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Ancient Indian Colonization in South-East Asia c10: Lecture IV: Hindu Culture in South-East Asia

Ancient Indian Colonization in South-East Asia c10

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English

Lecture IV: Hindu Culture in South-East Asia

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In the first lecture I have drawn a general picture of the culture and civilization of the indigenous peoples with whom the Hindu colonists first came into contact. They had hardly emerged from the Neolithic state and resembled to a large extent the peoples whom the Aryans met in India. I propose to discuss in this lecture how these primitive peoples were affected by the elements of Hindu culture that were deeply implanted in their soils by the Hindu Colonists.

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The first and foremost of these elements was the Sanskrit language and literature which opened, as it were, a new world of culture to the more intelligent among them. Reference has been made above to the large number of inscriptions scattered all over the area. These are written in very good Sanskrit and indicate an acquaintance with various branches of Sanskrit literature. The Vo-Chanh inscription in Champā, belonging to the second or third century A.D., is perhaps the oldest of them. It is written in prose with two verses in *Vasantatilakā* metre which show a simple *kāvya* style; but an inscription of Śambhuvarman, a later king of Champā, is marked by a developed *kāvya* style. An idea of the language and the thorough-going spirit of Hindu culture which characterise these early records may be had from the following verse in the last-named inscription.¹

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¹ The number of the Inscription given in the text refers to the corresponding number in my Collection of Inscriptions of Champā and Kambuja (see Bibliography under R. C. Majumdar, the first and the last book).

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*Sṛṣṭaṁ yena tritayam = akhilam bhūr-bhuvas-svaḥ svaśaktyā*
*Yen = otkhātam bhuvana-duritaṁ vahnin = ev = āndhakāram* |
*Yasy = ācintyo jagati mahimā yasyan = ādir = na cāntaś*
*Campādeśe janayatu sukhaṁ Śambhubhadreśvaro=yam* ||—(No. 7)

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The oldest inscription in Fu-nan dating from the fifth century A.D. is written throughout in poetry, four of its five verses being composed in the very difficult metre known as *Śārdūlavikrīḍita*. The following half-verse, describing the queen shows a familiarity with Hindu mythology.

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*Śakrasy = eva Śacī nṛpasya dayitā Svāh = eva Saptārcciṣaḥ* |
*Rudrāṇ = īva Harasya lokaviditā Sā Śrīr = iva Śrīpateḥ* ||—(No. 1, v. 4)

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A very large number of short Sanskrit inscriptions, datable between the fourth and seventh century A.D., have been found in Burma, Siam, Malay Peninsula, Sumatra, Java and Borneo. All these prove that before the end of the seventh century A.D., there were in the Hindu colonies, a deep knowledge of Sanskrit language, intimate acquaintance with Sanskrit literature and a high degree of skill in the use of different metres, including the most difficult ones.

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But the progress of Sanskrit in the colonies during the next five hundred years adds a new chapter to the history of that literature. The small Hindu kingdom of Champā has yielded more than fifty Sanskrit inscriptions. They are written both in prose and verse and are good specimens of the high-flown artificial style current in India about the same period. All these are collected in my book on Champā, and anyone who reads them cannot fail to be struck with the rich cultivation of Sanskrit even in this remotest Indian Colony in South-east Asia.

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But Kambuja shows a still more wonderful progress in Sanskrit. In a recent work, just published, I have brought together the texts of about one hundred and fifty Sanskrit inscriptions from Kambuja. Most of these inscriptions are written in beautiful and almost flawless Kāvya style, and some of them are quite big compositions The verse is a pun on the rule of Pāṇini VIII, 2.14 (*rājanvān saurājye*). It makes an exception to the general rule about the elision of the final *n* before the consonant in the word *rājanvān* in the sense of 'having good king', the ordinary form '*rājavān*' meaning only 'having a king'. There are similar references in an inscription of the time of Yaśo-varman:—

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*Sad-dharma-nirater = yyasya padaṁ rājyena cakrire* ।
*Upasarggāḥ kriyāyoge te prāg dhātor = mmuner = iva* ॥
(No. 73, B. 13)

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Here also the verse is a pun on Pāṇini's *Sūtras* I, 4, 58, 59, 80, and compares king Jaya-varman II with Pāṇini. Similarly V. 94 of Ins. 62 compares king Yaśo-varman with Pāṇini and all the epithets are applicable to both.

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The inscriptions show by their general tenor a high proficiency in different branches of Sanskrit literature—not only what is known as *belles-letters* but also various technical branches of that literature. We have specific references to Pravarasena and Mayūra as the authors respectively of *Setubandha* and *Sūrya-śataka*, and to Guṇāḍhya, the great writer in Prākṛit, with allusion to the legend about him contained in *Kathāsaritsāgara*. Although the name of Kālidāsa is not mentioned, the Pre Rup inscription (No. 97) contains four verses (164, 199, 211, 290) which contain definite allusions to *Raghuvamśa*, repeating sometimes the very words used by the poet. Similar allusions occur in several other records. An inscription of Yaśo-varman (No. 64) alludes to Bhāravi, and also to Śūra as having triumphed over a rival named Bhīmaka. A new *Kāvya* named *Mano-hara* seems to be referred to in Pre Rup inscription (No. 97).

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As regards technical sciences, Grammar was highly cultivated. In addition to Pāṇini's *Sūtras* specific reference is made to *Mahābhāṣya* and king Yaśo-varman is said to have composed a commentary on it. His minister was an expert in *Horāśāstra* (astrology). Specific reference is also made to the *Kāma-sūtra* of Vātsyāyana, *Nīti-śāstra* of Viśālākṣa and the medical treatise of *Suśruta*.

