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Later Mughals v2: Volume 2

Later Mughals v2

Language
English

Contents

Volume 2

Front matter

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This image is of the front cover of a book. It contains no text or content to transcribe.

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WILLIAM IRVINE, I.C.S. (ret.), Author of *Storia do Mogor*, *Army of the Indian Moguls*, &c.

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EDITED AND AUGMENTED WITH The History of Nadir Shah's Invasion BY JADUNATH SARKAR, I.E.S., Author of *History of Aurangzib*, *Shivaji and His Times*, *Studies in Mughal India*, &c.

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Vol. II 1719—1739

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CALCUTTA, M. C. SARKAR & SONS, Published by S. C. SARKAR of M. C. SARKAR & SONS 90/2A, Harrison Road, Calcutta.

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Copyright of Introductory Memoir and Chapters XI—XIII reserved by JADUNATH SARKAR and of the rest of the book by MRS. MARGARET L. SEYMOUR, 195, Goldhurst Terrace, London.

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Printer : S. C. MAZUMDAR SRI GOURANGA PRESS 71/1, Mirzapur Street, Calcutta. 1189/21.

Contents

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Chapter VI. Muhammad Shah: Tutelage under the Sayyids ... 1—101 Roshan Akhtar enthroned as Md. Shah, 1—peace made with Jai Singh, 4—campaign against Bundi, 5—Chabela Ram revolts, 6—dies, 8—Girdhar Bahadur rebels at Allahabad, 8—fights Haidar Quli, 11—submits, 15—Nizam sent to Malwa, 17—Sayyid brothers send Dilawar Ali against him, 19—Nizam occupies Asirgarh and Burhanpur, 23—battle with Dilawar Ali at Pandhar, 28—another account of the battle, 32—Emperor's letter to Nizam, 35—plots of Sayyids against Md. Amin Khan, 37—Alim Ali marches against Nizam, 40—his preparations, 43—Nizam's replies to Court, 45—Alim Ali defeated at Balapur, 47—Emperor taken towards Dakhin, 53—plot of Md. Amin against Sayyid Husain Ali, 55—Husain Ali murdered by Haidar Beg, 60—his camp plundered, 61—his men attack Emperor's tents, 63—Emperor's return towards Agra, 68—letters between Md. Shah and Sayyid Abdullah, 72—Abdullah crowns Prince Ibrahim at Dihli, 75—battle of Hasanpur, 82—Sayyid Abdullah surrenders, 91—his house at Dihli plundered, 93—Abdullah's captivity and death, 95—character of Sayyid brothers, 99.

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Chapter VII. Muhammad Shah's Reign 1720-1725 ... 102—154 Poll-tax abolished, 103—death of Md. Amin Khan Wazir, 104—Nizam's difficulties as Wazir, 106—revolt of Ajit Singh, 108—army sent against him, 113—Ajit murdered by his son Abhai Singh, 115—its true cause, 116—Rohela settlement in the upper Duab, 117—Jat history: Churaman, 120—his sons besieged in Thun, 123—Md. Shah's daily life, 125—dispute over a Hindu convert's minor daughter, 126—Haidar Quli's misdeeds in Gujarat, 128—he feigns madness, 129—Nizam disgusted with Emperor and his courtiers, 131—story of the robber Khanna, 133—rival factions quarrel at Court, 135—Nizam returns to Dakhin, 137—Mubariz Khan set up against Nizam, 139—battle of Shakar-Khera, 145—Nizam's letter to Emperor, 153.

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Chapter VIII. Mahrattas in Gujarat ... ... 155—215 Maharashtra country, 155—career of Shivaji, 158—Aurangzeb's wars with Mahrattas, 160—Mahratta affairs after 1707, 161—Mahratta invasion of Gujarat, 165—Hamid Khan governs Gujarat, 168—Shujaat Khan appointed subahdar, 169—is slain by Mahrattas, 172—Ibrahim Quli Khan's attack on governor's palace, 174—defeat of Rustam Ali at Aras, 177—his death, 182—Mahrattas exact ransom from Gujarat, 183—events in Ahmadabad (1725), 186—Sarbuland Khan enters Ahmadabad, 187—Hamid Khan abandons Gujarat, 189—Sarbuland's government of Gujarat, 192—grants chauth to Mahrattas, 193—fresh Mahratta encroachments on Gujarat, 195—Sarbuland's extortions, 199—Bahora rising, 201—Abhai Singh, new governor of Gujarat, 205—attacked by Sarbuland, 207—Sarbuland leaves Gujarat, 213.

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Chapter IX. Bundelkhand and Malwa ... ... 216—256 Bundelkhand and the Bundela tribe, 216—Champat Rai, 219—his struggle with Aurangzeb and death, 225—Chhattarsal's early career, 228—Md. Khan Bangash sent against him, 230—his despatch of battles, 233—Baji Rao assists Chhattarsal, 238—Md. Khan withdraws from Bundelkhand, 241—Mahratta raids into Malwa, 242—they gain footing in Malwa, 243—Bhawani Ram's government of Malwa (1728), 245—Daya Bahadur administers Malwa (1729-31), 247—is killed at Tarla, 248—Md. Khan Bangash in Malwa, 249—causes of his failure, 255—Jai Singh governor, 255.

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Chapter X. Muhammad Shah to 1738 ... ... 257—306 Shoe-sellers' riot at Dihli, 257—Court favourites : Koki, 263—Roshan-ud-daulah, 266—Shah Abdul-ghaffur, 267—his fall, 271—another account of it, 273—increasing Mahratta encroachments, 275—campaign against Mahrattas in 1733, 277—campaign of 1734, 279—campaign of 1735, 280—campaign of 1736, 281—campaign of 1737, 286—Saadat Kh. defeats Mahrattas, 287—Baji Rao sacks environs of Dihli, 289—defeats imperial army under Hasan Khan, 293—why he suddenly retreated, 295—Wazir defeats Mahrattas at Badshahpur, 296—Nizam invited by Emperor, 299—Nizam welcomed at Dihli, 301—is besieged by Baji Rao in Bhupal, 303—he cedes Malwa to Baji Rao by convention of Duraha Sarai, 305.

