Pramāṇa · Search · About · API

The World of Courtesans c7: 4 Courtesans in the Mauryan Period

The World of Courtesans c7

Language
English

4 Courtesans in the Mauryan Period

c7.2

THE MAURYAN PERIOD of Indian history is noted for the amalgamation of smaller states in a well-knit empire which was governed and controlled from the centre with a strictness and sagacity that required both administrative experience and organizing capacity. The sources for the religious, political, social and economic history of the Mauryan period are twofold: the inscriptions of Asoka lay stress on nobility of character and piety and condemn gross and superstitious practices. These are supplemented by meagre Greek accounts and Kautilya's *Arthashastra* which describes in detail various facets of the Mauryan administration. The primary aim of the *Arthashastra* is naturally to describe the manifold activities of the state and the checks and counter-checks needed to ensure the smooth working of the administrative machinery. The *Arthashastra*, while it deals in the main with dry rules and regulations, also provides us with interesting details about the social life of the people. The material, however, has to be properly sifted and interpreted before the entire picture can become clear.

c7.3

The emphasis in the *Arthashastra* is mainly on an urban culture with the king as the pivot round which the wheels of the state moved. He organized his administrative departments in a manner so as to ensure the smooth working of the socio-economic life of the people. Kautilya was a stark realist as far as administration was concerned and no ethical concept deterred him from the path which he considered right for the safe conduct of the affairs of the state. To strengthen the state's finances he even advocated morally dubious means of earning revenues. One such source of revenue—reprehensible from the ethical viewpoint—was the organization of courtesans and prostitutes under the watchful eyes of a superintendent. This was arranged with a view to receiving a fixed percentage of the fees and gifts which the courtesans received from their clients. These women of ill-fame formed a class of their own, apart from the courtesans who were exclusively in the service of the king. According to Curtius, when Indian rulers went on a hunt, the courtesans bowed to them, and to the accompaniment of their songs the kings hunted. Curtius seems to be extremely prejudiced against the extravagance of the royal procession, which used to be accompanied by courtesans. To quote him, "That no form of shameless profligacy may be wanting, he is accompanied by a long train of courtesans carried in golden palanquins, and this troop holds a separate place in the procession from the queen's retinue, and is as sumptuously appointed. His food is prepared by women who also serve him with wine which is much used by all the Indians. When the king falls into a drunken sleep, his courtesans carry him away to his bedchamber, invoking the gods of the night in their native hymns."

c7.4

The information about the royal courtesans that is given by Curtius agrees with the accounts in the *Arthashastra*. The *Arthashastra* mentions that the prostitute (*dasyah*) in the royal service performed the duty of bathroom attendants (*snapaka*), shampooers (*samvahaka*), bedroom attendants (*astaraka*), washer women and florists. While presenting water, scents, fragrant powders, clothes and garlands to the king, the royal servants, along with the courtesans, first touched these things reverently with their eyes, arms and breasts before offering them to him.

c7.5

As has already been pointed out, the information gleaned from the *Arthashastra* shows us the different roles played by courtesans to help the state revenue. Different grades of courtesans and prostitutes paid money to the state by way of taxes. Since their profession was an important source of revenue to the state, their rights and privileges were naturally recognized.

c7.6

The principle of providing some sort of old age pension to the old and infirm prostitutes shows the benevolent attitude of the state towards them. Their profession gave them an opportunity to meet all sorts of people, both native and foreign and taking fuli advantage of this, the state employed them as spies They reported the suspicious movements of the enemy and of disreputable characters to the proper authorities About their attainments and the wiles they practised to extract money from their clients, the *Arthashastra* gives very meagre information.

c7.7

Kautilya uses the words *ganika*, *pratiganika*, *rupajiva*, *veshya*, *dasi*, *devadasi*, *pumshchali*, *shilpakarika*, *kaushikastri*, and *rupadasi* for courtesans and prostitutes; perhaps the words *adasi*, *avaruddha*, *kritavarodha*, *duhitrika* and *kumari* are also used in the same sense.