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The inscriptions also refer to the Trayī or Vedas, Atharvaveda, Vedānta, Smṛti, the *Rāmāyaṇa*, the *Mahābhārata*, the sacred canons of the Buddhists and Jainas, religious texts of various Brāhmanical sects, and all the schools of Indian philosophy. Manu is referred to as a legislator, and a verse from the *Manu-Samhitā* is reproduced *verbatim* in an inscription.

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There is specific reference to Siṁhāvalokitanyāya and Gautama's *Nyāya-sūtra* (No. 66) and the Yogācāra system (No. 97). Jina seems to be cited as the author of one of the Pūrvas named Kalyāṇa.

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As we go through these inscriptions we meet at every step with the Purāṇic mythology and legends, and the allusions, alliterations, and similes usually found in Sanskrit literature in India. Special attention may be drawn to the Vat Thipedi Inscription (No. 78) which has a distinct style of its own, the chief characteristics being the use of long compounds, *atyukti*, *i.e.* exaggeration, and *anuprāsa*, *i.e.* the repetition of the same syllables in the same line. According to Sanskrit rhetoricians, these characteristic features mark the Gauḍa style of Sanskrit poetry. The great French savant Coedés thinks that the author of the inscription was probably trained in the Gauḍa country.

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On the whole the Sanskrit inscriptions of Kambuja add a brilliant chapter to the history of Sanskrit literature which is mostly unknown in this country. It is interesting to note in this connection the high degree of proficiency in Sanskrit literature attained even by the kings in these Hindu Colonies. Reference has been made above to two such kings of Kambuja named Jaya-varman II and Yaśovarman. Similar instances occur in the inscriptions of Champā. King Bhadravarman is said to have been versed in the four Vedas while Śrī Jaya Indravar-madeva VII was versed in grammar, astrology, the Mahāyāna philosophy and the Dharma-śāstras, notably the Nāradīya and the Bhārgavīya. Special interest attaches to the following verse (Champā, ins. No. 45, v. III), which describes the learning of Indra-varman III.

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*Mīmāṁsa-ṣaṭ-tarka-jinendra-sūrmmis-*
*Sa-Kāśikā-vyākaraṇodak = aughaḥ*।
*Ākhyāna-Śaivottara-kalpa-mīnaḥ*
*Patiṣṭha eteṣv = iti satkavīnām*॥

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This verse means that like a fish in water the king could easily move through the different branches of learning named, because even among the learned he was the most skilful in all these subjects. These included Buddhist philosophy, Pāṇini's Grammar with Kāśikā, Ākhyāna, and Uttarakalpa of the Śaivas. There was besides the *Mīmāṁsa-ṣat-tarka* with which the list begins. When I first edited this inscription, I took it as *Mīmāṁsādi ṣaṭ-tarka*, to mean the six systems of Indian philosophy beginning with Mīmāṁsā. A learned Indian scholar² has since pointed out that the famous poet Rājaśekhara in his *Kāvya-mīmāṁsā* has used *ṣaṭ-tarka*, in a special sense, to mean the six logical systems of Buddha, Jaina, Chārvāka, Sāṅkhya, Nyāya and Vaiśeṣika. The expression *Mīmāṁsa-ṣaṭ-tarka* therefore means both Mīmāṁsā and the six systems referred to above, As Mīmāṁsā includes both Karma-mīmāṁsā and Jñāna-mīmāṁsā or Vedānta, and the Sāṅkhya includes both the atheistic school of Kapila and the theistic Yoga system, Mīmāṁsā and *ṣaṭ-tarka* taken together stand for all the commonly known schools of Indian philosophy, both Brāhmanical and non-Brāhmanical. This also follows from the fact that Rājaśekhara has divided the Pramāṇikas or the experts in the Pramāṇa Vidyā into two classes, Mīmāṁsakas and Tārkikas.

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² D. C. Chatterji in *JGIS*, X. 154.

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The learned scholar, whose views I have quoted above, refers to the date of Rājaśekhara as 1000 A.D. But as he was a court poet of the Pratīhāra king Mahendrapāla, he must have flourished towards the end of the ninth or beginning of the tenth century A.D. As the inscription which describes the learning of Indra-varman III of Champā is dated in 840 Śaka or 918 A.D., he was a contemporary of Rājaśekhara. As such, we may take *Mīmāṁsa-ṣaṭ-tarka* in the sense used by Rājaśekhara. It not only proves the great erudition of the king of Champā but also a close association between that country and India in respect of literature and philosophy.

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There is no doubt that in both Champā and Kambuja Sanskrit was the language of the court and the learned, but it is difficult to determine how far it superseded the local vernaculars. We have very few early specimens of these local languages, but when we come across them in written records, we find them full of Sanskrit words. The vernaculars must have existed side by side with Sanskrit and were largely influenced by them, but they do not appear to have been used in serious compositions with any literary pretensions for which Sanskrit was exclusively employed.

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Another Hindu colony which was deeply influenced by Sanskrit literature was Java. It has not preserved many Sanskrit inscriptions or Sanskrit texts, but the rich old-Javan etc. In many cases, the Javanese verses are close translations of well-known Sanskrit couplets. There are also folk-tales based on *Hitopadeśa* and *Pañcatantra*, and medical books, erotic treatises and miscellaneous texts on calendar, music and animals. The vast Indo-Javanese literature is a standing testimony to the great influence of Sanskrit literature on that of Java and Bali, and there is perhaps no parallel in the history of literature of such an influence on one literature over another.

