and messengers, the chief minister himself found it impossible to act. The office of Confiscations and Escheats (buyutati) was given to Saifullah Khan Bahadur, a Wala-shahi; Khwaja Asim, now created Samsam-ud-daulah, Khan Dauran, Bahadur, Mansur Jang, was superintendent of the audience-hall and Bakhshi of the personal troops, or Wala-shahi; Ibadullah (Shariyat-ullah Khan) created Mutamid-ul-mulk, Mir Jumla, Muazzam Khan, Khan Khanan, Bahadur, Muzaffar Jang, held the office of superintendent of the khawas, or attendants and of the ghusal-khana, or privy council room. Ghulam Ali Khan, a Wala-shahi, received the title of Zulfiqar Khan, Bahadur, and the command of the artillery; being soon supplanted, however, (12th Shaban 1125 H., 2nd September, 1713), by Ghazi-ud-din Khan (Ahmad Beg). This latter had already obtained charge of the retinue (jalau), vice Islam Khan, who had held it in addition to his principal office of Mir Tuzak. The command of the chauki-khas, or bodyguard, was made over to Faizullah Khan, a Wala-shahi. Amin-ud-din Khan Sambhali became head of the arz mukarrar, or office for the examination and confirmation of appointments. The department of Branding and Mustering (dagh-o-tashiha) was given to Sayyid Shujaat-ullah Khan Barha, sister's son of Qutb-ul-mulk, the Wazir. At first Fida Khan* was retained, as in Bahadur Shah's and Jahandar Shah's time, as qur-begi, or head of the armoury; but the place was shortly afterwards transferred to Amir Khan (Muhammad Ishaq)† son of the late Amir Khan; then in a few months he gave way in favour of Khwaja Muzaffar Panipati, created Zafar Khan Bahadur, who was known by the nickname of Turra-i-baz.‡

v1.c9.s6.6

∗ Afrasyab Khan Bahadur, Rustam Jang, was Suhrab, known as Mirza Ajmeri son of Garshasp. He died at Dihli on the night of the 25th Ramzan, 1130 H., 21st August, 1718, Tarikh-i-Mhdi. His elder brother was the Rashid Khan sent in 1124 H., 1712, to oust Jafar Khan, nazim of Bengal, Gladwin, Transactions, 96. Mirza Ajmeri was of such strength that once he lifted a small gun and its carriage out of the mud on the road from Akbarnagar to Rajmahal, Akhbar-i-Muhabbat, 277.

v1.c9.s6.7

∗∗ Mirza Muhammad 169; Kamwar Khan 121, 143; Khafi Khan, ii. 728; Warid 149b; Kamraj, Ibratnama, 53b. Khafi Khan says the third Bakhshi was Ghazi-ud-din Khan (Ahmad Beg). Yahya Khan, 122a, on the contrary, says that this man was made Mir Atash. This latter statement is confirmed by Mhd. Qasim Lahori, 170, the date being 12th Shaban, 1125 H., (2nd September, 1713), vice Zulfiqar Khan (Ghulam Ali Khan)

v1.c9.s6.8

∗ Formerly Tahavvur Khan, then Fida Khan, son of Salabat Khan, Khwaja Mir, Khwafi, (d. early in 1104 H., 1693-4), M. U. ii. 742, 745. † Afterwards Umdat-ul-mulk, A. K., assassinated 1159 H., 1746-7. ‡ Turra, waving ringlets, or the hanging end of a turban; Turra-i-baz, 'a falcon's crest.' Zafar Khan and all his men wore their turbans in the same way, with an end sticking out, and from this peculiarity the nickname arose. Khush-hal Chand, 403b, explains that the turra were of gold and silk brocade (badalah), and were used extensively as ornaments to Zafar Khan's equipage. In lot No. 698 in B. Quaritch's catalogue, No. 161.