c7.8

*Ganika* in the *Arthashastra* is, however, not the wealthy courtesan of Buddhist literature, leading a glamorous life and charging exorbitant fees from her clients, but a government servant whose rights and responsibilities are clearly defined by the state. For ordinary prostitutes, Kautilya uses the term *rupajiva* or a woman who lived on the proceeds of her beauty The *ganika* of the *Arthashastra* received a monthly salary from the king's treasury in lieu of the services she rendered to the state. She worked under the direction of the Superintendent of Prostitutes (*veshyadhyaksha*), and if she had a daughter (*ganikaduhitri*, *kumari*), she was also destined to join government service.

c7.9

A *pratiganika* was a substitute prostitute employed on a short-term contract during the absence of a *ganika* but she could become a full fledged *ganika* in the future But as long as she remained a mere substitute, she received only half of the salary of the *ganika* whom she substituted The very appointment of a *pratiganika* shows the inexorable ways of the state so far as the revenue-making machinery was concerned. As the state-employed courtesans paid a respectable amount in the form of revenue, the machinery organized for the work of such a profession had always to be kept in proper order.

c7.10

According to Kautilya a *rupajiva* who lived on the profits of her beauty was not a state employee. She, however, had to pay a monthly tax to the government amounting to two days' earnings. In the case of financial stringency, however, she had to pay half of her earnings to the state. Emergency taxes were not levied on the *ganika* as she was a whole time government employee on a monthly salary. As the *ganika* was a source of revenue to the state the *ganikadhyaksha* kept a constant vigil on her activities, tried to determine her earnings accurately, and kept a check on her extravagance.

c7.11

*Rupajiva* was a prostitute whose status was next in rank to that of the *ganika*. Her relatively superior position is proved by the fact that she was allowed to have her quarters to the south of the fort, and also had access to the royal harem, entry to which was prohibited to ordinary prostitutes (*dasi*). *Veshya* in the *Arthashastra* is a generic term for all kinds of prostitutes. Not being directly employed by the state, their activities were controlled by the fort authorities and they were placed along with spies, artisans, singers etc , to keep watch on the conduct of military personnel *Pumshchali* in the *Arthashatra* is only a very low-grade prostitute, perhaps in the category of a whore who surrendered her person for money Persons seen in her company became suspects. She was at times used as a spy as well. The word *dasi* seems to have been used by Kautilya in a double sense—for a slave girl closely associated with palace activities and for a common prostitute who was not allowed to enter the royal palace. She also acted as a spy.

c7.12

The *devadasi* was a temple prostitute, a dancing girl, who when she retired was re-employed by the state for work such as spinning wool, cotton and flax. The existence of *devadasis* in the third century B.C. or a little later is supported by the Jogimara cave inscription. It has been translated by M. Boyer as "Sutanuka by name, Devadasi. The excellent among young men loved her, Devadinna by name, skilled in sculpture." T. Bloch, however, translated it in a different way: "Sutanuka by name, a Devadasi made this resting place for girls. Devadinna by name, skilled in painting." It is clear from the inscription that the institution of *devadasis* was in a flourishing state and the *devadasi* Sutanuka was prosperous enough to build a resting place for actresses or dancing girls.

c7.13

*Shilpakarika* or an artisan's wife, and *kaushikastri* were in the category of demi-monde The position of a *dasi* was midway between a prostitute and a mistress. *Kritavarodha* and *avaruddha* were professional prostitutes who lived as mistresses under the protection of one master.

c7.14

According to Kautilya any woman who was beautiful and had acquired knowledge of the prescribed arts could take up the profession of a *ganika*. The *Arthashastra* has classified the *ganika* into the first, the middle and the highest rank, depending on the beauty and the jewelry they possessed, and in some cases the king allowed some of them the privilege of waiting upon him. They held the royal umbrella, the golden pitcher and the fan when he was seated in the royal litter, the throne and chariot.

c7.15

Apparently only a few outsiders chose the profession of a *ganika*, even though superficially it appeared a glamorous one. Therefore, the vast majority of them must have come up from the profession itself. According to the *Arthashastra* they were either born in the family of *ganikas* or were selected by the *ganikadhyaksha*. Then there must also have been people who were apparently attracted by the lucrativeness of the job, and offered their daughters to the Superintendent of Prostitutes for employment. After gaining employment, the *ganika* of the first rank received a salary of 1,000 panas per annum; the *ganika* of middle rank 2,000 per annum and the *ganika* of the highest rank 3,000 per annum.