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The history of Kambuja and Champā on the one hand, and that of Java on the other, exhibit two parallel developments. In the first case, Sanskrit was the dominant language and long cultivated as the form of literary expression, while the indigenous dialect gradually grew under its aegis till it superseded the former as a vehicle of literary expression after the Hindu culture had spent its force in the twelfth or thirteen century A.D. In Java, on the other hand, Sanskrit never attained a dominant position, and the indigenous dialect, though strongly influenced by Sanskrit, attained a highly developed literary form at an early stage. It has left no evidence of original composition in Sanskrit, but bequeathed a large legacy of Indo-Javanese literature. Champā and Kambuja on the other hand can boast of a rich crop of Sanskrit literature, but have left no idigenous literature worth the name.

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Next to Sanskrit language the great gift of the Hindu colonists was the art of writing. Indian scripts of different varieties were used in the early records; presumably the colonists introduced the particular type with which they were familiar at home. These scripts, of course, underwent modifications, in course of ages, in different colonies in different ways till they have developed into current scripts of the different regions. Thus, all the different systems of writing that we find in use to-day in the different parts of South-east Asia from Burma to Java originated from the Brāhmī scripts of India. The local modifications followed more or less in the same way as we find in different parts of India, though of course on different lines in different regions. Unlike local language, we find no trace of any local script before the advent of the Aryans. It may, therefore, be regarded as almost certain that the indigenous peoples possessed no script of their own and were taught the use of writing by the Hindu Colonists. Judging from effect upon mental development, the knowledge of the art of writing may be regarded as a dividing line between a distinctly higher and a lower form of culture, and no other single factor has probably contributed so much to the all-round development of a culture. The Hindu colonists, by introducing the art of writing and a highly developed literature like Sanskrit, ushered in a new era in the cultural development of South-east Asia.

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By far the most important contribution of the Hindu Colonists was their highly developed form of religion, and if it is mentioned after language and script it is simply because without these the religious influence of the Hindus upon the local people could not have been so great as it actually became.

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With the exception of Jainism all the principal religions of India made their influence felt in the colonies, and in most cases the different religious sects lived peacefully side by side in the same region, thus showing a spirit of toleration truly characteristic of ancient India. As in India during the same period, the religious life was dominated by Buddhism, Śaivism and Vaiṣṇavism.

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The Vo-Chanh inscription is adduced as an evidence of the prevalence of Buddhism in Champā in the second or third century A.D.³ So far as I can see there is nothing specifically Buddhist in this record. But the spread of Buddhism about this period almost all over the region is proved by the discovery of the images of Buddha of the Amarāvatī style in Siam, Annam, Sumatra, Java and Celebes. Some of the Buddhist sculptures in Siam reflect the primitive ideas of Buddhism, such as the representation of the Buddha by a symbol rather than his figure. All this indicates the introduction of Buddhism at an early date, possibly during the first two or three centuries of the Christian Era.

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³ Coedés—*Etats*, 74. Sastri—*S. Ind. Infl.* 28.

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The Brāhmanical or Purāṇic religion is represented by the two important sects, Śaivism and Vaiṣṇavism. Images of their gods, so far found, are probably of later date than the early Buddha images. This is also true of India, for worship of images came to be generally accepted by the followers of Śaivism and Vaiṣṇavism at a later date than the Buddhists, and probably in imitation of them. As a matter of fact Brāhmanical images that can be definitely dated before the Gupta age are very rare in India. The absence of such images in Indian colonies does not, therefore, necessarily prove that the Brāhmanical religion was introduced at a later date, nor does it support the inference that the followers of Buddhism were pioneers of Indian colonisation in South-east Asia.

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This view is also negatived by a stray episode preserved in the Chinese Chronicles about Fu-nan. The king of this country, Jaya-varman, sent some merchants to Canton, in China, for purposes of trade. On their return journey the Indian monk Nāgasena joined them and arrived at Fu-nan on his way to India. In A.D. 484, Jaya-varman sent Nāgasena as an envoy to China on a political mission. This Buddhist monk, while describing the manners and customs of Fu-nan, referred to the dominant cult of Maheśvara. In 503 A.D. Jaya-varman again sent an embassy to the imperial court with present including an image of Buddha. This indicates that while Buddhism and Śaivism were both prevalent in Fun-nan, the latter had larger number of adherents.

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So far as epigraphical evidence is concerned, all the three religious sects come into prominence about the same time.

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The two oldest inscriptions of Fu-nan are Vaiṣṇavite in character. The first begins with an invocation to Viṣṇu and records the pious donations of Kulaprabhāvatī, the chief queen of Jaya-varman. She installed a golden image of a god in Kurumbanagara, inhabited by Brāhmaṇas, and also built an *ārāma* (a park or a hermitage) with a tank and a dwelling house. The next inscription records the consecration of a footprint of Viṣṇu, called Cakratīrthasvāmin, by Guṇavarman, probably a son of Jaya-varman and Kulaprabhāvatī. The third inscription, belonging to the region of Rudra-varman, is too fragmentary to yield a complete sense. It begins with an invocation to Buddha and contains the eulogy of a Brāhmaṇa and his family.

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Reference has been made above to the worship of the footprint of Viṣṇu, which is quite well-known in India. But we also find mention of the footprint of Śiva being held equally sacred in Kambuja (No. 8). We learn from a record that a pious Brāhmaṇa consecrated the representation of a foot of Śiva and a cistern for the ablution of the god, on the top of a hillock. In the year 526 Śaka (= 604 A.D.) the representation of the divine foot was surrounded by a brick wall. The human figure of Śiva was also quite well-known. A fine image of Śiva with Pārvatī, seated on the left thigh of the god, was installed in the year 535 Śaka (= 613 A.D.). The references to *liṅga* are numerous.