v1.c9.s6.9

The *sadarat-i-kul*, or superintendence of charitable and religious grants, was given to Sayyid Afzal, who had taught Farrukh-siyar to read the Quran, with the title of Sayyid Afzal Khan Bahadur, Sadar Jahan.*

v1.c9.s6.10

The provincial Governments were next provided for. Kabul was left in the hands of Nasir Khan, Bahadur, Nasir Jang. Kashmir was taken from Inayatullah Khan, whose *mansab* even was cancelled, and he was replaced by Sadat Khan,† the new Emperor's father-in-law, to whom permission to govern by deputy was accorded. Zabardast Khan entitled Ali Mardan Khan (III), son of Ibrahim Khan, Ali Mardan Khan (II), son of Amir-ul-umara, Ali Mardan Khan (I)‡ died at Lahor before he could be removed; he was replaced by Abdus-samad Khan Bahadur, (subsequently made Diler Jang, after his victories over the Sikhs). Multan was conferred on Qutb-ul-mulk, the Wazir, but Sher Afkan Khan Bahadur, (brother of Lutfullah Khan Sadiq), who had been in charge on behalf of Kokaltash Khan (Ali Murad) remained on as the deputy of the new governor. For the preceding fifteen or sixteen years Dihli had been held by Muhammad Yar Khan, and he was left undisturbed. Ajmer was made over to Sayyid Muzaffar Khan Barha (recently created Sayyid Khan Jahan Bahadur), maternal uncle of Qutb-ul-mulk. Shahamat Khan (son-in-law of Inayatullah Khan

v1.c9.s6.11

† Mir Muhammad Takki, Husaini, Mazandarani, Isfahani, son of Sadat Khan, wounded on the day of Farrukh-siyar's deposition, in Rabi 1131 H., February 1719, and died a few days afterwards aged over eighty years—*Tarikh-i-Muhammadi*.

v1.c9.s6.12

‡ Md. Khalil, entitled first Zabardast Khan, then Ali Mardan Khan Zik, died a little before the 9th Jamadi I. 1125 H., 2nd June, 1713, *Tarikh-i-Muhammadi* and Kamwar Khan. For this family, see *M. U.* i. 295-300, ii. 795, and iii. 155.

v1.c9.s6.13

of July 1896, there was a portrait of Roshan-ud-daulah (i.e., Zafar Khan) which I inspected. It showed a rather stout and not very tall man, with a broad and slightly heavy face, white beard and moustache, the latter slightly black still at the corners of the mouth. To the band or ribbon round the centre of the turban was attached an ornament (*sarpech*) and from it hung a long feather, falling backwards and ending in two small points. Perhaps this feather represents the *Turra-i-baz*?

v1.c9.s6.14

∗ Mirza Muhammad, 169.

v1.c9.s6.15

Kashmiri) who had been governor of Gujarat in Bahadur Shah's reign, received the new title of Mubariz Khan and was confirmed in his old appointment. Rajah Chabela Ram, a personal adherent of Farrukh-siyar's family and a brave soldier, whose welfare was dear to the heart of the Emperor, was sent at first to Agra, his birthplace, but on the pretext that he was unable to cope with Churaman Jat, he was soon replaced by Samsam-ud-daulah Khan Dauran, also a native of Agra. Oudh was given to Sarbuland Khan, the Emperor's uncle by marriage, and Allahabad to Khan Jahan (son of the late Khan Jahan Bahadur Kokaltash Alamgiri). The latter had been recently removed from the Government of Bengal. His titles were now increased to Azz-ud-daulah Khan Bahadur. Shahamat Khan (Mubariz Khan) had lately held Malwa in addition to Gujarat. Malwa was now taken from him and given over to Rajah Jai Singh of Amber. To conciliate the Rajah, he was told that he need not come to Court, but might march straight from his own country to his new Government. Azimabad Patna (Bihar) was confirmed, as before to Husain Ali Khan, Amir-ul-umara; his sister's son, Ghairat Khan, who had been left behind in charge, continuing to act as his deputy. Bengal was conferred on the infant Prince, the Emperor's son, Farkhunda Bakht, entitled Jahangir Shah, with the former diwan, Murshid Quli Khan, as his deputy. The latter's titles were increased to Jafar Khan Nasiri. In a few months' time, when the infant died of small-pox, the subah was granted to Mir Jumla, with the same deputy. To Orissa, Murshid Quli Khan (Jafar Khan) was appointed subahdar in his own name. [M.M. 174.]