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Chapter XI. India in 1738: Rise and Progress of Nadir Shah 307—329 Slaughter of the Mughal aristocracy in civil wars, 307—degeneration of noble families settled in India, 308—later Emperors alienate Hindus and Shias, 309—later Mughals foolish idle and vicious, 311—nobles divided into warring factions, 313—insecurity and poverty, 314—decline of Persian kings, 315—Nadir delivers Persia from Afghan rule, 318—crowns himself king, 318—captures Qandahar, 319—causes of his quarrel with Dihli Government, 320—Emperor neglects defence of Afghanistan, 322—and of Panjab, 325—Nadir conquers Afghanistan, 327.

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Chapter XII. Nadir Shah's invasion of India ... 330—360 Nadir captures Peshawar and Lahor, 330—indolence of imperial Court, 335—Emperor entrenches at Karnal, 337—rival forces, 337—Nadir arrives near Karnal, 339—Saadat Khan issues for battle, 342—battle of Karnal, 345—heavy loss of Indians, 349—causes of Indian defeat, 350—negotiations for peace with Nadir, 353—death of Khan Dauran, 355—jealousy of Saadat Khan, 356—Nadir imprisons Emperor and nobles, 357.

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Chapter XIII. Nadir in Dihli: His Return ... 361—379 State of Dihli city after battle of Karnal, 361—Nadir and Emperor enter Dihli, 363—popular rising against Persians in Dihli, 365—Nadir's massacre at Dihli, 367—the slaughter and loss estimated, 368—extortion from Dihli, 370—cruelties practised for money, 373—Nadir reinstates Md. Shah, 374—retires from India, 375—break-up of Mughal Empire, 379.

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Errata . . . . . 380

Chapter VI. Muhammad Shah: Tutelage Under the Sayyids, (1719-1720).

Sec. 1.—Accession.

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During the few days which elapsed between the death of Rafi-ud-daulah and the arrival of his successor, the Wazir and his brother made their usual daily visit to the imperial quarters and returned with robes of honour, as if newly conferred on them, thus deceiving the common people into the belief that the Emperor was still alive.*

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At length on the 11th Zul Qada 1131 H. (24th September, 1719), Ghulam Ali Khan arrived in the camp at Bidyapur, a village three kos to the north of Fathpur Sikri. He brought with him Prince Roshan Akhtar, the son of the late Khujista-Akhtar, Jahan Shah, fourth son of the Emperor Bahadur Shah.† The death of Rafi-ud-daulah was now (26th September, 1719) made public, his bier brought out, and his body despatched for burial to Dihli. Arrangements were at once made for the enthronement of his successor.‡

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This enthronement took place at Bidyapur§ on the 15th Zul Qada 1131 H. (28th September, 1719) and Roshan Akhtar was proclaimed under the titles of Abul Fath,* Nasir-ud-din, Muhammad Shah, Badshah, Ghazi. He was a handsome and, at that time, fairly intelligent young man, and having been born at Ghazni on the 23rd Rabi I. 1114 H. (16th August, 1702), was now in his eighteenth (lunar) year. Coin was issued and the khutba read in his name; and it was directed that the commencement of the reign should be antedated, and fixed from the removal of Farrukh-siyar from the throne. All other arrangements were continued as in the last two reigns, and no new appointments were made. All the persons surrounding the sovereign were as before the nominees of the two Sayyids, and Himmat Khan continued as before to act as tutor and guardian. Muhammad Shah deferred to him in everything, and asked of him permission to attend the public prayers on Friday or to go out shooting. On the march men in the confidence of the Sayyids surrounded the young Emperor and prevented any access to him.†

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∗ Shiu Das, 32b. A newly-conferred khilat was worn for twenty-four hours, and nothing was allowed to be put on over it. † Rustam Ali, Tarikh-i-Hindi, fol. 237a, says the Prince was brought from Dihli in three days, travelling in a boat down the Jamuna. ‡ Kamwar Khan, 211; Khafi Khan, ii. 840. § From the tahsildar's report kindly obtained for me by Mr. Reynolds as already stated, I find that there is a place Tajpur, four miles west of Bidyapur. From the name, and the fact that the village is a perpetual muafi, I infer that Tajpur may be the actual place of enthronement.

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† Kamwar Khan, 213; Khush-hal Chand, Berlin MS. No. 495, fol. 995a has, for date, "middle of Zul Qada."

Sec. 2.—Terms Made with Jai Singh.

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It was now given out that the Emperor, after worshipping at the tomb of Shaikh Salim Chishti, in Fathpur, would march on to Ajmer and visit the shrine of Muin-ud-din Chishti. The hidden motive was to overawe Rajah Jai Singh who, since the removal of Farrukh-siyar, had been at little pains to conceal his hostile intentions. He had received some aid in money from the Rana of Udepur, as is shown by his letter to that Prince's minister, dated the 4th Bhadon Sambat 1776 (9th August, 1719), wherein he asserts that Nizam-ul-mulk had started from Ujjain and Chabela Ram had crossed the Jamuna at Kalpi, both of which statements were false.‡ When he learnt of the rising at Agra, he came out from his capital, Amber, with much ostentation. Following the Rajput custom when resolved on death or victory, he and his men had clothed themselves in saffron raiment and sprinkled their heads with green grass.* He announced publicly that he had bestowed the city of Amber on the Brahmans as a sacred gift (*dan and arthan*). He had marched as far as pargana Toda Tank, about eighty miles south-west of Agra, and there waited to see which way events would turn. He was watched by a force under Sayyid Dilawar Ali Khan, which barred his further advance northwards. [Qasim 294, Tod i. 380.]

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∗ Tarikh-i-Muzaffari, 166. But Ghulam Ali Khan, Muqaddama-i-Shah Alam-nama, 45a, states that on the 3rd Jamadi II. 1134 H. (20th March, 1722), the style was changed from "Abul Fath" to "Abul Muzaffar."

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‡ He was further encouraged in his hostility by Tahavvar Khan Turani, Salabat Khan, the late Mir Atash, Ruhullah Khan, and the other refugees from Dihli already referred to.

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Maharajah Ajit Singh had offered himself as mediator, but his leisurely procedure, protracted in the way usual to him and his fellow-rajahs, did not accord with the fiery temperament of Husain Ali Khan. It was with a view to bring this matter to a head that an advance from Fathpur Sikri towards Ajmer was proposed. A few marches were made to places in the neighbourhood, but no real start was attempted. The camp was between Malikpur and Muminabad on the 24th Zul Qada (7th October, 1719) and here Husain Ali Khan came in from Fathpur to pay his respects. Another stage was travelled on the 26th (9th October).†

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† Qasim, 294. There is a Malikpur about five miles east of Fathpur, Indian Atlas, sheet 50; Muminabad, I am unable to trace.