c7.16

The fees which a *ganika* charged from her clients was called *bhoga*, the *bhati* of later times. The amount was fixed by the Superintendent who was the direct recipient of such fees and he also determined the amount of the gifts (*daya*), the gross receipts (*aya*), the gross expenditure (*vyaya*), the net income and the profit. As her income was supposed to belong to the state, the Superintendent had full control over her financial affairs and prevented her from being extravagant. The courtesans only received their salaries They handed over to the Superintendent their fees and other receipts which were deposited in the treasury. It is, however, probable that they kept the gifts for themselves.

c7.17

The courtesans, since they were an important source of revenue, were provided with all the instruments of their trade, such as fine clothes. They had no authority to set free their slaves on payment of stipulated sums. We do not know how much the state spent on their large establishments (which in certain cases in later times were as big as palaces). According to the *Arthashastra*, however, the Superintendent did not allow them to buy jewelry, as that would have meant an irregular use of state funds. As the vice of prostitution yielded a considerable revenue to the state, Kautilya with his shrewd economic sense advised state-controlled prostitution. He thought that it was bound to yield the state a higher revenue than the collection of taxes from individual prostitutes.

c7.18

As the degree of beauty and artistic accomplishment governed the income of the *ganikas*, the state made arrangements for their instruction in the various arts: *Ganikas*, *dasis*, and actresses were taught singing, instrumental music, recitation, dancing, acting, writing, painting, playing on the *vina*, the pipe, and the drum, thought-reading, manufacture of scents and garlands, shampooing, and skills in the arts of prostitutes. The list of the arts in which the courtesans were trained by state-employed teachers crystallized at a later period into the sixty-four arts, and proficiency in these was considered desirable.

c7.19

Kautilya fully recognized the value of some kind of pension for *ganikas* and other kinds of prostitutes who in their younger days had brought considerable sums of money to the royal coffers. The condition laid down for such a pension was that it was made available to *ganikas*, *devadasis* and *rupajivas* if they had lost their beauty, or became old and incapable of earning money for the state. To ensure this advantage for themselves, the *ganikas* were naturally compelled to yield their person to everybody in order to earn profits for the state and in this respect they lacked the independence of private prostitutes.

c7.20

In keeping with the strict rules governing the conduct of courtesans in the employment of the state, the *Arthashastra* ordained that a ganika could not become a mistress (*avaruddha*). an *avaruddha* was prohibited by her master from intercourse with other men. In ancient India (except in the period described in the *Arthashastra*) there was no interdiction against *ganika* becoming a mistress According to the *Arthashastra*, the *ganika* was an important source of income to the state and so she was forbidden to seek the protection of any single person There was this qualification though if a man took a *ganika* to his home for himself, he had to pay 1-1/4 *pana* as well as the monthly salary she received from the Superintendent. This was because she had failed to be productive to the state during the period of her absence with her protector.

c7.21

The *Smriti* literature also gives us some information about the position of mistresses who, according to the Yaj. ii 290, could be divided into two classes, *avaruddha* and *bhujishya*. The former was kept in the house and forbidden to have intercourse with others, while the latter was not kept inside the house but elsewhere The *Arthashastra* has also discussed the legal position of courtesans, their rights, obligations, inheritance etc. A *ganika* did not enjoy full property rights since she was not a free agent. The state allowed her daughter to succeed her but the son became an actor (*kushilava*). A ganika could regain her freedom after paying back redemption money which was fixed at 24,000 *panas*, but when we consider that her salary was 1,000 to 3,000 *panas* per annum the price for redemption seems to have been very high

c7.22

The children of a *ganika*, though they had the freedom to marry and beget children, were not free persons. The daughters were to act as *ganikas* in case their mother died or went away, but all the daughters could not do so. Whether a girl became a *ganika* depended on her beauty and proficiency in the arts which appealed to her prospective clients. Kautilya does not tell us clearly the fate of the *ganikas* who had plain looks, though it is quite possible that they were employed in the royal stores and kitchens or served as ordinary maids.