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The different sects also made their influence felt in this distant region. Reference is made to the Bhāgavatas in a Kambuja inscription of sixth century A.D. (No. 2). Another inscription, dating from about the middle of the 7th century A.D., refers to a god Śrī-Trailokyasāra and a sacrificer versed in the rites of Pañcarātra sect. The relevant verse is as follows:—

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*Yajvanā pañcabhir = yajñaiḥ pañca-kal-ābhigāminā* ।
*Pañcarātr-ārcā—cuñcunā pañca-bhautika-vedinā* ॥
(No. 72A)

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The Pāśupatas make their appearance as early as the 6th century A.D. An inscription of this period refers to an endowment to god Śiva, managed by the Pāśupatas, made by their *ācārya*, named Vidyāpuṣpa, well versed in grammar and philosophy (*Śabda-Vaiśeṣika-Nyāyatattvārtha-kṛta-niścayaḥ*). After wandering to many holy places he was directed, in a dream, by the god Śaṅkara and established a *liṅga* on the Tuṅgīśa-*parvata*. This god came to be known as Tuṅgīśa even in later times.

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Two other interesting phases of religious life were the existence, side by side of gods with Sanskrit and indigenous names, and elaborate arrangements made for the worship of divine images in temples with the help of rich endowments. The following summary of an inscription throws interesting light on both these point.

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The inscription begins with the date 533 Śaka and enumerates the gift of 7 slaves, 60 bulls, 2 buffaloes, 10 she-goats, 40 cocoanut trees and some paddy fields to (the god) Kpoñ Kamratāṅ Añ; 7 slaves, 20 bulls, women who take to religious life, a person for fixing holy days, flowers, and prefumes to the god Mahāgaṇapati.

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Another gift to a god whose name has disappeared, and whose property was amalgamated with that of another god Kamratāṅ Tem Kroṁ, comprises 7 dancing girls, 11 songstresses, 4 players on *Vīṇā* (lyre), *Kañjan* (*Khañjani*?) and *rahv* (?), 57 slaves for the paddy field, 100 bulls, 20 buffaloes, paddy fields in various localities, and a kitchen-garden.

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It is hardly necessary to add that with the growth of the Kambuja empire the religious endowments also increased to a proportionate degree. The epigraphic records contain numerous references to these. We need only refer to the royal donations described in Ta Prohm Inscription (No. 177). It concerns the Rājavihāra, *i.e.* the temple of Ta Prohm and its adjuncts where the king set up an image of his mother as Prajñā-pāramitā. It is not possible here to record all the details, but a few facts may be noted. Altogether 66,625 persons were employed in the service of the deities of the temple and 3,400 villages were given for defraying its expenses. There were 439 Professors and 970 scholars studying under them, making a total of 1,409, whose food and other daily necessaries of life were supplied. There were altogether 566 groups of stone houses and 288 groups of brick. Needless to say that the other articles, of which a minute list is given, were in the same proportion, and they included huge quantities of gold and silver, 35 diamonds, 40,620 pearls and 4,540 other precious stones. All these relate to a single group of temples. And the inscription informs us that there were 798 temples and 102 hospitals in the whole kingdom, and there are given every year 117,200 *khārikās* of rice, each *khārikā* being equivalent to 3 *maunds*, 8 *seers*. In conclusion the king expresses the hope that by his pious donations, his mother might be delivered from the ocean of births.

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There are many other interesting features in the religious life of Kambuja, but it is not possible even to touch upon them in course of this lecture. We may now pass on to the neighbouring kingdom of Champā. As regards this kingdom, the oldest inscription, *viz.* that at Vo-Chanh, does not, as we have said above, refer to any religion in the extant portion. The next six inscriptions refer to Śaivism. As noted above, king Bhadra-varman, who flourished about A.D. 400, and had the epithet Dharma-mahārāja, erected a temple of Śiva, under the name Bhadreśvara-svāmin. The inscriptions of his reign, and good many inscriptions in later ages, refer to this temple which became the national sanctuary of the Chams. This temple was destroyed by an incendiary and then king Śambhu-varman (6th-7th century A.D.) re-installed the god under the name Śambhu-Bhadreśvara. One of the inscriptions refers to a sacrifice, probably of a human being, before the god, and three inscriptions describe the boundairies of the dominions endowed to the temple. It should be noted however that one of the inscriptions of Bhadra-varman begins as follows:

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“ Reverence to Maheśvara and Umā, to Brahmā and Viṣṇu.
Reverence to the Earth, Wind, Sky, Water and fifthly the Fire. ” (No. 4)

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Thus though the dominant cult was that of Śiva, there was no exclusive sectarian spirit, and we find a recognition of the Purāṇic Trinity and demi-gods.

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It is not till we come to the reign of Prakāśadharma, who ascended the throne before A.D. 653, that we get a reference to Vaiṣṇavism. He built a temple of God Viṣṇu Puruṣottama, and another of Vālmīki, who is described as an incarnation of Viṣṇu. But the king also made donations to the Śaiva gods Śambhu-Bhadreśvara, Iśāneśvara and Prabhāseśvara. It is interesting to note that while in one of his records Viṣṇu is referred to as ‘ without beginning or end and preceptor of the whole world ’ (No. 11), another record describes Śiva as “ the one lord of all the world and the cause of its creation, with different forms like Earth etc. for the maintenance and progress of the world who although revered by Brahmā, Viṣṇu, Indra and other gods, yet danced in cemetery for the sake of prosperity of the world; and from whom is evolved this static and dynamic world; like rays from the Sun, and in whom again are they merged. ” The king erected a temple to this God “ with a view to destroy the seeds of *Karma* which have the power of leading to births in quick succession ” (No. 12). The same king also erected, for increase of wealth, temple of Kubera, the friend of Maheśvara, and also called ‘ Ekākṣapiṅgala ’ for having his eye injured by the view of the goddess Umā (No. 14).