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On the 1st Zul Hijja (14th October, 1719) the Emperor's mother, now styled Nawab Qudsiya, and other women of the harem, who had been sent for from Dihli arrived in camp. The Begam had acted most warily, avoiding everything that could arouse the suspicions of the Sayyids. When the messengers of the Sayyids came to Dihli to fetch her son, she bestowed on them, on the men who were to accompany him, and on all office-holders at Dihli, the customary dresses of honour. But learning that this assumption of authority had displeased the Sayyids, she sent away all subsequent applicants. In the same manner, when she arrived in camp, she warned all persons who had any connection with her late husband, Jahan Shah, to abstain from appearing on the road to greet or escort her. She studied the susceptibilities of the Sayyids in every particular. A sum of fifteen thousand Rupees monthly was set apart for her expenses and those of the other women. [Kamwar 214, K. K. 841.]

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∗ I read gyahe, "grass," in Muhammad Qasim, but Tod, i. 506, speaks of their wearing on such occasions the maur or bridal crown, which is probably much the same thing in other words—John Christian, Behar Proverbs, p. 197, No. 426, tells us that the bridegroom's head-dress "is made of talipot leaves and in some places of date (palm) leaves." That it is sometimes actually made of grass may be inferred from W. Crooke's Tribes and Castes of the N. W. Provinces, ii. 62.

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As the negotiations with Jai Singh were still in progress and no satisfactory terms could be arranged, Ajit Singh, who was extremely anxious to return home, offered to visit Jai Singh in person on his way to Jodhpur. Accordingly he was dismissed to his home, and on the 2nd Zul Hijja (15th October, 1719) the report came in that three days before (12th October), Jai Singh had quitted Toda on his return to Amber. The fugitive nobles, Tahavvar Khan, Salabat Khan, and Ruhullah Khan, were at his request pardoned and left with him unmolested. The great persuasive in his withdrawal was the large sum of money that he received. Some say the amount was as much as twenty lakhs of Rupees. This money was paid to him on the plea that it was required to buy back Amber from the Brahmans. To the public it was announced as a gift on his marriage with the daughter of Ajit Singh, to whom he had long been betrothed. As part of these negotiations Rajah Jai Singh obtained the government of *sarkar* Sorath (*subah* Ahmadabad). But the rest of Ahmadabad remained under Ajit Singh, with the addition of the whole of Ajmer. That Rajah's formal appointment to the latter *subah* was announced on the 23rd Zul Hijja (5th November, 1719). In this way the country from a point sixty miles south of Dihli to the shores of the ocean at Surat was in the hands of these two rajahs, very untrustworthy sentinels for the Mughals on this exposed frontier.*

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∗ Kamwar, 214, 216; Khafi Khan, 838; Qasim, 297; Shiu Das, 32a.

Sec. 3.—The Emperor Moves from Fathpur to Agra.

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From the date of his arrival in camp, 11th Zul Qada (24th September, 1719) until the 20th Zul Hijja, Muhammad Shah had never moved far from Fathpur Sikri. He kept the *Id* festival (10th Zul Hijja) in his tents at Fathpur, and visited the tomb of Shah Salim Chishti, at that place on the 14th of the same month. On the 20th he started for Agra, and three days later (5th November, 1719) he camped at Talab Khela Nath. On the 15th Muharram 1132 H. (27th November, 1719) quarters were taken up for a few days at the palace within the fort of Agra, but on the 2nd Safar (14th December, 1719) the Emperor returned to his tents at his former encampment. At this time Sayyid Dilawar Ali Khan, *Bakhshi* of Husain Ali Khan’s army, was sent towards Jalesar and Sadabad in the Duaba to punish the Jats, who had lately carried off over one hundred of the imperial camels.*

Sec. 4.—Campaign Against Bundi.

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As already mentioned, there had been for several years a dispute between Budh Singh Hada, and his relation Bhim Singh, about the country of Bundi in Rajputana. Budh Singh, who was in possession, had thrown in his lot with Farrukh-siyar and Rajah Jai Singh Sawai. Bhim Singh had sided with the minister and his brother. As a reward his restoration was now decided upon, Budh Singh having recently added to his former iniquities by himself assisting Girdhar Bahadur, the rebellious governor of Allahabad, and instigating Chhattarsal Bundela, to do the same. On the 5th Muharram 1132 H. (17th November, 1719) Bhim Singh was sent on this enterprise and Dost Muhammad Khan Afghan† of Malwa was, at the rajah’s request, given a high *mansab* and placed under his orders. Sayyid Dilawar Ali Khan, *Bakhshi* of Husain Ali Khan’s army, who had lately returned from his expedition against the Jats, received orders to proceed to Bundi with a well-equipped force of fifteen thousand horsemen. Gaj Singh of Narwar was also ordered to join. In addition to the avowed object of their march, they carried with them secret instructions to remain on the borders of Malwa until it was known whether their services might not be required in that direction. Bhim Singh had been promised the title of Maharajah and the rank 7,000 (7,000 horse), with the fish standard, if he took part in a successful campaign against Nizam-ul-mulk in Malwa.*

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∗ Kamwar Khan, 215; Qasim, 2nd recension, 402. † Founder of the Bhopal State. At this time he was on bad terms with Nizam-ul-mulk, then *subahdar* of Malwa.

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On the 3rd Rabi II. 1132 H. (12th February, 1720) the report was received that Rao Bhim Singh and Dilawar Ali Khan had fought a battle with the uncle of Rao Budh Singh, in which their opponent was defeated and slain, along with five or six thousand of his clan. [K. K. 851, Kamwar 218.]

Sec. 5.—Chabela Ram and Girdhar Bahadur at Allahabad.

