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Vedic Index of Names and Subjects v1.c3.s14: C

Vedic Index of Names and Subjects v1.c3.s14

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English

C

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Caka is mentioned with Piśaṅga as one of the two Unnetṛ priests at the snake festival in the Pañcaviṃśa Brāhmaṇa.¹

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¹ xxv. 15, 3. *Cf.* Weber, *Indische Studien*, 1, 35, who reads *Cakka*; 10, 142, n. 3, 144

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Cakra, the ‘wheel’ of a chariot or wagon, is repeatedly mentioned from the Rigveda¹ onwards, often in a metaphorical sense. The wheel was fixed on the axle (Akṣa) when the chariot was required for use; this required considerable strength, as is shown by a reference in the Rigveda.² The wheel consisted normally of spokes (Ara), and a nave (Nābhi),³ in the opening (Kha) of which the end of the axle (Āṇi) was inserted. An indication of the importance attached to the strength of the wheel is the celebration of the car of the god Pūṣan as having a wheel that suffers no damage.⁴ The usual number of wheels was two,⁵ but in seven passages of the Rigveda⁶ a chariot is called ‘three-wheeled,’ in a few others ‘seven-wheeled,’⁷ while in one of the Atharvaveda⁸ it is styled ‘eight-wheeled.’ Zimmer⁹ argues that these epithets do not refer to real chariots, pointing out that in all the passages where tri-cakra, ‘three-wheeled,’ occurs there is a mythical reference. On the other hand, Weber¹⁰ thinks that there might have been chariots with three wheels, one being in the centre between the two occupants. This is not very conclusive; at any rate, the seven-wheeled and the eight-wheeled chariots can hardly be regarded as indicating the existence of real vehicles with that number of wheels.

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¹ i. 130, 9; 155, 6; 164, 2. ii. 14; 174, 5; iv. 1, 3, etc.

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² Av. xi. 7, 4; xix. 53, i. 2, etc.

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³ Rv. viii. 41, 6.

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⁴ Rv. vi. 54, 3.

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⁵ Rv. viii. 5, 29; Chāndogya Upaniṣad, iv. 16, 5; Kauṣītaki Upaniṣad, i. 4.

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⁶ i. 118, 2; 157, 3; 183, 1; viii. 58, 3; x. 41, 1; 85, 14 (all of the Aśvins’ chariot); iv. 36, 1 (of a chariot made by the Ṛbhus, who are three in number).

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⁷ Rv. i. 164, 3. 12; ii. 40, 3.

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⁸ xi. 4, 22.

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⁹ Altindisches Leben, viii., ix.

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¹⁰ Proceedings of the Berlin Academy, 1898, 564, quoting Virchow, Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 5, 200.

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In the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa¹¹ the potter’s wheel (kaulāla-cakra) is referred to.

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¹¹ xi. 8, 1, 1. Cf. Zimmer, op. cit., 247.

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Cakra-vāka is the name, apparently derived from the nature of its cry, of a species of gander (Anas casarca), the modern Chakwā, as it is called in Hindi, or Brahmany duck in English.¹ It is mentioned in the Rigveda² and in the list of victims at the Aśvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the Yajurveda,³ while in the Atharvaveda⁴ it already appears as the type of conjugal fidelity, its characteristic in the classical literature.

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¹ Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, i, 309, n. 4.

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² ii. 39, 3.

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³ Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitā, iii. 14, 3. 13; Vājasaneyī Saṃhitā, xxiv. 22. 32; xxv. 8.

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⁴ xiv. 2, 64. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 89.

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Cakṣus, ‘eye.’ The ‘evil eye’ (ghoram cakṣus) was well known in the Atharvaveda, which contains spells to counteract its influence.¹ As remedies against it are mentioned salve from Mount Trikakubh² and the Jaṅgiḍa plant.³ In the wedding ceremony the wife is entreated not to have the evil eye (aghora-cakṣus).⁴ The structure of the eye, and its division into white (śukla), dark (kṛṣṇa), and the pupil (kanīnakā) are repeatedly referred to in the later Brāhmaṇas.⁵ The disease Alaji appears to have been an affection of the eyes.

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¹ ii. 7; xix. 45, are so employed in the ritual.

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² Av. iv. 9, 6.

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³ Av. xix. 35, 3.

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⁴ Pāraskara Gṛhya Sūtra, i. 4; Śāṅkhāyana Gṛhya Sūtra, i. 16.

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⁵ Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, xii. 8, 2, 26; Jaiminīya Brāhmaṇa, i. 254. 324; Jaiminīya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa, i. 26, 1; 34, 1; Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad, ii. 2, 2; Aitareya Āraṇyaka, ii. 1, 5, etc. So the man (puruṣa) in the eye is repeatedly mentioned: Chāndogya Upaniṣad, i. 7, 5; iv. 15, 1; Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad, ii. 3, 5; iv. 2, 2; v. 5, 2. 4, etc.; Jaiminīya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa, i. 27, 2. The Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad, ii. 2, 3, adds the water (āpaḥ) in the eye, the upper and the lower lids (vartanī), and seven red lines (lohinyo rājayāḥ). Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 13, 149.

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Caṇḍāla,¹ Cāṇḍāla,² are the variant forms of the name of a despised caste, which in origin was probably a tribal body,³ but which in the Brahminical theory was the offspring of Śūdra fathers and Brahmin mothers.⁴ The references to the caste in the Yajurveda Saṃhitās and in the Upaniṣads show clearly that it was a degraded one, but they yield no particulars.

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¹ Chāndogya Upaniṣad, v. 10, 7; 24, 4; Āśvalāyana Gṛhya Sūtra, iv. 9; Śāṅkhāyana Gṛhya Sūtra, ii. 12; vi. 1, etc.

