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Social and Political Life in the Vijayanagara Empire (A.D. 1346 – A.D. 1646) v2.c21.s2: Section 2. Etiquette

Social and Political Life in the Vijayanagara Empire (A.D. 1346 – A.D. 1646) v2.c21.s2

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Contents

Section 2. Etiquette

A. Etiquette in the Royal Palace

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Whether it was in the presence of the king or on the battle-field, in regard to foreign ambassadors or leaders of merchant guilds, washermen or dancing-girls, the people of Vijayanagara observed certain rules of procedure in public matters. Paes tells us the following: "Before you enter the place where the king is there are two gates with many guards, who prevent any one from entering except the captains and men who have business there; and between these two gates is a very large court with its verandahs round it, where the captains and other honoured people wait till the king summons them to his presence."¹ As regards admission into the palace, especially on grand occasions, Paes continues thus: "They do not admit every one at once (they allowed us to go into the open part that is between the gates), but there go inside only the wrestlers and dancing-women, and the elephants, which go with their trappings and decorations, those that sit on them being armed with shields and javelins, and wearing quilted tunics."² Then again: "The different pavilions are separated by doors, so that no one may enter unless he is invited."³

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¹ Sewell, *For. Emp.*, p. 246.

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² *Ibid.*, p. 268.

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³ *Ibid.*

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Paes also relates about people who desired to seek an interview with the king. "...and he (the king) was barefooted: for no one ever enters where the king is unless he has bare feet, and the majority of the people, or almost all, go about the country barefooted."⁴ But those who were privileged to see the king had to salute him. While describing the royal ceremonies in the palace, Paes informs us the following: "After the king has talked with these men (i.e., the great lords) on subjects pleasing to him he bids enter the lords and captains who wait at the gate, and these at once enter to make their salaam to him. As soon as they appear they make their salaam to him, and place themselves along the walls far off from him; they do not speak one to another, nor do they chew betel before him, but they place their hands in the sleeves of their tunics (cabayas) and cast their eyes on the ground; and if the king desires to speak to any one it is done through a second person, and then he to whom the king desires to speak raises his eyes and replies to him who questions him, and then returns to his former position. So they remain till the king bids them go, and then they all turn to make the salaam to him and go out. The salaam, which is the greatest courtesy that exists among them, is that they put their hands joined above their head as high as they can. Every day they go to make the salaam to the king."[¹]

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⁴ *Ibid.*, p. 252.

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¹ Sewell, *For. Emp.*, pp. 250-1.

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This mode of salutation being so different from that to which the foreign travellers were accustomed, it is not surprising that they should have keenly observed it. Nuniz gives us details about it: "The manner of the salaam which the nobles make to the King every day is this:—In the morning the nobles go to the palace at ten or eleven o'clock, at which hour the King comes out from within where his wives are, and after he has taken his seat they open to the nobles, and each one comes by himself and bows his head and raises his hands. This is what they call the 'salaam' (salema). With the king are about ten or twelve men who have the duty, on the entrance of each captain, of saying to the King: 'See, your Highness, your captain so-and-so, who makes salaam to You.'"[²]

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² Ibid., p. 372.

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Barradas, while describing the plot by Jaga Rāya to dethrone Chikka Rāyulu, the nephew of Veṅkaṭapati Dēva Rāya I, says: "He (the new King) passed through the midst of the soldiers with a face grave and severe, and with eyes downcast. There was no one to do him reverence with hands (as is the custom) joined over the head, nor did he see salute any one."¹ Salutation, as a sign of allegiance, was made in the manner roughly indicated by Couto, who speaks of Tirumala Rāya and his three brothers. These, according to him, "went on one day every year and prostrated themselves before their lawful sovereign in token of his rights over them".²

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¹ Sewell, For. Emp., p. 225.

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² Couto, Dec. VI, 1, v., cap. 5; Sewell, ibid., p. 180. For different modes of salutation, see Manu, II, 119-27, pp. 51-3.

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But since we cannot expect more details from foreign travellers on the manner in which princes and peoples prostrated themselves before their sovereign, we may have recourse to Bāṇa, who while describing the etiquette in the court of the king Prabhākaravardhana, speaks of the two royal pages Kumāra Gupta and Mādhava Gupta thus: "Entering, they bowed from afar till their four limbs and heads touched the ground, then assumed a suitable position indicated by a kindly glance from the king."³ Skanda Gupta saluted the king Harshavardhana thus: "Entering the palace, he saluted from a distance, leaning his lotus hands upon the earth and touching it with his head."⁴

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³ Bāṇa, Harshacharita, p. 121.