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Chabela Ram Nagar owed his fortunes entirely to Azim-ush-shan, fighting for whom his brother, Daya Ram, was killed in 1124 H., 1712, at Lahor. He had been one of the earliest to declare himself in Farrukh-siyar’s favour, after that Prince’s cause had been espoused by the Sayyid brothers. In reward for this zeal he had obtained high rank and various important appointments. He had never been well affected to the Sayyids, and had made a good deal of underhand complaint about them to Farrukh-siyar. At the time of that Emperor’s deposition, he was governor of the Allahabad province. The downfall of his patron was distinctly opposed to his interests; but, as the saying is, “the earth is hard and the sky far off.” From that moment he stood aloof from the Sayyids, in an attitude not far removed from rebellion; and his name was mixed up with all the rumoured projects having for their object the rescue of the late sovereign from the hands of the Sayyid ministers. His declared revolt against them may be dated from the middle of Ramzan 1131 H., (August 1719), just a little before the time that Agra fort was re-captured and the movement in favour of Nekusiyar suppressed. Troubles raised by Jasan Singh, zamindar of Kalpi, instigated by Muhammad Khan Bangash, and his agent, Rustam Khan Afridi of Mau-Shamsabad, had kept Chabela Ram busily occupied within his own province, and had prevented his marching to Agra. As the fort at that place had now been recovered and Jai Singh Sawai bought off, it was necessary to deal next with Chabela Ram, more especially as his contumacy barred the road to a remittance from Bengal, which had been detained at Patna. [Khush-hal Berlin MS. 999a.]

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∗ Khafi Khan, ii. 844; Kamwar Khan, 216; Khizr Khan, 41.

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His nephew, Girdhar Bahadur, son of the late Daya Ram, had been summoned to Dihli just before Farrukh-siyar's removal from the throne; and after that event, Chabela Ram's discontent becoming known, Girdhar Bahadur was detained at the capital in a sort of honorable captivity. When the Wazir started for Agra with the Emperor, Rafi-ud-daulah, Girdhar Bahadur was placed in charge of Lutf-ullah Khan Sadiq, and by him entrusted to his son, Hidayat Ali Khan. This custodian visited his prisoner daily. On one occasion he happened to mention that Husain Ali Khan would soon march to Allahabad, and put an end to Chabela Ram and his opposition. That very night Girdhar Bahadur fled, having bought over his guard. At dawn fifty horsemen started in pursuit, but no trace of the fugitive could be discovered. Soon it was learnt that he had reached Allahabad and joined his uncle, Chabela Ram. [Siwanih, 7.]

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Girdhar Bahadur was sent out from Allahabad with a fresh force against Jasan Singh of Kalpi; and after that rebel had been repeatedly defeated, the parties came to an agreement and Girdhar Bahadur returned to Allahabad. This place was already seriously threatened. Sayyid Abdullah Khan had detached Abdun-nabi Khan against it with six thousand horsemen; and on Husain Ali Khan's part, Daud Khan, deputy of Muhammad Khan at Gwaliyar, was ordered on the same service at the head of three thousand men, with whom he marched through Karra to Allahabad. Diler Khan, a slave of the Bangash chief, joined Abdun-nabi Khan at Etawa with fifteen hundred men. [Ibid 8.]

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Chabela Ram, leaving his nephew in charge of Allahabad fort, came out several *kos* and entrenched himself. The two forces were not yet in sight of each other, when Chabela Ram was seized with paralysis and died before he could reach Allahabad.* His death took place in Zul Hijja 1131 H. (November 1719). The two brothers looked on this death as a special interposition of Providence, receiving the news with every demonstration of joy; and they at once sent off a robe of honour for Girdhar Bahadur, with a request for the surrender of the fort of Allahabad. Active hostilities had meanwhile been suspended. Abdun-nabi Khan, as soon as he heard of Chabela Ram's death, halted at Shahzadpur† for further orders, and conveyed to Girdhar Bahadur the Wazir's offer that if he would come peaceably out of Allahabad, he should forthwith receive the province of Oudh with the faujdar-ships of Lakhnau and Gorakhpur.

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† In the Cawnpore district, Lat., 26°77', Long. 80°2', Thornton, 881.

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Girdhar Bahadur, however, rejected all overtures. His excuse, an obviously insufficient one, was that he had not yet finished the funeral obsequies of his uncle, which could only be completed at the holy Tribeni (that is, Allahabad, alias Pryag), where the Ganges, Jamuna and Sarsuti are supposed to meet. For one year he would not be at liberty to leave the place. He employed this breathing space in active preparations for a siege, and in the accumulation of ample supplies within the fort walls. He is said to have dug a trench from the Ganges to the Jamuna and filled it with water from those rivers, thus protecting the fort on its most vulnerable side, that towards the west. Outside this channel he erected a number of small earthen forts.‡

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‡ Siwanih-i-Khizri, p. 8; Kamwar Khan, entry of 25th Zul Hijja; the Tarikh-i-Muhammadi places the death of C. R. "at the end of the year 1131"; Qasim 300, 301, 302; Shiu Das, f. 33a.

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At this time the Bundelas were active and troublesome, both to the south of their country on the borders of Malwa, and to the north of it between Allahabad and Agra. With regard to the first of these outbreaks, Nizam-ul-mulk, the subahdar of Malwa, was written to. For the protection of the country near the Jamuna, a force was ordered to assemble under Muhammad Khan Bangash, Aziz Khan Daudzai, Hasan Khan, *faujdar* of Kora Jahanabad, and other *jagirdars*. They were to await orders on the south of the Jamuna. Saadat Khan, Burhan-ul-mulk (who had been recently, 6th October 1719, appointed *faujdar* of Hindaun and Biana) was designated as commander of the imperial vanguard. About this time Mir Jumla Tarkhan, who had lately made his peace with the Sayyids, had been nominated (8th Zul Hijja 1131 H., 21st October 1719) to the office of *Sadar-us-sadur*, or superintendent of endowments, but found a difficulty in obtaining the issue of his patent of appointment, owing to the obstructive action of Rajah Ratan Chand. Mir Jumla invoked the aid of Saadat Khan who spoke to Husain Ali Khan. Ratan Chand was displeased, and soon succeeded in alienating Abdullah Khan from Saadat Khan. The command of the vanguard was taken from him and given to Haidar Quli Khan.*

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∗ Khush-hal Chand, Berlin MS., No. 495, fol. 999a, reports that some men suggested foul play. Their story was that "a letter arrived from the Sayyids, and as soon as he (C. R.) had opened the envelope, he gave up the ghost."