v1.c9.s6.16

For the six provinces making up the Dakhin special arrangements were made. The supreme control of the whole country was confided to Chin Qilich Khan (son of the late Ghazi-ud-din Khan Firuz Jang), who on this occasion was created Nizam-ul-mulk, Bahadur Fath Jang. He was empowered to select the lands to be held in jagir for furnishing the pay of himself and his followers, and to suggest the rank (mansab) to be granted to the chief landholders. His head-quarters were fixed at Aurangabad. In Burhanpur his deputy was to be Sukr-ullah Khan, to make room for whom Daud Khan Panni was removed as deputy-governor to Ahmadabad in Gujarat; in the two Karnatak, Sadat-ullah Khan; in Berar, Iwaz Khan, who was married to the late Ghazi-ud-din Khan’s sister, and was, therefore, Nizam-ul-mulk’s uncle by marriage. Bidar, Bijapur, and Haidarabad were to remain as before under Amin Khan (son of Khan Zaman Bahadur Fath Jang, deceased), Mansur Khan and Yusuf Khan respectively. Haidar Quli Khan Isfaraini, a protégé of Mir Jumla, was sent as diwan of the whole Dakhin, with authority over every department, except those of the nazim, of the report writers, and of the deciding of suits.∗

v1.c9.s6.17

∗ Mirza Muhammad 177, Khafi Khan 740. Biographies of some of the above men will be found as follows. Daud Khan Panni, d. 1127 H., 1715-16, (Masir-ul-umara, ii. 63). Sadat-ullah Khan, a Nawayat (see Wilks, i. 242), died 1145 H., 1732-33, (M. U. ii. 513). Iwaz Khan, d. 1143 H., 1730-31, (M. U. ii. 832). Amin Khan, d. 1137 H. 1724-25, (M. U. i. 352), fourth son of Shaikh Nizam Khan Zaman, d. 1108 H., 1696-97, (ibid i. 794), captor of Shambhaji Mahratta. Mansur Khan was a Roz Bahani.

v1.c9.s6.18

The Sayyid brothers are generally accused of grasping all power and office for themselves and friends to the exclusion of everybody else. It is curious to note, after going through the chief appointments, that this accusation should have so little foundation. Besides the two offices which were the price of their services, they received the government of two subahs for themselves and one for an uncle. They seem to have obtained very little else, while the Emperor’s friends and the Turani chiefs obtained the lion’s share. A crowd of new men were thus brought on the stage, and it is necessary for the sake of clearness that we should say something about the most prominent of them, their origin and antecedents.

Sec. 7.—Itimad-Ud-Daulah Muhammad Amin Khan Bahadur Nusrat Jang.

v1.c9.s7.1

Muhammad Amin Khan was a native of Samarqand in the kingdom of Bukhara. His grandfather, Alam Shaikh, a learned man and a descendant of the Shaikh Shahab-ud-din Quraishi, Tarmani, Sadiqi, of Sahrward, had two sons, Khwaja Abid and Mir Baha-ud-din. The elder son came to India and was the father of Ghazi-ud-din Khan Firuz Jang; the second son, Mir Baha-ud-din, Muhammad Amin's father, entered the employ of the ruler of Bukhara, and was by him executed on suspicion of complicity with his rebellious son. This event happened about the year 1098 H. (1686-7), when Mir Muhammad Amin must have been about twenty-five years of age. He escaped to India and was favourably received by Alamgir, then in the Dakhin, by whom he was sent to serve with his cousin, Firuz Jang. In the forty-second year, 1109-10 H., 1697-8, when Alamgir was anxious to find in the Turanis a counterpoise to Asad Khan, the Wazir, and his son, Zulfiqar Khan, Muhammad Amin Khan was brought to Court and made Sadar, or head of the charitable and religious endowments. In 1115-16 H., 1704-5, and again in 1116-17 H., his rank was raised in reward for military services, and in the very last year of Alamgir's reign (1118 H.), after defeating the Mahrattas, he received the special addition of Chin Bahadur to his other titles. Although the Turanis had not shown any great zeal for his rival, Azam Shah, still Bahadur Shah did not receive them into the same favour as before. Muhammad Amin Khan was sent to Muradabad as faujdar; but towards the end of the reign, he was brought back to head-quarters, and took a leading part in the campaign against the Sikhs. When Jahandar Shah decided to march against Farrukh-siyar, Muhammad Amin Khan was recalled from Sarhind. He was present in Jahandar Shah's ranks at Agra, but as we have related, took no serious part in the fighting. This betrayal was now rewarded by his appointment to be second Bakhshi of the Empire. At this time he was about fifty-two years of age, and since the death of Firuz Jang in 1122 H., 1710-11, he had become the acknowledged leader of the Turani soldiery, his cousin, Chin Qilich Khan (Nizam-ul-mulk), son of Firuz Jang, being about ten years his junior. [M. U. i. 346.]