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⁴ Ibid., p. 191; see also pp. 71, 126, 198, 211 and 238.

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Foreigners, who were not conversant with Hindu etiquette, confounded this ancient custom of saluting one's superiors with kissing their feet. This accounts for the following from ‘Abdur Razzāq: "When the Danaik had returned from his tour, and had been acquainted with all that had transpired, he was astounded, and after being admitted to the honour of kissing the royal feet, he offered up his thanks for the safety of the king's person, and made more than usual preparations to celebrate the festival of Mahānavī."⁵ Nuniz commits the same blunder: "The King confers very high honour, too, if he permits a certain one to kiss his feet, for he never gives his hand to be kissed by any one."⁶

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⁵ Elliot, Hist. of India, IV, p. 117.

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⁶ Sewell, ibid. p. 376.

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An important item in the daily routine of the palace was that in connection with the worship of God. While describing the great Mahānavami festival, Paes relates thus: "Then he (the king) passes all along the top of the buildings, and as soon as he is at the end he takes the cap from his head, and after placing it on the ground turns back (to the place) where the idol is; here he lies extended on the ground."¹ It may be presumed that this was done every day in the palace.

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¹ Sewell, For. Emp., p. 267.

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In this respect some of the provincial rulers were as orthodox as their royal masters. Their puritanism is thus described in a defaced inscription which has been assigned to about the year A.D. 1435. During the reign of Dēva Rāya Mahārāya when Tippa Rāja Oḍeyar's son Gōpa Rāja Oḍeyar was ruling the Tēkal city, "that Siṅga Rāja had the two lines of fortification round this city built, and holding the office of paṭṭaṇasvāmi by order of the god Nāyinār, so that all the people could see, for the god's tirumana had maṇṭapas made before and behind the temples, had a pond constructed called after Gōpa Rāja the Gōpasamudra, had a palace built for Gōpa Rāja to the west of that pond, and to the right of the god, Siṅga Rāja's palace; and that he might at sunrise and at evening twilight bathe at both times, and have a room for domestic sacrifice, from the threshold of which he might look to the spire of Varadarāja's temple, and coming to the temple, offer naivēdya and tāmbūla to the god, and taking the tulasi and tīrtha, make provision for the enjoyment of the god..."²

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² E. C., X, Mr. 4, p. 156. We do not know whether learned Brahmans pronounced a blessing on the reigning sovereign as was done in A.D. 1157 at Tālgunda (Sthanagundur). Rice, Mys. Ins., p. 194. As regards the custom of waving the lamps before the king, see also Lakshmīśa Jaimini Bhārata Sandhi 4, v. 72, p. 78 (Sanderson). See infra for royal ablutions; Bāṇa; Harshacharita, p. 104.

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Some other details in connection with etiquette in the provincial places can be gathered from tradition. "In that place (of Tirumala Nāyaka, south-west of the garden near Rangavilāsam) the king is accustomed to sit down and converse with the ministers or others, his favorites in the evening;

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when flambeaus are lighted up in the avenue at the time of homage, and when female dancers exhibit their skill before the courtiers."1

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The chronicles of the south also contain some interesting information as regards usage in the courts of the provincial rulers. These refer to the times of Vijaya Raṅga Chokkaṇātha Nāyaka. Since he was a minor, his mother Maṅgammal ruled as regent. "During her regency, Mangamala had many *agraras*, temples, and choultries built. But one day, while eating beetle-leaf and areca-nut, she forgetfully took the same with her left hand. Considering the taking of this indulgence with the left hand to be a serious crime, in order to remove its consequences, she constructed roads with avenues of trees, from Casi to Ramiseram, to Canya Cumari (Cape Comorin) and other places; and on the same account had *terpa kulams* (or reservoirs) dug, choultries built, and water booths constructed: she gave away food, and performed other charities, so that her name became renowned to a great distance."2