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With reference to Ratan Chand's interference, even in matters belonging to other departments, they tell the following story: One day Ratan Chand brought to Abdullah Khan a man whom he wished to be made a Qazi. Abdullah Khan said with a smile to a bystander: "Ratan Chand now nominates the Qazis." The courtier replied: "He has got everything he wants in this world, why should he not now look after the other world?" Or, as Fakhr-ud-din Khan, son of Shaikh Abdul-aziz, remarked one day to Abdullah Khan: "Now-a-days, through your favour, Ratan Chand is as great a man as was Himu, the shopkeeper."†

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† *Tarikh-i-Muzaffari*, Irvine MS., p. 167, Khush-hal Chand, Berlin MS. 495, f. 1,000b. Himu Dhusar, Wazir of Adil Shah Sur, was defeated and taken prisoner in Muharram 964 H., November 1556, Beale, 160.

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Haidar Quli Khan started for Allahabad on the 1st Muharram 1132 H., 13th November 1719. On the way he was joined by Sher Afkan Khan Panipati, *faujdar* of Karra.* After a halt near Karra, they advanced to a place twenty-five *kos* from Allahabad. At this stage Shah Ali Khan arrived, bringing with him Daud Khan, an officer sent by Muhammad Khan Bangash. Shah Ali Khan was a Barha Sayyid who had been deputed by the *Wazir* and his brother to represent their interests.† Muhammad Khan Bangash excused himself from personal attendance, the Rajput clan of the Bamtelas having risen and tried to destroy the newly-founded town of Farrukhabad. But he vouched for the zeal and energy of his officers, Daud Khan and Diler Khan. [Siwanih, 11.]

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∗ Kamwar Khan, entries of 23rd Zul Qada and 8th Zul Hijja 1131 H.; Khizr Khan, p. 10; Shiu Das, 33. Kora Jahanabad is in the Fatehpur District; Thornton, 522; Hindaun (in Jaipur territory), Lat. 26°41', Long. 77°16'; Biana (in Bharatpur territory), Lat. 26°57', Long. 77°20', Thornton, 387, 119.

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† According to Khush-hal Chand, Berlin MS. No. 495, *f.* 999*a*, this man had been promised the succession to the governorship, if successful in ejecting Girdhar Bahadur. He had 4,000 men with him.

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By this time, at the instigation of Budh Singh Hada, of Bundi, a large number of Bundelas had taken the field. These men harassed Abdun-nabi Khan and Diler Khan in their advance. One day Abun-nabi Khan was taken prisoner, but rescued by Diler Khan after a severe struggle. Before the fight could be renewed on the following morning, Tahavvar Ali Khan marched in with two thousand men sent by Dilawar Ali Khan. The Bundelas now avoided a renewal of the engagement, but Tahavvar Ali Khan, out of bravado, disregarding Abdun-nabi Khan’s advice, took the initiative. Diler Khan, scorning to be left behind, followed in his wake, and Abdun-nabi Khan felt bound to support them. The Afghans, when near enough, began to shout out abusive words until Bhagwant Singh, the Bundela leader, stung by these taunts, broke off his holy thread, put it on the point of his sword, and swore an oath to die or be revenged. Spurring his mare into the space between the armies, he selected Tahavvar Ali Khan as his opponent. Riding up to that officer’s elephant, he brought down the driver with one arrow and pierced Tahavvar Ali Khan’s arm with another. Diler Khan now attempted to take the Bundelas in the rear. Bhagwant Singh with two hundred men turned to face him. Diler Khan did not flinch, and after three-quarters of an hour’s desperate fighting, Bhagwant Singh was cut down by the Pathan. The Bundelas dispersed and were pursued for two or three kos by the Afghan horse. Abdun-nabi Khan and his companions then rejoined Haidar Quli Khan by forced marches. [Khizr Kh. 11.]

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∗ This man was the brother of Lutf-ullah Khan Sadiq. The *Tarikh-i-Muzaffari*, 170, has Kora, instead of Karra.

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All the reinforcements having now reached him, Haidar Quli Khan divided his army into three divisions : one under his own orders ; one under Sher Afkan Khan Panipati, Bahadur Khan and Daud Khan ; one under Shah Ali Khan Barha and Abdun-nabi Khan. An advance was then made. When the imperialists were five kos from the fort, the Chandela zamindars who had joined Girdhar Bahadur came out to oppose them, and a sharp engagement ensued. The Chandelas forced their way into the ranks of the second division, and the newly recruited men gave way, Shah Ali Khan being so severely wounded that he fell from his elephant. His troops fled in disorder. But Daud Khan, calling on his Afghans, maintained the struggle as long as there was any daylight, and during the night the third division reached the spot. The enemy being now outnumbered, took to their heels and retreated within shelter of the trenches outside the fort. [Khush-hal 999b, Khizr Kh. 13.]

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Haidar Quli Khan hurried up with his own division, and two days were spent in restoring order in the force. On the third day he marched close up to the entrenchments with his whole army. As soon as they came in sight, they were received with a heavy fire of cannon and rockets, and from afternoon to sunset the fight continued. Girdhar Bahadur in person issued from his trenches and created a diversion by a bold attack. At length, owing to the darkness, they could no longer distinguish friend from foe, and each army returned to its own quarters. Fighting went on daily for two or three days. One night an attack was made on Abdun-nabi Khan's camp, and great damage was done before Sher Afkan Khan could arrive, when they jointly drove back the assailants to the very ditches of their entrenchments. Two men were taken alive. Their story was that within the fort there were food and supplies enough to last for ten years ; Girdhar Bahadur's own men numbered ten thousand, and there were as many more belonging to Budh Singh Hada, Chhattarsal Bundela, and the Hindu landholders of the adjacent country. Haidar Quli Khan reported all this to Husain Ali Khan, and asked for reinforcements. [Siwanih, 14.]

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Nor did the commanders of the investing force act in unison. Abdun-nabi Khan declared that he would behead the two prisoners in retaliation for the loss of men that he had suffered. Haidar Quli Khan refused his consent. He said that he required these men in order to find out from them the condition of the fort and its defenders, subsequently, whatever order was given in regard to the prisoners by Husain Ali Khan, Amir-ul-umara, would be carried out. Beginning with civil words, the discussion was prolonged until they spoke harshly to each other. Abdun-nabi Khan thereupon withdrew his troops from the investment of the northern bastion, and that very night a reinforcement sent by Budh Singh Hada, passed through the abandoned post and entered the fort without let or hindrance.