c7.23

The sons of ganikas were also not free agents. By the order of the king, when they were mere children of eight, they began their training as musicians and actors (*kushilava*). They were coached by state-employed teachers and in course of time they became expert actors (*rangopajivin*) and dancers (*talavachara*). Their salary, however, was much lower than that of the *ganikas*, for they received a mere pittance of 150 per annum. Besides, the sum of 12,000 *panas* fixed for their redemption was a very exorbitant sum when we consider their meagre income.

c7.24

It is significant that though the *ganikas* were not free persons legally, they had full authority over their assets which consisted of jewelry, income from salary and the gifts received from their lovers. Jewelry was considered one of the tools of their profession, and its possession added much to their prestige, for even the king could not confiscate it. This inviolability of private property, however, runs contrary to the translation of a passage from the *Arthashastra* by Shamasastry which reads that a *ganika* was punished with a fine of 50-1/4 *panas* if she sold or mortgaged her property. Sternbach, however, gets over the difficulty by translating the word *svapateya* as "wealth, riches" and not "property", as Shamasastry does. In the opinion of the former the word *svapateya* means the wealth or riches given to *ganikas* by the Superintendent on a usufructual basis so that they could live in grand style and discharge better their duties as government servants. As a matter of fact, high living was a characteristic feature of a courtesan's life, and was not calculated merely to satisfy their personal vanity, but was a trade trick to attract wealthy merchants and officers. In the free institution of *ganika*, the courtesans, or at least the leading ones, earned a great deal of money and could live in luxury. But since prostitution was a state-managed institution there is every likelihood that their palatial establishments and gardens were state property with life interest. Sternbach places the same interpretation on the mention of a fine of 4-1/4 *panas* on a *ganika* if she entrusted her jewelry to a person other than her mother. It seems possible that though she had a right over her own jewelry, the jewelry received from the Superintendent on a usufructual basis could not be entrusted to anybody except the bawd who looked after her welfare. Kautilya also throws some light on the laws of inheritance among the ganikas. After the death of a *ganika* her daughter, or in her absence her sister, inherited her personal household effects, but in the absence of these relations, her personal property went to the state. The mother of a *ganika* could also give it to a substitute (pratiganika) as well, though in any case the inheritance was in the maternal line

c7.25

Kautilya in his usual business-like way deals with the fees received by the *ganikas* from their lovers. As soon as a client paid the prescribed fees to a *ganika*, the contract between the client and the *ganika* was concluded, and if she refused to carry it out, she was liable to pay a fine amounting to twice the sum of the fees (bhoga) received. Denying sexual intercourse after receiving the fees entailed a fine eight times the amount received by her. J. J. Meyer, commenting on the terms *dvishatya* and *bhogupahara* of Kautilya, says that the first word refers to the deprivation of sexual intercourse in case an agreement was concluded for one night, and the second word carries the idea that it was concluded for a longer time. The contract, according to Kautilya, was not valid if the *ganika* was ill.

c7.26

The *Arthashastra* has also prescribed a set of rules governing the conduct and relationship of *ganikas* among themselves For defamation the fine was 24 *panas*, for assault 48 *panas*, for cutting ears 51-3/4 *panas*, and for forced confinement, abduction and disfigurement 1,000 *panas*. According to J. J Meyer the above mentioned acts refer to criminal injuries to the character and person of a *ganika*, while others take them to mean acts carried out by a *ganika* Sternbach, however, is right when he holds that defamation, assault, cutting of ears etc., refer not to *ganikas* but to their clients. Apparently the rules were framed to ensure the safety of the people who visited the courtesans The law, however, was not one-sided. While ensuring the safety of the clients who visited the courtesans, Kautilya prescribed a set of rules which also gave the courtesans a greater amount of protection against the misdeeds of their paramours. Offences committed against a ganika were very severely punished because they flagrantly violated the king's interests. If a ganika was put under forced confinement, the perpetrator of the crime was fined 1,000 *panas*. However, in case she was a willing party, the fine amounted to her monthly pay in addition to a fine of 1-1/4 *panas*. If she was forcibly abducted, the offender had to pay a fine of 1,000 *panas*. The amount of the fine for violating a ganika has not been mentioned, but for violating a rupajiva the fine was 12 *panas*. In the case of the violation of a sexually immature daughter of a ganika, the highest amercement was inflicted on the offender; but if she was sexually mature and willing the fine was reduced.