B. Coronation

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While dealing with the question of etiquette in the royal palace, mention may be made of some details in connection with coronation. The people of Vijayanagara have given us ample evidence of their having been under the influence of classical and mediaeval theories; and it is not too much to suppose that they must have followed the ancient rules as laid down in the *dharma śāstras*, while performing the coronation ceremonies. "The *abhiṣēka* as detailed in the *Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa* begins with seven *mantras* to be uttered by the priest performing a *homa* before the ritual of sprinkling takes place. The first *mantra* speaks of the prince's rebirth as the son of *ritviks* (sacrificial priests) with his vigour immensely increased by his symbolic entrance into the *homa* fire and exit therefrom, and wishes him capability to keep his subjects from sinful ways. The second wishes him an extended kingdom, a stout physique for its efficient administration, and a good supply of cattle for the performance of the sacrifices. The third wishes him to be the guide of men, and wants him to solemnly say that he would protect the good and punish the wicked. The fourth and the fifth invoke blessing on him for prosperity, while the sixth and seventh for the glorification of the castes by his power, the prosperity of his subjects, and the extension of Prajāpati's protection to him".¹

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¹ Taylor, O. H. MSS., II, p. 157. In a note on the flambeaus which lighted up the avenue, Taylor rightly says that that ceremony called the *divați-salām* or *divați-vandanam* or *divați-koluttu* is "said to have been never omitted, unless the king were sick; and then not to have made the *Divaṭi-salām* was the same thing as to announce the king's illness.. two or more persons perform various evolutions of double torches in approaching towards the king; they then make their obeisance, in which all others present join". *Ibid.*

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² *Ibid.*, II, pp. 36-7.

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¹ Narendranath Law, *I. A.*, XLVIII, p. 84. Dr. Narendranath Law describes the *abhiṣēka* ceremony in detail in this article. *Ibid.*, p. 84 seq. Cf. Edgerton, *Vikrama's Adventures*, Vols. 26, 27, Section VIII, pp. 48-9. For decorum in the room where the throne is kept, see *Sukranīti*, I, II. 709-27. p. 48.

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The ideas of protecting the subjects, of maintaining the *varṇāśrama dharma*, and of upholding the virtuous and punishing the wicked,—which, as remarked in another column, are clearly given in epigraphs of all the rulers and in the writings of Kṛṣṇa Dēva Rāya—are to be traced to the promise which the rulers made on the occasion of their anointment ceremony. It is not the conformity of Vijayanagara theory to classical precept in regard to this question that concerns us so much as the features which came to be associated with coronation in Vijayanagara. But, as in other matters, the mediaeval rulers herein only followed the ancient usage of the land. The ceremony was most often held in a famous temple, in the presence of the great lords and learned men of the court. It was generally commemorated by granting lands and endowments to scholars and pious men. Except in one instance, it was performed by the *rāja-guru* or royal priest. And there is every reason to believe that, at least in the case of one or two monarchs, the ceremony was conducted twice obviously at different places.

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Before we enumerate these details, it may be interesting to recall the observations made by Nuniz on what the kings of Vijayanagara did before their coronation. While dealing with Vidyāraṇya and the founders of Vijayanagara, Nuniz says: "And after that hermit was dead the King raised a very grand temple in honour of him and gave much revenue to it. And ever since, in his memory, the Kings of Bisnaga, on the day when they are raised to be kings, have, in honour of the hermit, to enter this house before they enter their own; and they offer many prayers in it, and celebrate many feasts there every year."¹ Nuniz here evidently has confounded a shrine which may have been built in memory of Vidyāraṇya with the temple of Virūpāksha at Hampe, which, we may be permitted to repeat, was certainly not built in honour of that sage.

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¹ Sewell, For. Emp., p. 300, and ibid, n. (2). ² Hultzsch, Ep. Ind., I, pp. 363, 370. Dr. Hultzsch thus remarks on the date of the inscription given on the same page: "According to the tables, the Śukla-saṃvatsara corresponds to Śaka 1482 (A. D. 1509-10)", ibid., p. 363, n. (10). Cf. Ballāḷa II, granting the village of Iḷamarudur in Paḍi-nāḍu-sīme to the Kirtinārāyaṇa temple on the day of his coronation in A. D. 1270. My. Arch. Report for 1911-12, p. 44.