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The religious attitude of king Prakāśadharma may be regarded as typical of the country, and shows a complete assimilation of true Indian spirit, and a wide knowledge of Purāṇic religion, including its philosophy and mythology.

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Although an early image of Buddha was found at Dong Duong in Champā, the first epigraphic reference to Buddhism occurs in an inscription in the same place dated A.D. 875. Buddhism, though introduced at an early date, thus seems to have been confined to that locality, and does not appear to have enjoyed great popularity in Champā.

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As regards Malay Peninsula, reference has already been made to short records, temples and images testifying to the prevalence of both Buddhism and Brāhmanical religion at least as early as the fourth or fifth century A.D. It is interesting to note that the well-known Buddhist formula *ye dharmā hetuprabhavā* etc., occurs in an inscription with an additional verse which alone is found in another record.

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More interesting still is an inscribed clay tablet found in the neighbourhood of Keddah. It contains three Sanskrit verses embodying Mahāyānist philosophical doctrines of Mādhyamika School. All the three verses have been traced together in a Chinese translation of the Sāgaramatiparipṛcchā of which the original is lost.

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The prevalence of Śaiva religion is proved by the discoveries at Sungai Batu at the foot of Keddah Peak. These include an image of goddess Durgā triumphing over Mahiṣāsura ( ? ), the head of Nandī ( Śiva's Bull ) and a yoni.⁴

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⁴ Winstedt. *History of Malaya*, p. 21.

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The spirit of religious toleration is shown by an inscription found near Ligor which records endowments for the worship both of Pāramitā and Agastya.⁵

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⁵ Coedés, *Ins. of Siam*, II. 51.

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The state of religion in Siam proper seems to resemble that of Malay Peninsula. A little statuette of walking Buddha and other remains at Pong Tuk indicate the prevalence of Buddhism at a very early period. Images of both Brāhmanical and Buddhist deities of the Gupta style have been found all over the country. A Sanskrit inscription of the fourth century A.D. has been found at Si Tep along with Śaiva and Vaiṣṇava sculptures. Inscriptions containing Pali Buddhist texts of somewhat later period have also come to light.

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As regards Burma, there is a general belief that Buddhism was introduced in this country during the reign of Aśoka. This belief rests upon the tradition, recorded in the Ceylonese chronicles, that two religious missionaries named Soṇa and Uttara, sent by Aśoka, visited Suvarṇabhūmi. This Suvarṇabhūmi has been identified with Burma by many scholars. But some have identified it with Siam, while others regard it as general designation of South-east Asia. Although the identification of Suvarṇabhūmi with Burma, and even the very tradition of Aśoka's mission to that land may be regarded as doubtful; the introduction of Buddhism in Burma must be placed at an early date. A great deal of importance attaches in this connection to the testimony of Buddhaghoṣa, the famous commentator of Pāli canon, who lived in the beginning of the fifth century A.D. He not only places the scene of activities of Aśoka's missionaries in Burma, but also regards as natives of the same country the two merchants who became the first disciples of the Buddha shortly after he attained Bodhi at Buddha-Gayā. These stories may not be true, but the very fact that Buddhaghoṣa recorded them at the beginning of the fifth century A.D. proves that even learned people of that age regarded the introduction of Buddhism into Burma as reaching back to hoary antiquity.

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No positive evidence of the prevalence of Buddhism in Burma is, however, forthcoming till the fourth or fifth century A.D. The most important evidence is furnished by the texts of Pāli canon engraved on gold plates, stone and terra-cotta in scripts which have been referred to A.D. 500. These have been found round about Prome, mostly at Moza and Maungun. They prove the existence of Theravāda sects, but I-tsing tells us that the Mūlasarvāstivāda sect also flourished there. It appears, moreover, that both Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna and even Tāntrik form of Buddhism prevailed in Burma in addition to the Theravāda.

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A number of images both Brāhmaṇical and Buddhist have been found in Burma. These prove that both Śaivism and Vaiṣṇavism were known, but the latter seems to have been in greater favour.

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The four inscriptions of Pūrṇa-varman in Java do not specifically refer to any religion, but the fact that he paid a fee (*dakṣiṇā*) of a thousand cows to the Brāhmaṇas shows that he was a follower of the Brāhmaṇical religion. Fortunately, we have more positive evidence regarding the state of religion in Java. The Chinese pilgrim Fa-hien, who stayed in that island for five months on his return journey to China in A.D. 414-5, observes that "various forms of error and Brāhmanism are flourishing, while Buddhism in it is not worth mentioning." But that Buddhism soon made its influence felt in Java appears clearly from the story of Guṇavarman preserved in a Chinese text called "Biography of Monks" compiled in A.D. 519. Guṇavarman belonged to an Indian royal family but adopted the life of a Buddhist monk and visited Ceylon, Java and China. In Java he converted the king's mother to Buddhism and she persuaded her son to adopt the same faith. It is said that about this time Java was attacked by hostile troops and the king asked Guṇavarman whether it would be contrary to Buddhist law if he fought against his enemy. Guṇavarman replied that it was the duty of everybody to punish the robbers. The king then went to fight and obtained a great victory. Gradually the religion was spread throughout the kingdom.