c7.27

To ensure the safety of the person of a ganika, the penalty ranged between 1,000 to 48,000 *panas* depending on the nature and condition of the crimes and the status of the ganika who had been injured. The penalty was fixed in a sliding scale, i.e. it was higher or lower depending on whether the ganika belonged to the first, second or the highest rank. In case of an offence committed by a ganika against another member of her profession, the amount of the penalty was twice, thrice, four or more times of the basic penalty if the offence was committed more than once.

c7.28

The *Smritis* had a poor opinion of ganikas and the hatred of certain law-givers against them rose to such a height that even killing a prostitute was not counted a sin (*Gautama*, XXII. 27). This hatred and suspicion of the prostitutes seems to have been due to their role as corrupters of morals and also due to the belief that they were thieves and swindlers (*Manu*, IX. 259). They were considered thorns strewn in the path of the people (*Manu*, IX. 259-60). To expiate the sin of intercourse with a prostitute a man had to perform the Prajapatya sacrifice. Prostitutes were supposed to be unclean persons and food offered by them was forbidden to Brahmans.

c7.29

Kautilya was a great realist and a shrewd administrator. He did not suffer from any qualms of conscience. To him the prostitutes were state property and any injury to them meant a loss to the state. He, therefore, prescribed a deterrent fine of 72,000 *panas* for killing a *ganika* proceeding to her favourite haunt—the amount supposed to be commensurate with the losses suffered by the king. For killing the bawd, the *ganika's* daughter, and the *rupadasi*, the offender was punished with the highest amercement The comparatively lighter sentence in such cases shows that in awarding it the economic motive was uppermost in the mind of Kautilya the sanctity of human life hardly played any part in determining the severity of the punishment.

c7.30

While the killer of a *ganika* escaped with a heavy, almost crippling fine, the opposite was the case if it was a *ganika* who killed her lover For this heinous offence capital sentence was meted out to her; she was burnt at the stake or thrown into the water and forcibly drowned This heavy sentence was fixed with a view to assuring the clients that their lives were safe.

c7.31

The clients who visited the *ganikas* were not always models of good behaviour. They had amassed wealth and they wanted to get rid of it as quickly as possible. Disguised as rich merchants many impostors gained access to the establishments of *ganikas* and tried to cheat them of their fees or even went to the extent of stealing their ornaments For such impostors the *Arthashastra* provides adequate punishment. For stealing a *ganika's* money or ornaments and for not paying her stipulated fees, the penalty fixed was eight times the sum involved. If a client agreed to pay the stipulated amount of fees of a *ganika* and after making love to her declined to meet his obligation, he was forced to pay eight times the agreed *bhoga*. But the law ensured the rights and privileges of genuine clients against the waywardness of the *ganikas*. For instance, if after receiving her dues, a *ganika* showed any hatred towards a client, she was forced to pay him twice the amount she had received. The fine rose to eight times the amount of *bhoga* if she declined to sleep with him.

c7.32

The *Arthashastra* is quite clear on the point, that in spite of a certain degree of legal protection, a *ganika* was not a free agent. She was not only expected to inform the Superintendent about the payment and other sums she had received, but also about the conduct and character of the persons who visited her. This was done in order to enable the state to keep track of dangerous and undesirable persons.

c7.33

In order to ensure the smooth working of the work of the prostitutes the Superintendent (*ganikadhyaksha*) enjoyed full power over the *ganikas*. He employed and classified them, paid them their salaries, supplied them with the necessary articles which enabled them to discharge their duties satisfactorily, fixed the amount of their fees, determined their gross income and expenditure from all sources, checked their extravagances, prepared statements from the information received from them, and kept an account of all receipts, fines and redemption money. He looked after their welfare when they had lost their beauty and employment. He was responsible for the entire system of state prostitution and public houses and he was invested with the same rights and responsibilities as the Superintendent of other state departments.