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The temple of Virūpāksha, however, was the place where the anointment ceremony of the kings of Vijayanagara took place. Thus an inscription dated Śaka 1430 expired, Śukla saṃvatsara Māgha Śu. 14, contains the following about Kṛṣṇa Dēva Rāya the Great: "...the illustrious Vira Kṛṣṇa-rāya Mahārāya, at the auspicious time of the festival of his coronation (paṭṭābhiṣhēka), for (providing) daily oblations of food (amṛta-paḍi-naivēdya), to the holy Virūpāksha-dēva(i.e., of Paṃpā)" granted to the temple the village of Siṅganāyakanahaḷḷi.² The fact of the coronation ceremony having been conducted in the presence of the god Virūpāksha, though not specifically stated in the above epigraph, is gathered from the records of his successors, some of whom were also crowned in the other famous temples of the Empire. Achyuta Dēva Rāya was crowned in Śaka 1452 (A. D. 1530-1) in the temple of Kāḷahasti, and on this occasion the king remitted the customs duties on the imports and exports at several seaports¹. This ruler seems to have been crowned twice—once at the place mentioned above, and again at Vijayanagara. This is inferred from Rājanātha's *Achutarāyābhyudayam* in which it is said :

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¹ *A. S. R.* for 1923-4, p. 94.

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प्रणामशीलः फणिशैलशासितुः कदाचिदग्रे करशंखवारिणा ।
पयोधिकाञ्ची परिणेतृतास्पदे पदेऽभिषिक्तस्सरंपरागते ॥

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Then again Rājanāth says :

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कृताभिषेकः कृपया पुरा हरेः स एष साम्राज्यपदेऽभ्यषिध्यत ।
क्षयाम्बुलेशव्यपदेशतो मही तदाजनि स्विन्नतनुस्तदादरात् ॥²

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² Rājanātha, *Achutarāyābhyudayam*, Canto III, vv. 23, 36, pp. 65, 71. (1907). See also Venkoba Rao, *Vyāsayōgicharitam*, Intr., p. cvi; *The Sources*, p. 161. S. N. Śāstri translates the verses in question thus; "Once upon a time the devotee of Vishnu was anointed by Him with the waters poured from the conch in his hand, in the place of the husband of the earth which is passing from generation to generation." "This Achutarāya who had been previously anointed by Vishnu through grace, was anointed in the place of a universal sovereign; at that time the earth through affection for him, became covered with perspiration under the pretext (of?) the drops of coronation water scattered all round." S. N. Sastri, *Achutarāyābhyudayam*, pp. 20, 22. (1908). Heras, *Aravidu*, p. 15, where it is said that Achyuta Rāya's coronation took place at Tirupati. This is a groundless assumption. B. A. S.

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The late Mr. B. Veṅkōba Rao suggested that Sāḷuva Nṛisimha was also crowned twice.³ On these occasions the great nobles and the royal priest were present. The coronation of Kṛishṇa Dēva Rāya the Great was graced by the presence of the charming Āraviṭi Bukka Rāja, the famous scions of the family of Aukuvāru, the heroic Nandyālavāru, the warlike Velugōṭivāru, Pemmasānivāru, Būdihālivāru, Rēvalavāru, and other great lords who attended the king night and day with their enormous forces of men, horses and elephants.⁴

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³ Venkoba Rao, ibid.

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⁴ *A. S. R.* for 1908-9, p. 185. Sastry includes chariots among the forces. He has also identified the nobles mentioned above. *Ibid.*, n. (2).

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We may digress a little in order to form an idea of the coronation scene at the court of Vijayanagara. Rājanātha, in his well known work mentioned above, gives us an admirable picture of the coronation of Achyuta Rāya, when, so we are told, the queen Varadāmbikā was also anointed to the throne. Thus does Rājanātha relate :