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As already stated, Husain Ali Khan, as soon as he learnt of Budh Singh's encouragement of the Bundelas and of Girdhar Bahadur's resistance, detached Dilawar Ali Khan and others into the Kota-Bundi country. At the same time Muhammad Khan Bangash, who had obeyed the command to proceed to Allahabad by sending some of the officers, was pressed to take the field in person. Accordingly, he soon arrived at Allahabad, and occupied the position vacated by Abdun-nabi Khan. One night, shortly after his arrival, two thousand men, an hour or two before dawn, made a sudden attack on him. The Nawab, whose eyes were inflamed, was unable to take the command himself, but Diler Khan, for whom an urgent message had been sent, was soon on the spot. In the confusion and darkness, some two hundred of the retreating enemy lost their way and fell into the river; while Salim Singh, their leader, was wounded and made a prisoner by Nur Khan Khatak. But before he was recognized, he yielded up his accoutrements, his sword, his turban, and all that he had of value, and was allowed to go his way. Diler Khan received two severe wounds in the back, but escaped with his life. [Ibid, 17.]

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The morning after this night surprise, Haidar Quli Khan ordered a general assault from two directions. One force he took command of himself, the other was led by Sher Afkan Khan, Daud Khan Bangash, and Shah Ali Khan Barha. After repeated attacks, Haidar Quli Khan cleared the enemy out of the entrenchments at the foot of the north side of the fort. In the same way, Shah Ali Khan and the leaders with him drove those in front of them back to the very foot of the walls. Daud Khan, accompanied by Sher Afkan Khan, brought up the scaling ladders, hoping to make an entry, but after much struggle and effort he was compelled to abandon the attempt. Since the river flows close under the fort, and a number of boats were moored below the walls, it was feared that if the enemy saw the day going against them, they would use this means of escape. To prevent this manoeuvre, Muhammad Khan sent out his men and took possession of all the boats.

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For three days the fighting continued. By the fourth day the imperial army had worked its way close to the fort and began to mine under the walls. Girdhar Bahadur, believing the day was lost, made overtures through Muhammad Khan; in these negotiations a long time was consumed. Girdhar Bahadur then found out that Muhammad Khan had received a promise of the Allahabad province, if he, Girdhar Bahadur, could be ousted from it. Ceasing to believe any longer in that noble's impartiality, Girdhar Bahadur said he would treat through no one but Ratan Chand.

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The retention of Allahabad in hostile hands was most detrimental to the Sayyids' power. It formed a centre round which disaffection could rally and grow troublesome. In itself it was as strong a fortress as Akbarabad, but in other ways many times more difficult to overcome. Instead of a revolted garrison having no competent leaders, it was held by a well-tried and valiant soldier at the head of a well-disciplined force; instead of a miserably provisioned stronghold there was one with sufficient supplies for many years. Obviously some great effort must be made.

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Husain Ali Khan ordered a bridge of boats to be thrown across the Jamuna at Agra, and sent his troops to the other side as a preliminary to his own advance down the Duaba. He had no reverence for the prognostications of astrologers, saying:

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“Whatever is chosen by the Eternal Felicity is felicitous; whatever is not adopted by Him is devoid of felicity.” On the 3rd Safar (15th December 1719) he quitted his camp at Bagh Dahr-Ara, and proceeded by boat to the garden of Jahan-ara Begam. Negotiations continued at Allahabad; day and night camel-riders came and went. But Girdhar Bahadur persisted that he had no faith in the Sayyids and could not trust their honour, or give up the place of refuge that he held. Several months elapsed, but no settlement was arrived at. [Qasim, 303.]

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At length, on the 23rd Jamada I. 1132 H. (1st April 1720), Husain Ali Khan resolved to march on Allahabad; and quitting the garden of Jahan-ara, his tents were put up on the grazing grounds of Bagh Buland.* But Abdullah Khan did not approve of this move. A few weeks before this, on the 1st Rabi II. 1132 H. (10th February 1720) the Emperor’s advance tents had been sent off towards Dihli, but no start followed; and on the 1st Jamada I. (10th March 1720), they were brought back from Sikandra Itala.† About this time the quarrel over the Agra booty broke out afresh between Abdullah Khan and his younger brother, and it was only through the strenuous exertions of Ratan Chand that a settlement was made; and these differences were prevented from reaching the public ear. Still sore at the rôle played by his brother at Agra, Abdullah Khan, directly Husain Ali Khan moved towards Allahabad, swore that he would not be defrauded a second time. If Husain Ali Khan had appropriated the booty of Agra, he would take that of Allahabad. In short, he insisted on his right as Wazir to assume the supreme command. At length, a middle course was hit upon, both brothers remained at Agra, and Ratan Chand went as their emissary to Allahabad. [Qasim 306, K. K. 845, Kamwar 220.]

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† Apparently the place west of Agra, and the site of Akbar’s mausoleum, is intended.

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On the 25th Jamada I. 1132 H. (3rd April 1720) Ratan Chand started with many nobles in his train, taking sixty large guns each drawn by one hundred to two hundred oxen and three or four elephants. On his way the faujdars, the agents of the jagirdars, and the zamindars flocked to his standard. The rajah camped two kos from Allahabad fort and sent a message to Girdhar Bahadur that he had come thus far to see him, and was anxiously awaiting an interview. Rajah Girdhar Bahadur returned answer that to meet him was pleasure, but the period set apart for mourning on account of Chabela Ram's death not having yet expired, he must trouble his visitor to come and see him, which would also accord with the usages observed at condolences upon a death. Rajah Ratan Chand, leaving everybody behind him except Muhammad Khan Bangash, Haidar Quli Khan, and one or two of his most trusted subordinates, went into the fort. Rajah Girdhar Bahadur came as far as the door of his dwelling, and Ratan Chand on meeting him offered the usual condolences. Gifts were brought forward, of which Ratan Chand accepted an elephant and two horses ; then, having sat a moment, he left for his quarters. Next day Girdhar Bahadur came in full state to return the visit. Ratan Chand met him at the tent door and seated him on the right hand upon his own carpet (*masnad*), offering one elephant and five horses with rich trappings. Girdhar Bahadur, too, refused all except the elephant and two horses. [Kamwar 219, Shiu 34a, Khush-hal 1000b.]

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∗ Khush-hal calls it Moti Bagh, across the river, opposite the fort.