c10.60

The inscriptions of Mūla-varman in Borneo prove the prevalence of Brāhmanical religion. These are recorded on pillars which are specifically referred to as *yūpa* or sacrificial pillar set up by the Brāhmaṇas. One inscription refers to the sacrifice called Bahu-suvarṇakam (much-gold). Another inscription probably refers to three other-sacrifices. It says that king Mūla-varman has done many pious deeds, *viz.* Kalpa-vṛkṣa, Bhūmi-dāna and Gosahasrikā. A third inscription refers to jala-dhenu, ghṛta-dhenu, tila-dāna and Kapilā-dāna. All these are included in the sixteen Mahādānas or Great-Gifts denoting so many sacrificial performances. So the first three should be taken as specific sacrifices rather than in the general sense of gift of Kalpa-tree, land and cows, as most scholars have done. This view is supported by the concluding phrase: "Hence the Brāhmaṇas have set up this pillar." For, the setting up of a *yūpa* or pillar is appropriate in a sacrificial performance, but has no meaning in case of an ordinary gift. Another inscription refers to the gift of 20,000 cows to the Brāhmaṇas. This was also presumably the Mahādāna called Go-sahasrikā, as it was commemorated by a *yūpa*-pillar. This gift was made in the holy field of Vaprakeśvara a name also known in India. Another inscription refers to gift of forty thousand and again of thirty thousand (cows?) in the same place. It would thus appear that the religion followed by Mūlavarman was Vedic rather than Purāṇic in character. But reference is made to illumination and *ākāśa-dīpa* which probably refers to Purāṇic rites.

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The prevalence of Purāṇic religion in Borneo is proved by the golden image of Viṣṇu, at Muara Kaman, and those of Śiva, Gaṇeśa, Nandī, Agastya, Nandīśvara, Brahmā, Skanda and Mahākāla in a cave at Kombeng. Images of Buddha and seven short records containing Buddhist formulae prove the existence of Buddhism also at an early date.

c10.62

The multiplicity of popular gods and religious beliefs is expressed in an inscription of Champā (No. 31B—V. 7) as follows:

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"In some places Indra, Brahmā and Viṣṇu, in some places Vāsuki, in some places Śaṅkara, in some places ascetics (*ṛṣis*), Sun, Moon, Varuṇa, Agni, and in some places images of Abhayada (Buddha) appeared for the deliverance of creatures."

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Many Purāṇic legends are also referred to in the inscriptions. The sacredness of the river Gaṅgā is implied in an inscription of Central Java, while the term *rājarṣi* is applied to the grandfather of king Pūrṇavarman of Western Java. Reference is also made to the Kṛta-yuga when Dharma prevailed in its entirety, and to the Kali-yuga, full of evils. These indicate that even popular religious or semi-religious beliefs, current in India, were prevalent in the colonies.

c10.65

The facts stated above leave no doubt that all the essential features of Indian religion penetrated to South-east Asia during the first five hundred years of Hindu colonisation. The numerous Sanskrit inscriptions of Champā and Kambuja, the Indo-Javanese literature, the Buddhist religion still prevailing in Burma, Siam and Cambodia, and the Brāhmanical religion and Vaiṣṇava sects, and show a thorough acquaintance not only with the various gods and goddesses in their numerous names and forms but also with the philosophical conceptions lying behind them. The prominent place occupied by religion in the life of the people is also demonstrated by the large number of temples and images erected and installed by kings and others. Most of the inscriptions refer to these pious foundations, and ruins of many of them are now lying scattered all over the country. But what strikes one more is that we find in Kamboja not only the external forms of Indian religion but that ethical and spiritual view of life which was the most distinguishing feature of ancient Indian civilization. Anyone who carefully studies the inscriptions of Kamboja cannot fail to be struck with the spirit of piety and renunciation, a deep yearning for emancipation from the trammels of birth and evils of the world, and a longing for the attainment of the highest bliss by union with Brahman, which are frequently referred to and expressed with beauty and elegance in language at once sombre and serene.

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Reference should also be made in this connection to the *āśramas* or monastic establishments which formed the real centres of Hindu culture in Kamboja. Many inscriptions refer to these *āśramas* and king Yaśo-varman is said to have founded one hundred of them. An inscription (No. 60), of which twelve copies have been found in different localities, refers to the royal endowments to these *āśramas* and their detailed regulations. There is no doubt that each of these records marks the locality of an *āśrama*. In addition to these there are three other inscriptions (66-68) which contain royal ordinances respectively for the Vaiṣṇavāśrama, Brāhmaṇāśrama and Saugatāśrama. The second of these is really meant for a Śaiva *āśrama*, and the use of the general term Brāhmaṇa for Śaiva is an intereting evidence for the dominance of that cult.

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Each of these *āśramas* was in charge of a head called *Kulādhyakṣa* and was primarily a seat of higher learning and religious and spiritual practices. It also showed hospitality to all kinds of people in strict accordance with detailed rules and regulations for each category of guests. With the exception of the king whoever passes in front of the *āśrama* shall get down from his chariot and walk uncovered by an umbrella. No one seeking refuge in the *āśramas* out of fear shall be surrendered until his guilt is proved. It is not possible here to dwell at length upon these regulations, which should be studied in full in order to understand the culture of the people. These are highly interesting and throw a flood of light upon the monastic life in Kamboja. We do not possess any such records for the religious sanctuaries of ancient India, on which they were obviously modelled.

c10.68

The twelve records, containing these regulations, referred to above are, diagraphic *i.e.* their texts are first written in the current Kamboja alphabet and then repeated in the North Indian alphabet of the time. Some of the texts are written in North Indian alphabet alone. This has proved very puzzling. I think the text was written in North Indian alphabet because there was a stream of visitors from North India who were yet unfamiliar with Kambuja alphabet. They might have been ascetics or pilgrims who went there for short periods. According to this view, the diagraphic inscriptions would be very strong evidence of an intimate relation between India and Kambuja.