c7.34

*Rupajiva* in the *Arthashastra* is a generic term for all kinds of prostitutes who literally lived on the proceeds of their beauty. The *rupajiva's* rank came next to that of the *ganika*. While a *dasi* or a low grade prostitute from outside was forbidden entrance to the palace, the *rupajiva* was allowed to enter it after she had thoroughly cleansed herself, rubbed her body and put on new ornaments and jewelry. The mothers (*matrika*) of *rupajivas* and the temple dancers who had retired were employed by the Superintendent of Spinning (*sutradhyaksha*). Rules about *rupajivas* are not specific. Kautilya gives us some information about them casually. This information relates to the location of their quarters, their lovers, the taxes levied on them, the means suggested to safeguard them against the perfidy of their lovers, their position in the palaces, their role as spies and their fate in their old age.

c7.35

According to Kautilya *rupajivas* lived in the southern quarter of the fortified town along with actors, wine-sellers, traders in cooked rice, meat-sellers and Vaishyas. The last formed a rich clientele. Certain other items of information about them are available. For instance, for going to bed with a *rupanva*, who lived as a mistress, a fine of 48 *panas* was realized from her second lover while she herself escaped scot-free. If the fellow used force on her, the fine was 12 *panas*. If many tried to violate her, each of them was fined 24 *panas*. A special rule was prescribed to protect prostitutes against the overtures of the night watchmen of the town. They were not only fined (the amount depending on the seriousness of the guilt) but also sentenced to death for violation of this rule. Such drastic punishment was necessary as prostitutes generally used roads and streets during the night and safeguards had to be provided against such villains like night watchmen who were in actual fact expected to look after their safety

c7.36

Daughters of prostitutes (*duhitrika*, *kumari*), maids employed by the *ganikas* for making garlands, scents etc., and bawds (*matrika*) were under state protection. Heavy fines were imposed upon those who molested them

c7.37

Kautilya seems to have been well aware of the sexual aberrations prevalent among those who visited public houses for he has provided punishment for such offences. For extra-vaginal intercourse the offender was fined. The basis of the rules framed by Kautilya in connection with sexual aberrations seems to be that a prostitute after accepting payment from a client was expected to surrender her body to him, but any improper demand or misbehaviour rendered the contract null and void.

c7.38

Unlike the *ganika*, who in lieu of salary and certain other considerations surrendered her income to the state, the *rupajiva* escaped only with certain taxes. The state realized from her a general tax amounting to twice her fee for one night. In case of financial stringency however, actors and *rupajivas* were charged a super-tax amounting to half of their salaries *Rupajivas* in this context were perhaps mistresses, as the word *vetana* is not *bhoga* or fees, but salary or wages.

c7.39

The prostitutes in the Mauryan period were not only employed as a tax-gathering machine, but for other purposes as well. As prostitutes had access almost everywhere and did not arouse any suspicion, they were employed as spies. *Ganikas*, however, did not act as spies as they were entrusted with the duty of earning an income for the state in lieu of the salary they received. As a safety measure they were expected to inform the Superintendent about the clients who visited them.

c7.40

A *dasi* or a low-grade prostitute was employed for regular spying, while whores (*pumshchali*) spied on thieves. According to Kautilya different kinds of pimps and procurers (*bandhaki-poshaka*) employed young and beautiful girls as spies. These women managed to gain the confidence of the enemy's army chiefs, excited jealousy and suspicion among them and led them to their destruction The procurer secured young and beautiful maids of the king for the same purpose

c7.41

According to Kautilya dancing girls and strumpets acted as spies and led the enemies of the state to their destruction by using various stratagems. The prostitutes, specially employed for this purpose, lured the marked characters to secret houses where they were either killed or put in chains.