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After they had exchanged some conciliatory words in public, they sat apart and consulted. The terms offered were the Government of Oudh with all the divisions (*sarkars*) dependent thereon, and the right to appoint all the military and civil subordinate officers (*i.e.*, the *faujdars* and *diwans*), Mir Mushrif, the former governor, and the other officials being removed. To these appointments was added a gift of thirty lakhs of Rupees, payable from the Bengal treasure remittance, to replace the expenditure on his army and the defence of the fort, together with a jewelled turban ornament, a special dress of honour and an elephant from the Emperor. This conference took place upon the 25th Jamada II. 1132 H. (3rd May 1720). [Siwanih 19, K. K. 846, Shiu 35a.]

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After binding oaths on Ganges water had been exchanged, Girdhar Bahadur accepted the above terms, and, with all his family and their belongings, his treasure and his goods, marched out of the fort on the 4th Rajab (11th May 1720); whereupon Ahmad Khan, a brother of Muhammad Khan Bangash, entered with five hundred men and occupied the place. Leaving Shah Ali Khan in charge of Allahabad, Ratan Chand started on his return to Agra. The Bengal treasure, until now delayed at Patna, was sent for, orders being left that out of the total sum thirty lakhs should be paid over to Rajah Girdhar Bahadur, and the balance sent on to head-quarters.

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On the 9th Rajab, upon the receipt of Ratan Chand’s report, Abdullah Khan attended audience, where he had not been for some time, and received the Emperor’s permission to beat the drums in honour of a victory. On the 16th Rajab (23rd May 1720) Husain Ali Khan recrossed the Jamuna and took up his old station in Bagh Dahr-Ara as before. Ratan Chand, on his arrival on the 2nd Shaban, 8th June 1720, was warmly congratulated by the two brothers and promoted to 5,000 zat, 5,000 horse, receiving a special robe and a very valuable pearl necklace. Haidar Quli Khan received 50,000 Rupees and a robe of honour; Muhammad Khan Bangash and Sher Afkan Khan, each twenty-five thousand Rupees and a necklace of pearls. During this period the Emperor had moved once (14th Jamada II. 22nd April 1720) to the village of Mumtazabad, in order to pay a visit to Shah Jahan’s tomb; on the 17th of the same month (25th April 1720) the camp was brought back to Talab Khela Nath.*

Sec. 6.—Flight of Nizam-Ul-Mulk from Malwa to the Dakhin.

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Between Nizam-ul-mulk and the Sayyids there were many reasons for mutual distrust. Spoiled in earlier years by the exceptional favour with which he and his father were honoured during the last part of Alamgir’s reign, Nizam-ul-mulk was ever afterwards discontented with the treatment he received from that monarch’s successors. In Bahadur Shah’s reign he served grudgingly, more than once sending in his resignation. It was the same in Jahandar Shah’s reign. His services to Farrukh-siyar at the time of Jahandar Shah’s overthrow secured him the Government of the Dakhin, a region in regard to which, as there can be no doubt, he had cherished secret projects ever since the death of Alamgir. Nizam-ul-mulk, like his father, had won his spurs in the Dakhin campaigns, and, as Zulfiqar Khan unquestionably did, he must have seen that it offered a splendid opening for acquiring partial, perhaps even complete, independence of Dihli and its sovereign. He had held the six subahs for hardly more than two years, when he was superseded by Husain Ali Khan.

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∗ Kamwar Khan, 220; Shiu Das, 33b; Bayan-i-waqi 406; Khush-hal Chand, 1,000b; Khizr Khan, p. 20. Seventy-five lakhs of treasure from Bengal were received at Agra on the 19th Rajab (24th May 1720).

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Apparently this supersession rankled in his mind, for he withdrew to his new appointment at Muradabad, and only returned to the capital at Farrukh-siyar's urgent request. Unable to work with Farrukh-siyar, he went over nominally, as we have seen, to the faction of the Wazir and his brother. Being anxious to secure his absence from Dihli, they offered him the Government of Bihar, a difficult charge which they hoped would fully employ, even if it did not exhaust, his strength. Before Nizam-ul-mulk had started for Patna Farrukh-siyar had been dethroned, and Malwa being then vacant was offered to him. The brothers thought that as their own nominees and relations held Akbarabad on the one side, and the Dakhin on the other, any danger from this able man's intrigues would be obviated by thus placing him between two fires. Remembering how short his tenure of the Dakhin had been, Nizam-ul-mulk made his acceptance of Malwa conditional on a solemn agreement that he should not be removed again. The promise was given and the Nawab started for Ujjain on the 24th Rabi II. 1131 H. (15th March 1719), a few days after the accession of Rafi-ud-darjat, taking the precaution to remove the whole of his family and possessions, thus leaving no hostages behind him in the Sayyids' hands.

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Ever since his departure rumours had been rife that he had helped to instigate the abortive rising at Agra. Although he was guilty of no overt act of hostility, he failed in some matters to study the susceptibilities of Husain Ali Khan. Owing to a slight offered by him to Husain Ali Khan, Marahmat Khan had been superseded in his command at Mandu by Khwajam Quli Khan. Difficulties arose about giving over that fort, and after these had been overcome, Marahmat Khan, instead of being removed by Nizam-ul-mulk, was employed in ejecting Jai Chand Bundela from Ramgarh. The Nawab then applied for the offender's pardon. Husain Ali Khan disregarded these requests in favour of Marahmat Khan. Soon afterwards the news-writers reported to head-quarters that Nizam-ul-mulk was enlisting men and collecting matériel of war in excess of his requirements as a provincial governor.

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On receipt of these reports, Husain Ali Khan sent for the agent who represented Nizam-ul-mulk at Court, and, after abusing him and his master, told him to report to his employer what had been said to him ; the grievances alleged being the above-mentioned matter of Marahmat Khan, the removal of a zamindar in pargana Nalam,* and some other disputes about lands. Nizam-ul-mulk acknowledged the letter by writing direct to Husain Ali Khan. After complaining of the enmity of the official reporters, he points out that people who had never been in Malwa, could not know its condition ; but Husain Ali Khan having lately passed through it must know the facts well. The Mahrattas, with over fifty thousand horsemen, were harrying it ; if troops in large numbers were not entertained, what hope was there of defending the country from their ravages? For this reason he had added to his resources in men and matériel. He also objected to giving up Malwa just as the instalments of the Rabi harvest were falling due, this being the time when most of the revenue was paid, forming his only hope of getting back his heavy expenditure. None but his evil-wishers could have accused him of intending adverse action. If that had been his wish he could have gratified it when at Agra, where several times messengers came to him from Nekusiyar. He had no such purposes in his heart, and his detractors ought to be silenced. The allusion to what he could have done at Agra, if he had chosen, only incensed Husain Ali Khan still more against him. [K. K. 851, T. Muz. 174.]