c10.69

Along with religion, Hindu social customs were also introduced in the colonies. The caste-system, which is the distinctive feature of the Hindu society, was introduced more or less in all the colonies, though we know more details of it in case of Java, Madura, Sumatra and Bali. The word *Caturvarṇa* occurs in the early records, and there is frequent reference to the Brāhmaṇas, Kṣatriyas, Vaiśyas and Śūdras in literature and inscriptions. But the rigours of the caste-system in respect of inter-dining and inter-marriage were wanting. It should be remembered that this was also true of earlier period in India. As a matter of fact, the caste-system, as described in *Manu-saṁhitā*, prevails in its essential features even to-day among the people of Bali. It may be presumed that this was also the case in many of the colonies even in earlier times.

c10.70

As in India, the Brāhmaṇas and the Kṣtriyas occupied the higher position, and frequent references made in the epigraphic records to the former leave no doubt that they were large in number and, both as priests and repositories of learning, were looked upon with great respect and reverence. An inscription of Champā (No. 12) refers to the Brāhmaṇas as gods among men (*naradeva*) to whom even the king paid obedience. But the Kṣatriyas and Brāhmaṇas inter-married. King Rudra-varman of Champā had a Brāhmaṇa father and a Kṣatriya mother, and he is called in an inscription 'the ornament of the Brahma-Kṣatriya family.' It may be noted that such inter-marriage as well as the Brahma-Kṣatriya caste was well-known in India.

c10.71

The inter-marriage between the royal and priestly families was of frequent occurrence in Kambuja. There was a very close association between the spiritual and secular heads in that country. Eminent Brāhmaṇa *ācāryas* took charge of the education of princes, and members of the royal family not unoften became High Priests.

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The Brāhmaṇas played a dominant part in the religious life of the colonies from the very beginning. An early inscription of Fu-nan mentions a village inhabited by the Brāhmaṇas. Another refers to the Brāhmaṇas versed in Vedas, Vedāṅgas and Upavedas. An inscription of Kambuja of the sixth century A.D. refers to an *ācārya* of Pāśupata sect well-versed in *śabda* or grammar and the two philosophical systems known as Nyāya and Vaiśeṣika. Another inscription of the same date refers to a Brāhmaṇa who was foremost among those who knew *Sāma-veda*. He made a gift of the texts of *Rāmāyaṇa*, *Mahābhārata* and the Purāṇas to a temple, and made arrangements for their daily recitation. This refers to a very interesting practice, well-known in India, which must have helped a great deal in moulding the religious life of the people.

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Some Brāhmaṇas attained a very high distinction. The most interesting account of such a Brāhmanical family is supplied by the Sdok Kak Thom Inscription (No. 152) dated 1052 A.D. It is a long record of 340 lines of which 194 are in Sanskrit and 146 in Khmer. It relates how Jaya-varman II, king of Kambuja, invited a Brāhmaṇa named Hiraṇyadāma in order to perform some Tāntrik rites so that Kambuja might no longer be dependent on Java. This Brāhmaṇa, who came from Janapada, probably in India, established the worship of Devarāja which became the tutelary deity of Kambuja. The Tāntrik texts named in this connection are well-known in India. Hiraṇyadāma then initiated Śivakaivalya, the royal priest, into the mysteries of this worship, and the king gave a pledge that henceforth only the members of Śivakaivalya's family would function as priests. The record shows that this family supplied the royal priest in Kambuja from 802 to 1052 A.D. The record has preserved the names of all the priests, and gives a catalogue of the pious works and religious foundations of each of them, and a list of the various favours in the shape of honours, dignities, grant of lands etc. which each received from his royal patron. Such an interesting history of priestly Brāhmaṇa family, extending over 250 years, is without a parallel in the history of India and her colonies.

c10.74

The case of Hiraṇyadāma shows how the religious life of Kambuja was sustained and fostered by a close constant and intimate contact with India. There are other examples of such intercourse recorded in Kambuja inscriptions. Rāja-lakṣmī, the daughter of Rājendra-varman and the younger sister of Jaya-varman, was married to an Indian Brāhmaṇa Divākara Bhaṭṭa who was born on the banks of the river Kālindī or Yamunā, sacred with the association of Kṛiṣṇa's boyhood (No. 111). One of the ancestors of Yaśo-varman's mother, Agastya, is said to be a Brāhmaṇa of Āryadeśa versed in Vedas and Vedāṅgas (Nos. 60-62). Another Brāhmaṇa, named Sarvajñamuni, versed in the four Vedas and all the *āgamas*, and devoted to Śiva, was born in Āryadeśa (No. 111). He came to Kambudeśa and his descendants occupied high religious offices. There are many other less specific references to such migrations. There is also evidence that the learned Brāhmaṇas of Kambuja visited India. The most important instance is that of Śivasoma, the *guru* of Indra-varman. We learn from an inscription (No. 54) that Śivasoma was the grandson of king Śrī Jayendrādhipati-varman, maternal uncle of Jaya-varman II, and that he learnt the *śāstras* from Bhagavat-Śaṅkara whose lotus-feet were touched by the heads of all the sages. It has been rightly conjectured by the editor of the Inscription, that the reference here is undoubtedly to the famous Śaṅkarācārya, and presumably Śivasoma must have come to India to sit at the feet of the venerable Śaṅkara.

c10.75

While the Brāhmaṇas and Kṣatriyas are frequently mentioned, we do not find many specific references to the Vaiśyas and Śūdras, at least in early records. It seems that the society had really two broad divisions; the higher one composed of Brāhmaṇas and Kṣatriyas, who were two classes rather than castes, and the lower one consisting of the remaining people.

c10.76

An interesting account of the people of Fu-nan is given in a Chinese text composed at the beginning of the sixth century A.D. It shows the great changes that had come over them as a result of the Indian colonization. The most important of these was the wearing of clothes. As mentioned above, both men and women went about naked when Kauṇḍinya first landed in the country about the first century A.D. Even the Nāga princess he married had no clothes on. But we read in the Chinese account mentioned above that the men of noble families use *Sarong* made of brocade. The poor people covered their bodies with a piece of cloth.