c7.42

Prostitutes were also employed to kidnap the military personnel and princes. *Rupajivas* were brought to the cities to act as spies under the Superintendent of the city (*nagaraka-pranidhi*). They were entitled to receive those whom they knew and only if they were certain of the places from where they came. Besides mentioning the *ganikas*, *rupajivas*, *veshyas* etc., who were professional prostitutes, Kautilya also mentions wives of actors (*nata*) dancers (*nartaka*), singers, instrumentalists, buffoons, bards, rope dancers (*plavaka*), jugglers (*shaubhika*), wandering bards, pimps etc , who lived on the income of a sort of demi-monde.

c7.43

As we have pointed out in earlier Chapters, the institution of *samaja* and *vihara yatras* was closely connected with the courtesans and their activities. According to Kautilya even the rulers seem to have been regular visitors to the *yatra* (pleasure trips), *samaja* (festivals with animal sacrifice), *utsava* (feast) and *pravahanas* (processions). They used to be heavily guarded by selected soldiers. That the *samaja* was an important part of the Mauryan social life is proved by a reference on Rock Edict I of Asoka. As has been pointed out by M. M. Bose, the commentators have mostly discussed what is meant by *samaja*, the nature of the *samajas* disapproved by the king and those approved by him. The word *samaja* in Rock Edict I particularly refers to a sort of festive gathering usually held in connection with an animal sacrifice, the same as the *sankhadi* of the Jain literature. The aim of Asoka was to prohibit any gathering of this kind and he found many shortcomings in it (*bahukam hi dosam samajshmi pasati*). There was, however, a kind of *samaja* of Priyadarshin which is considered excellent (*asti pi chu ekatiya samaja sadhumata devanam priyasa*).

c7.44

In Rock Edicts VIII, IX and XI the word *vihalayatam* in the sentence *atikamtam amtalam lajane vihalayatam nama nikhamisu* has been usually translated as "pleasure tours" or "tours of pleasure". This *viharayatra* was not a tour but a trip to a fixed place with the purpose of hunting and enjoying other pleasures of life such as drinking, strolling in the forests in the company of courtesans, gambling and other sports. In *viharayatra* (which is equivalent to the modern *saila*, *jata* and *gotha*) the element of fun, frolic and sport is always predominant; the idea of a journey is simply incidental. This aim of the *viharayatra* is emphasized in the inscription itself—*eta magavya anani cha etarisani abhiramakani ahumsu* (here hunting and other such pleasures were enjoyed). As opposed to this, the *dhammayata* (usually translated as "a religious tour") is nothing more than a socio-religious festival held in accordance with the order of Asoka for the propagation of Dharma. As a matter of fact, the *dharmayatra* of Asoka constituted the following elements: (1) an interview with the Sramanas and Brahmans and old men, (2) an interview with the people of the country with a view to instruct them and question them about *dharma*, (3) the proper treatment of slaves and servants, (4) obedience to parents and giving presents to friends and relatives, and (5) insistence on the non-slaughter of animals. But besides these ethical principles and abstract virtues the *dharmayatra* arranged for the edification of common folk. There was a spectacle of aerial chariots, elephants, masses of fire and other divine representations.

c7.45

In ancient India, drinking, gambling and prostitution went hand in hand.. The Mauryan period was no exception to this general rule No doubt drinking is condemned by Buddhism, but the *Arthashastra* completely disregards this ethical code and treats wine trade as an important source of state revenue.

c7.46

The Superintendent of wine and liquor was not only in charge of their manufacture but also employed experienced men to look after the liquor traffic in the forts, the countryside and the military camps.

c7.47

The wines generally in demand were *medaka* (made of rice), *prasanna* (made of flour, nutmeg and other spices), *asava* (made of the elephant-apple called *kapittha* and sugar) which was of superior and inferior kind, medicinal wines (*arishta*), *maireya* (made of jaggery and spices), grape wines (*madhu*) like *kapisayani* imported from Kapisa (the modern Begram, near Kabul) and *harahuraka* imported from Herat. Other small items of information are also given. For instance, we are told about the methods of preparing the fermenting material, spices, grape juice and honey which were added to *medaka* and *prasanna* to give them their peculiar flavour, the colouring materials of *prasanna*, the formula for making *asava* and white wine (*shvetasura*). Mango wine was made from mango juice and spices. A list is given of the costly spices added to the pots of wine to be presented to the king.