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A farman was now issued to Nizam-ul-mulk recalling him from Malwa, on the plea that it was necessary for the protection of the Dakhin that Husain Ali Khan should take charge of that province. He was offered the choice of any one out of the four provinces of Akbarabad, Allahabad, Multan, or Burhanpur. This was a distinct breach of faith, and no doubt confirmed Nizam-ul-mulk in the belief that he was to be destroyed. He had already some reason for apprehension, due to the movements of Husain Ali Khan’s Bakhshi, Dilawar Ali Khan, who was hovering on the western border of Malwa, attended by Rajah Bhim Singh of Bundi, Rajah Gaj Singh of Narwar, and other chiefs. The secret instructions of these generals were that after they had settled the matter of Salim Singh who, with the connivance of Rajah Jai Singh Sawai, had attempted to usurp Bundi, they should keep the proceedings of Nizam-ul-mulk under observation and await further orders. Dilawar Ali Khan was told to announce publicly that he had a commission to proceed to Aurangabad in the Dakhin, to conduct thence the family of Nawab Husain Ali Khan.

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∗ Probably a misprint for Talam, sarkar Sarangpur, Ain ii. 203.

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This movement could not be construed otherwise than unfavourably by Nizam-ul-mulk. Nor was other instigation to action wanting. His cousin, Muhammad Amin Khan, wrote from Agra that the Sayyids were only waiting for the suppression of the Nekusiyar party and the recovery of Allahabad, when their next task would be to uproot and destroy him, Nizam-ul-mulk. With his own letter Muhammad Amin Khan sent one written by Muhammad Shah’s own hand, and one bearing the seal of that Emperor’s mother. These letters complained of the Sayyids, of their entire usurpation of authority, of their leaving no personal liberty to the Emperor; and called on Nizam-ul-mulk to espouse his cause and effect his deliverance. [K. K. 850-852, Qasim 307.]

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Further details of Nizam-ul-mulk’s stay in Malwa are obtained from another source. The night following his arrival at Ujjain there was heavy rain; “this was, indeed, to him God’s gracious rain, for from that day he never ceased to prosper.” Ujjain became to him in fact as well as name the Dar-ul-fath, the Abode of Victory. After the rains (of 1719) had ended, he set out to reduce his province to order. It was then that the friends of Husain Ali Khan wrote alarming letters about the strength of his army and complained that mischief was brewing, as he was tampering with the Court intelligencer's reports. Upon hearing this Husain Ali Khan broke out into strong language. He asserted that Nizam-ul-mulk should never have been allowed to leave the Court, and now one "Nizam-ul-mulk" had multiplied into a thousand; it would be found as difficult to deal with him as to tackle a young tiger in an open plain.

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To this Qutb-ul-mulk (Abdullah Khan) replied with the saying, "The past is beyond remedy, fate does its own pleasure." Some way must be devised. After many consultations, a farman of recall was despatched by the hands of mace-bearers, while a force was moved across the Chambal. If the governor submitted, all would be well; if not, they could still fight or negotiate. If he fled to the south, their general could pursue. Alim Ali Khan at Aurangabad was warned to be on the alert. Thus Nizam-ul-mulk would inevitably be caught between two fires.

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It had already been a subject of remark at Nizam-ul-mulk's darbar that disturbed times were at hand, that probably the first difficulty would arise in Malwa. Nizam-ul-mulk began to prepare for an emergency, as the only hope of being left undisturbed. He argued that, though in position a great noble, Husain Ali Khan was in character a mere soldier, who, as soon as he hears anything unfavourable, burns with anger and becomes at once an enemy. In that case, "the Lord be our keeper." There is nothing for it but to make ready to fight.

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When the advance of Sayyid Dilawar Ali Khan was announced, Nizam-ul-mulk consulted his most trusted officer, Muhammad Ghiyas Khan. This man said there was no use in losing one's head, the matter could easily be carried through. Fortune had always been favourable, and to resist was best. The Nawab rejoined: "Why speak thus! Still, I am in perplexity; that I have done no wrong is plain, nor need I feel ashamed. I have lived respected from the days of the late Alamgir until now, and for the few more days that may be vouchsafed me, I trust I may be saved from dishonour. Why do these parvenus try to harm me, merely because they are puffed up by their sudden elevation. Such an attitude is becoming in an Emperor; if others gain a little rise in life, why need they lose their heads. Thanks to God on High, who is there that shall not himself receive what he has done to others? But it is not for me to begin. If in spite of my quiescence they attack me, there is no help for it. After all, I am human. What man is there holding my high station who would not defend his honour? Victory lies hidden from us, it is the gift of the Most High, and is not gained by the greatness of a host. I swear by the God that made me, that they may bring all Hindustan against me and I will still resist undaunted. If longer life has been decreed me, no harm will arrive; if the hour of departure is at hand, nothing can avail me."

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Ghiyas Khan approved these words, pointing out that he had only meant to suggest that preparation was necessary, "a blow after the fight" meant mere dishonour. The Nawab's kinsmen approved, and preparation was decided on. Ghiyas Khan proposed a march from Mandeshwar to Ujjain, where they should await the farman and leave in safety their superfluous baggage. The farman ought to be received with outward honour, to be followed by a march towards the capital. If they were to fight, they could fight as well there as here; nay, at Court the position was better. When men have once resolved on death they can fight even against heaven; as to any other low wretches, of what account were they? The Sayyids were not angels having wings and able to take flight; men with bodies, however much fenced in, can be reached. Right was on their side. If a gracious God shielded them, Right would triumph. If, before they reached the vicinity of Sironj, things took another turn, what would it matter? On hearing of their ostensible return to the capital, would not their opponents be forthwith put off their guard. Muhammad Amin Khan, Hamid Khan and others at Court should be addressed, as also Iwaz Khan and others in the Dakhin. The commandant of Asirgarh should be gained over, money might be offered him for the cession of that fortress. That place could be easily reached from Sironj, "and when Asir is ours, God has given us the key of the kingdom of the Dakhin." Reayat Khan, Abdur-rahim Khan, Qadir Dad Khan and Mutawassil Khan supported Muhammad Ghiyas.

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