c10.77

The people were used to luxury. Their articles of trade were gold, silver and silk. They used golden rings and bracelets and silver vessels, and arranged cock-fight and pig-fight for their amusement. They constructed boats 80 to 90 ft. long and 6 or 7 ft. wide, the front and back of which were shaped like the head and tail of a fish. The king lived in a storeyed pavilion. When going out he rode on elephants. The women also used to ride on elephants. The trial by ordeals, specially those by fire and water, was known there.

c10.78

The luxury and wealth of the other colonies is also referred to in the Chinese texts. The following account of Po-li is preserved in the *History of the Liang Dynasty*: "The king's family name is Kauṇḍinya. He uses a texture of flowered silk wrapped round his body; on his head he wears a golden bonnet of more than a span high and adorned with various precious stones. He carries a sword inlaid with gold, and sits on a golden throne, with his feet on a silver footstool. His female attendants are adorned with golden flowers and all kinds of jewels, some of them holding *chowries* of white feathers or fans of peacock feathers. When the king goes out, his carriage, which is made of different kinds of fragrant wood, is drawn by an elephant. On the top of it is a flat canopy of feathers, and has embroidered curtains on both sides. People blowing conches and beating drums precede and follow him."

c10.79

If in the above account we understand by the carriage, the *howdah*, which it probably really means, the above description would apply to many rulers of Indian States even in recent times.

c10.80

The booty taken by the Chinese from time to time after the sack of Champā throws interesting light on the wealth and social condition of the country. In 446 A.D. they took 100,000 pounds of pure gold. In 605 A.D. they took the golden tablets of eighteen kings, 1350 Buddhist manuscripts and also some musicians. This shows that music was also cultivated in Champā.

c10.81

An idea of the wealth of the colonies may also be formed from the rich endowments to temples of which we get a detailed description in a large number of epigraphic records, and some of which have been referred to above.

c10.82

Reference should also be made to two institutions which have a direct bearing on the material wealth and physical welfare of the people. These are the Vahnigṛhas or *dharmaśālās* and hospitals. King Jaya-varman VII of Kambuja founded 121 Vahnigṛhas and 102 Hospitals. Of the latter the site of fifteen can be determined by means of inscriptions which record their foundations. These inscriptions are almost identical and lay down detailed regulations about the hospitals. They give us a very good idea of the system of medical treatment organised by the state.

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The noble sentiment which inspired the king to found these hospitals may be gathered from the following verse:

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“ *Dehinām deha-rogo yan-manorogo rujattarām*
*Rāṣṭra duḥkhaṁ hi bhartṛṇām duḥkhan = duḥkhan = tu n = ātmanaḥ*
(No. 171, V. 13)

The bodily pain of the diseased became in him (king Jaya-varman VII) a mental agony more tormenting than the former. For the real pain of a king is the pain of his subjects, not that of his own (body).”

c10.85

Generally speaking the position of a woman seems to have been much better than in India, both as regards social status and political rights. Of these we get clear evidence in Java. Javanese women could rule in their own rights and occupied high offices of State. A woman could possess property in her own name with rights to dispose of it according to her own will. There does not appear to be any *purdah* system in vogue and the women freely mixed with men. This is evident from literature as well as the present custom in Bāli. Women could choose their own husbands and there seems to be no restriction as to the degree of relationship within which marriage was prohibited. There is an actual instance of marriage with a step-sister.

c10.86

High ideals of conjugal relation are held in literature and we also come across actual examples in life. The *Satī* system prevailed, at least in Bali, though in later periods it came to be confined to royal families, where sometimes even the slaves and concubines of the dead perished with him. In some cases the wife first killed herself by the sword and then her body was placed on the funeral pyre.

c10.87

Reference may be made in this connection to the two inscriptions mentioned on p. 71 recording endowments to temples. These include, in the first case, ‘women who take to religious life.’ The expression in Khmer literally means “females who enter into religion for the sacrificer (*yajamāna*) of the god.” Although the exact meaning is not quite clear, it is not difficult to recognise in them the “devadāsīs” of Indian temples. I do not think there is any reference to this class in Indian inscriptions of such early period. This raises the question whether such pernicious custom originated in India or was derived from contact with countries where moral laxity of this type among females is known to have prevailed in more obnoxious form even in later times.

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The second inscription refers to the dancing girls, musicians and slaves. The names of the dancing girls were Chārumatī, Priyasenā, Aruṇamatī, Madanapriyā, Samarasenā and Vasantamallikā (the name of the seventh not mentioned). The musicians were called Tanvaṅgī, Guṇadhārī, Dayitavatī, Sārāṅgī, Payodharī, Ratimatī, Stanottarī, Ratibindu, Manovatī, Sakhipriyā, Madhurasenā, Gandhīnī and Vinayavatī. The names of the slaves and servants were mostly indigenous with a few exceptions, such as Śivadāsa, Bhāgya, Prasāda, Jyeṣṭha-varmā, Daśamī, Mañjarī etc.

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The personal names of dancing and musician girls, laying great stress their physical charms, are very interesting relics of the fashions of old times of which we have no exact counterpart in Indian literary records. The existence of the Indian and indigenous names among these and the slaves, both male and female, raises an important issue. It may be supposed on the analogy of known instances, that Indian colonists occupied higher ranks in life and were not likely to be included in these low professions or status in life. This would mean that the indigenous people or those who were born of their union with the Indians, bore purely Indian names. At the same time indigenous names never went out of use. The Kambuja inscriptions have preserved many hundreds of personal names which are both interesting and instructive and throw a flood of light on the degree of Indianization in Kambuja society.

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