Sec. 8.—Samsam-Ud-Daulah, Khan Dauran, Bahadur, Mansur Jang.

v1.c9.s8.1

Khwaja Asim's ancestors, emigrating from a village in Badakhshan, took up their residence in Agra. Some followed the profession of soldiering, others gained reputation as men of learning and holiness, living secluded from the world. They were of the Naqshbandi sect. His father's name was Khwaja Qasim : and as his birth took place about 1083 H., 1672-3, he was now about forty-two (lunar) years of age. He began life as a trooper of Prince Azim-ush-shan's regiment, and when that Prince, at the time of Alamgir's death, left Bengal for Agra, Khwaja Asim remained with Farrukh-siyar in the former province. One author asserts that he had been a play-fellow of Farrukh-siyar's, but as he was at least eleven years older, this can hardly be correct. His intimacy with the Prince was founded, however, on his joining him in wrestling, archery, riding, polo playing and other war-like exercises, of which Farrukh-siyar was passionately fond. He soon obtained such great influence with the young Prince that the other courtiers complained to Azim-ush-shan. The Khwaja was accordingly sent for to head-quarters at Lahor. Soon after this, Bahadur Shah died and Khwaja Asim (now become Ashraf Khan) upon the death of his master, Azim-ush-shan, fled to Agra. Here Khwaja Jafar, his elder brother, tried to make him renounce the world and thus save his soul. For a time he stopped at home and occupied himself with Shirazi pigeon-fancying and archery. When Farrukh-siyar became next heir to the throne, Khwaja Asim "felt like a falcon newly moulted." He began to collect some men, but his doings were reported to the governor. Being warned by a disciple of a resolve to seize him, he fled at midnight in the disguise of a faqir. On reaching Patna, he was introduced by the two Sayyids to the Prince, his former intimacy with whom he is said to have concealed. From this point the part he took has already appeared in our history.*

v1.c9.s8.2

Khan Dauran was the perfect type of the Indian courtier, and from this time until his death in 1151 H. 1738, he retained his position at Court, whoever was in power. He is described as a man of smooth plausible speech, with no learning and little knowledge of Persian, prefixing to every sentence the catch word *mera sahib*! (my good sir). To conceal his limited acquaintance with Persian, he used to begin by speaking in elegant Urdu, so that he might charm his hearers at the outset and prevent their noticing his defective scholarship. He used to say that for a man born in India to attempt to speak Persian was to make himself ridiculous by his own act. But he could quote occasionally with good effect Persian couplets or proverbs. An elder brother had been formerly in the service of Azim-ush-shan and was killed in the campaign in Bengal against Rahim Khan Afghan. Much of Khan Dauran’s prestige may have been derived from his commanding presence. A contemporary tells us that when he walked up the audience-hall with a group of followers, his head would be seen towering far above the others. From all accounts he and his brother, Muzaffar Khan, were boasters of a most extravagant order, while their courage was more than doubtful. At any rate, they rarely put it to the test. Khan Dauran might, indeed, have qualified as a member of the Peace Society, for whenever the subject was broached, he would ask, “What is to be gained by going to war?” He was one of those men, never absent from Eastern Courts, who do absolutely nothing, either in war or in peace, as a return for the rank and wealth which have been showered upon them. His hand was in every intrigue, and never without profit to himself. Throughout his career, he was the favourer of the Hindustani party in the State, the person through whom Jat or Rajput chiefs put forward any claim they might wish to advance. Especially was this the case with Rajah Jai Singh, for whom as we shall see, Khan Dauran obtained many favours. [M. U. i. 819, Yahya 119b, Ashob 73.]

v1.c9.s8.3

∗ M. U. i. 817, Ahwal-ul-khawaqin 49b, Tarikh-i-Muhammadi (year 1151 H.)

v1.c9.s8.4

SEC. 9.—GHAZI-UD-DIN KHAN GHALIB JANG, (AHMAD BEG).

First 86 of 581 passages. Read on

Linked texts (1)