c7.48

Manufacture of wine and liquors was the prerogative of the state. However, citizens on special occasions were allowed to manufacture white (*shvetasura*), medicinal wines etc. for their private use.

c7.49

The fairs and festivals were occasions when large quantities of wine were consumed. During the feasts (*utsava*), on the occasion of animal sacrifices (*samaja*), and on picnics or excursions (*yatra*) people were allowed to distil their own liquors for a period of four days. But this freedom was subject to the condition that they paid to the Superintendent licensing fees which amounted to five per cent *ad valorem.*

c7.50

Rules were also laid down with regard to the manufacture and sale of *sura*, *medaka*, *arishta*, *madhu*, acid fruit juices (*phalamla*) and a sort of rum (*amlasidhu*) the amount of excise duty or compensation was computed taking into consideration the day's sale, the difference between the royal and public measures and the excess amount realized by the seller. This amount was realized by the Superintendent from the local and foreign merchants in lieu of the loss incurred by the state in liquor traffic owing to their tricks of trade.

c7.51

The Superintendent of the wine trade also dealt with various problems connected with it. For instance, keeping in view the demand and supply position, he controlled or decontrolled the sale of wine and liquors. He imposed a fine of six hundred *panas* on offenders, other than those who were manufacturers, purchasers and sellers in liquor trade. Apparently this rule was laid down to guard against the unauthorized traffic in liquors. Another rule prohibited men from taking the wine manufactured in villages to the cities. This was apparently done with a view to prevent smuggling on a large scale and ensured that the governmental machinery for the control of the wine trade was not put out of gear. It was also the duty of the Superintendent to see that wine shops were not situated close to one another. This rule was made with a view to avoiding drunken brawls.

c7.52

Kautilya, however, was well aware of the fact that the indiscriminate sale of wine resulted in workmen neglecting the work in hand, noble persons divesting themselves of virtue and decency, and in fire brands committing indiscreet acts At least in theory, liquor was to be sold in small quantities to gentlemen, and to ensure that the wine did not go into undesirable hands, only men with character were allowed to take it out of the bar.

c7.53

The rule was that the clients should drink inside the bar and that they should not all leave together. This was done in order to keep a check on the articles which they might have acquired by foul means. If some of them were found possessing gold and other articles not rightfully belonging to them, they were arrested outside the bar by the order of the Superintendent. Likewise those persons who appeared too extravagant and who seemed to be spending beyond their means were arrested under suspicion.

c7.54

It was also one of the duties of the Superintendent to see that only the right kind of wines and liquors were served in the bars at fixed prices. These prices could be reduced if the quality had deteriorated. The wines of inferior quality could be sold outside the bars, or given away to slaves or workmen in lieu of wages, or as a last resort, even thrown to the cattle.

c7.55

The Government managed saloons and private bars (*panagara*) were tastefully decorated. The idea behind this measure was to offer a certain degree of comfort to customers and to provide appropriate surroundings in which they could enjoy their drinks The bars were divided into many cabins which were provided with beds and seats, flower garlands, water and other articles appropriate to the varying seasons were made available to the customers

c7.56

But in spite of all the comforts provided in the bars, trouble was always expected from bad characters who managed to visit them under false pretences. In order to protect the customers against these elements, detectives were employed to keep an eye on their expenditure and to check whether they were regular visitors or strangers to the place These shrewd detectives ascertained the value of the dress, ornaments and gold of the customers when they lay senseless on the floor after heavy bouts of drinking. If they had lost anything while they lay thus inebriated, the bar-tender was not only forced to make good the loss, but also made to pay a fine equivalent to the value of the article they had lost

c7.57

There is little doubt that these luxurious bars of the Mauryan period must have been the happy hunting-ground of prostitutes, but unfortunately the matter-of-fact, administrative tone of the *Arthashastra* eschews all poetical details. The only information about the presence of prostitutes in the bars is of a laconic nature. The wine merchant or barmen (in addition to carrying out their duties) kept a watch on the activities of their customers from their half-closed rooms. These customers, both local and foreign, pretending to be gentlemen, lay down in their rooms with their very beautiful (*peshatarupabhih*) mistresses (*dasibhih*)

Linked texts (5)