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समश्चितं कञ्चुकिनां जयारवैः सहाप्तराजन्यजनेन केनचित् ।
अलंकृतं साङ्ग इवाङ्गज्ञः शनैरसावयासीत् अभिषेक मण्डपम् ॥
अनादि नान्दीभिः अनर्दि मदलैः अराणि वीणाभिः अभाणि वेणुभिः ।
अरेभि भेरीभिः अगर्जि जर्झरैः अगारि शृङ्गैः समकालि काहलैः ॥
अपाङ्कितप्रेङ्खदभीशुवीचिकाकृतावलम्बैरिव गन्धवारिभिः ।
करान्जसौवर्णघटापवर्जितैः तम् अभ्यषिञ्चत् तरलेक्षणाजनः ॥
कृताभिषेकः तुलुवक्षितिक्षितीं कुलामणीः कुङ्कुमवारिधारया ।
करीव सिक्को गिरिधातुनिर्झरैः शशी इव सायन्तनसन्ध्यया अरुचत् ॥
अलोकिक लोकैः हरिचन्दनोदकं विजृम्भितं मण्डपवेदिकाङ्गणे ।
निरीक्ष्य कान्तं नृपम् आशयात् अमन् भुवोऽनुरागो बहिरुधतो यथा ॥
अधारयत् पाण्डरम् अम्बरं क्षितेः अधीश्वरः स्नानविधेः अनन्तरम् ।
समाप्तवर्षझपनो यथा गिरिः शरन्मुखे छन्नितम्बम् अम्बुदम् ॥
समाप्य सर्वां समनन्तरक्रियां नृपासनस्थो नृपतिः निरैक्षयत ।
सुमेरुसङ्गी इव सुरेन्द्रपादपः श्रियः सखेव श्रितभानुमण्डलः ॥
प्रचालितोऽग्रे परिचारिकाजनैः नृपस्य नीराजनदीपिकोत्करः ।
दिगन्तरभ्रान्तिमिवात् नटिष्यतो दधौ प्रतापस्य स पूर्व रङ्गताम् ॥
अरालकेशीभिः अनाटि मेदिनीस्वयं वरप्रेयसि शोभिते श्रिया ।
बलाहके दर्शितवार्षिकोदये न किं शिखिन्यो नटनं विवृतते ॥
विनीतसामन्तविधूतचामरद्वयान्वितोऽलक्ष्यत धूर्वहः क्षितेः ।
तुषारशैले दृपदाहतिद्विधापनीपतत् नाकधुनीपया इव ॥
अनुक्रमो रक्षति तत्कुलक्षमापतीन् इतीव अनुजिघृक्षया गतौ ।
तमीशसूर्यौ इव धारिते किमपि अराजताम् आतपवारणे विभोः ॥

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कलिङ्गभूमेः कमिता कलाचिकां मणीनिबद्धां मगधोऽस्य पादुकाम् ।
शकाधिपः चामरमञ्जरीम् अधात् स्वयं कृपाणीमपि सिंहलेश्वरः ॥
क्षमाभुजः काञ्चनपुष्पम् अग्रतः प्रकीर्य भक्त्या प्रतिपादितोपदाः ।
व्यनंसिषुर्वंशमणिं विधोस्त्वराविघट्टितान्योन्यकिरीटकोटयः ॥
महत्तरे मानवलोकशासितुः मनोऽनुकूला महिषीपदे तदा ।
कृताभिषेका सलगक्षितिशितुः वरात्मजा आसीत् वरदाम्बिकावधूः ॥
चकार यत् मेरुम् अनादिमः पुमान् सुवर्णरूपं सुरसंसदां वशे ।
सुवर्णमेरुं स्वयम् अस्य सेवको महीसुरेभ्योऽदित मानवेश्वरः ॥
अनेन राजा चिनवेङ्कटादिरपि अयोजि लक्ष्मीं युवराजपूर्विकां ।
क्षमापतौ राज्यरमा सयौवनक्रमा च कौमारम् असौ असूचयत् ॥¹

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¹ Rājanātha, *Achyutarāyābhudayam*, Canto, III, vv. 34-5, 37-50, pp. 70-9. (1907); S. N. Sastri, *Achyutarāyābhudayam*, pp. 21-4.

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The most prominent person on such occasions was the *rāja-guru* or royal-priest. That he conducted the ceremony is evident from inscriptions and literature. We are told that Veṅkaṭapati Dēva Rāya was anointed to the throne by Tātācārya, "the *guru* of his own *gōtra*, and other chief-Brahmans", in a copper-plate grant dated A. D. 1587.² This is repeated in another copper-plate grant dated A. D. 1589,³ and again in A. D. 1602-3.⁴

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² *E. C.*, VII, Sh. 83, p. 32.

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³ *E. C.*, XII, Ck. 39, p. 85.

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⁴ Butterworth-Chetty, *Nellore Ins.*, I, p. 31, Read Dikshitar J. Bhand. *Or. R. Ins.*, IX, Pts. II-IV, p. 338, for some remarks in this connection.

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In one instance the Vijayanagara emperor was anointed to the throne by a great noble and not by the royal priest. This is proved by a copper-plate grant dated A. D. 1545 which contains the following: "Then Sadāśiva Mahārāya, son of Timmāmbā and Raṅgakshitīndra, was anointed to the throne by Rāma, the ruler of the great Karṇāṭaka kingdom and husband of his (Sadāśiva's) sister, and by the chief ministers."⁵

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⁵ *E. C.*, IV, Ng. 58, p. 128; *E. C.*, V, p. I, Hn. 7, p. 5; *E. C.*, IX, Cp. 186, p. 170. Cf. Heras, *Aravidu*, p. 15.

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In the history of the provincial governors, too, there is a similar instance of a violation of the classical principles concerning the dignitary who was to perform the coronation ceremony. The *paṭṭābhiṣēka* of Viśvanātha Nāyaka was performed by the Pāṇḍya king Chandraśēkhara.¹

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¹ Taylor, O. H. MSS., II, pp. 109, 117; Heras, Aravidu, p. 128.

C. Foreign Ambassadors—How Received

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We may now describe the manner in which they entertained foreigners. The provincial rulers maintained the high traditions of the Vijayanagara kings of receiving foreigners with honour suited to their rank. Nicholas Pimenta, "Visiter of the Jesuits in India",² thus tells us how the Nāyaka of Tanjore received him: "He entertained us kindly, and marvelled much that wee chewed not the leaves of the Betele which were offered us, and dismissed us with gifts of precious Clothes wrought with Gold, desiring a Priest of us for his new Citie which hee was building."³

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² Pimenta, Purchas, Piligrims, X, p. 205.

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³ Ibid., p. 208.

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There seems to have been some method about the treatment of fallen enemies. Kṛṣṇa Dēva Rāya's noble example of showing deep concern for the safety of the subjects of a vanquished king, as given in detail by Nuniz, may not have been the only instance of a Vijayanagara ruler or of his subordinates treating generously his or their conquered enemies. In the battle between the king of Kandy and Pedda Kṛṣṇappa Nāyaka, the former lost his life. "The king of Candi being a crowned head his dead body was respectfully placed on his elephant, and then sent to the capital, to receive the usual funeral rites."⁴

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⁴ Taylor, Cat Rais., III., p. 185.

D. Placing the Vajra-bayasaṇige

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Etiquette governed the actions of the people in public and private life. When foreign *pṛthvī-śeṭṭis* came to a particular locality, they were treated with marked courtesy. According to a copper-plate grant dated only in the cyclic Siddhārtin, Bhādrapada, Śu. 5, Monday, but assignable to A. D. 1379, "if the prithvi-seṭṭis of any countries within the four seas came to another country, first presenting to them betel leaf, dress and allowance of food, the authorities of that country will give... to those seṭṭis". The same record narrates that, in addition to those honours the prithvi-seṭṭis were granted the customs duties "on the roads both ways".¹

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¹ E. C., XII, Ck, 76, p. 100, op. cit., text, pp. 288-9. The date corresponds, but for the week-day, to A. D. 1379, August 18th, Thursday. Swamikannu, Ind. Eph., IV, p. 361.

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The names of the Sālu-mūles, the elders, and the other prominent classes are also associated with an interesting public ceremony in connection with what was known as placing the vajra-bayasaṇige. This was an ancient custom of conducting public work, and was very common during Hoysala times. The Mamdāpur inscription of the Yādava king Kanhara, dated Śaka 1172 (A.D. 1250), informs us that "the five hundred Svāmis of the blest Ayyāvaḷe" and the Vīra Baṇañjas of the immemorial Kuṛumbeṭṭa in the Kūṇḍi Three-Thousand, granted certain tolls for the benefit of the three-turreted temple called the Trikūṭa-prasāda of the same town. On this occasion Kalidēva Seṭṭi, "the emperor of the community," was seated in the vajra-bayasaṇige in......of the immemorial Baṇañju town in Kuṛumbeṭṭa.² An inscription dated only in the cyclic year Parābhava, but assignable to the year A.D. 1306, tell us that the possessor of all titles, the mahā-gaṇas including Nandinātha and Virabhadra and the chief men of Hoyisaṇa-nāḍu, Kongu-nāḍu and other eighteen districts, having placed the diamond (?) bayisaṇige on the ground, assembled below the banian tree at the northern gate of Hosahoḷalu, and that in their presence all mahājanas of Hosahoḷalu, which was a portion of the immemorial agrahāra Rāyasamudra, the great Minister Mādigedēva Daṇṇāyaka's sēnabōva Paduvaṇṇa's balumanusa (? agent)³ Paṇḍāri Dēva, who was the officer of Hosahoḷalu, the Superintendent Kāvaṇa, Kētayya's son Huligeredēva, the mahājanas of Hoysana-nāḍu, and others (named), made a grant of land to Sōmayya to provide for the offerings of the god Sōmanatha of the mūlasthāna in the north-east set up with the consent of the mahājanas.¹

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² Barnett, Ep. Ind., XIX, p. 30. and n. (1).

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³ "Strong man ? Right-hand Man?" B. A. S.

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¹ My. Arch. Report for 1914-15, pp. 56-7. Mr. Narasimhachar's comments on this custom may also be read. Ibid., p. 57.

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The ceremony of setting up the bayasanige is also seen in early Vijayanagara history. A stone inscription dated A.D. 1378 of the times of Harihara Oḍeyar (i.e., Harihara Raya II) informs us that "the champion over Khaṇṭikāra-Rāya Nāraṇṇa Voḍeyar's son Dēpaṇṇa Voḍeyar was ruling the kingdom of the world"; and that in connection with a fair which was established in the Rāmēśvara village of Sādaḷi-nāḍ, the Sādaḷi Gauḍas (named), the five Seṭṭis of Sere, and all the elders of the Sālu-mūle, having set up the bayasanige, made certain regulations, according to the custom of the Sādaḷi, (Sādaḷiya maryādeyalu) and granted specified dues to Dēpaṇṇa Voḍeyar.² We had an occasion of relating how the dignitaries, who belonged to the Sālu-Mūle Baṇaju sect with their numerous followers, conferred the Mayoralty of the Earth on the great Minister Muddaya Daṇṇāyaka in the year A.D. 1382. This high honour was bestowed on that famous general by them after they had "placed the diamond vaisanige in the presence of the holy lotus feet of the god Virūpāksha", and had taken their seat "having agreed among themselves with supreme affection" about the important question in hand.³

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² E.C., X, Cd. 112, pp. 196-7, P. II, pp. 205-6.

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³ E.C., V., P.I., BL 75, op. cit.

E. Miscellaneous Regulations

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We may add a few more notices on the subject before we proceed to deal with orthodoxy in Vijayanagara. These concern washermen and dancing-girls. An inscription "of a peculiar and confused character" with an unintelligible date which has been assigned by Rice to about A.D. 1700, describes privileges to which washermen were entitled. Although this inscription is of doubtful authenticity, yet it contains the details about washermen who were to "be fed and given betel and nut in every house in due order from left to right, and that whoever disobeys this should be excommunicated".¹ A stone inscription dated A.D. 1356 relates that "among the dancing-girls of the temple (at Tēkkal), Malaiyāttai Śrīraṅga Nāyakiyār Māṇikkam, daughter of Seṇḍikkā-dēvi, was granted the first turn in the temple of Aruḷāla-nādan, and certain lands (specified), and her sister Varadi, the first turn in the temple of the consort of the above god and certain lands".² This epigraph proves that the pre-Vijayanagara custom of entertaining dēvadāsīs in temples continued under the mediaeval monarchs, and that etiquette governed even the trivial details of temple ceremonials.³

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¹ E.C., IX, Kn. 89. p. 132, and ibid., n. (1); see also Kn. 90, pp. 132, 133, n. (1).

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² E.C., X, Mr. 21, p. 161.

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³ As regards etiquette after dinner, see Lakshmīśa, Jaimini Bhārata, v. 34, p. 122 (Sanderson); for offering the tambulam, see Brown, The Rojas, p. 7; on etiquette while speaking, Vemaṇa, Verses, Bk. III., vv. 107-8, p. 123, (Brown).

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