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² Vājasaneyī Saṃhitā, xxx. 21; Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa, iii. 4, 17, 1; Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad, iv. 1, 22.

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³ Fick, Die sociale Gliederung, 204 et seq.

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⁴ Apparently accepted for the Vedic period by Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 217. Cf. von Schroeder, Indiens Literatur und Cultur, 433.

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Catuṣ-pad, ‘quadruped,’ is a regular name for animals from the Rigveda¹ onwards, being frequently contrasted with Dvipad, ‘biped.’² Catuṣ-pāda, as an adjective applying to paśavaḥ, ‘animals,’ is also found.³

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¹ Rv. i. 49, 3; 94, 5; 119, 1; iii. 62, 14, etc.; Av. iv. 11, 5; x. 8, 21; Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā, viii. 30; ix. 31; xiv. 8. 25, etc.; Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, vi. 2; viii. 20, etc.

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² Rv. x. 117, 8; Av. vi. 107, 1, etc.

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³ Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, ii. 18; vi. 2; Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, iii. 7, 3, 2; vi. 8, 2, 17, etc.

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1. Candra,¹ Candra-mas,² are the names of the ‘moon,’ the latter occurring from the Rigveda onwards, but the former being first used in this sense by the Atharvaveda. Very little is said about the moon in Vedic literature, except as identified with Soma,³ both alike being described as waxing and waning. Reference is, however, made to the regular changes of the moon, and to its alternation with the sun,⁵ to which it, as Soma, is declared in the Rigveda to be married.⁶ Mention is also made of its disappearance at the time of new moon,⁷ and of its birth from the light of the sun.⁸ In the Atharvaveda⁹ reference is made to demons eclipsing the moon (grahāś cāndramāsāḥ).

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¹ Av. ii. 15, 2; 22, 1; iii. 31, 6, etc.; Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā, xxii. 28; xxxix. 2; Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, vi. 2, 2, 16, etc.

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² Rv. i. 105, 1; viii. 82, 8; x. 64, 3; 85, 19; Av. xi, 6, 7; Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā, i. 28; xxiii. 10. 59, etc.

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³ See Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp. 112, 113. The identification is clearly found in the later parts of the Rigveda.

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⁵ Rv. x. 68, 10. Cf. i. 62, 8; 72, 10.

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⁶ x. 85, 18. 19.

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⁷ Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, i. 6, 4, 18; iv. 6, 7, 12; xi. 1, 6, 19; xiv. 4, 2, 13; Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, viii. 28, 8; perhaps Rv. x. 138, 4.

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⁸ Rv. ix. 71, 9; 76, 4; 86, 32; Sāmaveda, ii. 9, 2, 1; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, I, 463 et seq. Cf. Sūrya.

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⁹ xix. 9, 10. Av. vi. 128 is also regarded by the Kauśika Sūtra, c. 3, as referring to an eclipse of the moon. See Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 533. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 349, 350, 352.

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For the phases of the moon, and the month as a measure of time, see Māsa. For the moon and its mansions, see Nakṣatra.

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⁴ Rv. x. 55, 5. Cf. Av. x. 8, 32.

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2. Candra appears to denote ‘gold’ in a certain number of passages from the Rigveda onwards.¹

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¹ Rv. ii. 2, 4; iii. 31, 5; Av. xii. 2, 53; Jaittiriya Saṃhitā, i. 2, 7, 1; Kāthaka Saṃhitā, ii. 6; Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā, iv. 26; xix. 93; Pañcaviṃśa Brāhmaṇa, vi. 6; Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, iii. 3, 3, 4, etc. Cf. the adjective candrin in Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā, xx. 37; xxxi. 31.

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Capya is found in the Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā¹ and the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa² as the name of a sacrificial vessel.

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¹ xix. 88; Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitā, iii. 2, 9; Kāṭhaka Saṃhitā, xxxviii. 3.

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² xii. 7, 2, 13; 9, 1, 3.

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Camasa denotes a ‘drinking vessel,’ usually as employed for holding Soma at the sacrifice. It is frequently mentioned from the Rigveda onwards.¹ It was made of wood (vṛkṣa),² and is hence called dru.³ According to the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa,⁴ it was made of Udumbara wood.

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¹ Rv. i. 20, 6; 110, 3; viii. 82, 7; x. 16, 8; 68, 8; 96, 9, etc.; Av. vii. 73, 3; xviii. 3, 54; Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā, xxiii. 13, etc.; Nirukta, xi. 2; xii. 38.

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² Rv. x. 68, 8.

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³ Rv. i. 161, 1.

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⁴ vii. 2, 11, 2. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 280; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, i, 167, 168.

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Camū is a term of somewhat doubtful sense occurring repeatedly in the Rigveda, and connected with the preparation of Soma. Zimmer¹ considers that in the dual it denotes the two boards between which, in his opinion, the Soma was crushed (cf. Adhiṣavaṇa). Roth,² however, appears to be right in taking the normal sense to designate a vessel into which the Soma was poured from the press, and Hillebrandt³ shows clearly that when it occurs in the plural⁴ it always has this sense, corresponding to the Graha-pātras of the later ritual, and that sometimes it is so used in the singular⁵ or dual⁶ also. In some cases,⁷ however, he recognizes its use as denoting the mortar in which the Soma was pressed: he may be right here, as this mode of preparation was probably Indo-Iranjan.⁸

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¹ Altindisches Leben, 277, 278.

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² St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Cf. Grassmann, Rigveda, i, 15.

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³ Vedische Mythologie, i, 164-175.

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⁴ Rv. iii. 48, 5; viii. 2, 8; 82, 7. 8; ix. 20, 6; 62, 16; 63, 2; 92, 2; 93, 3; 97, 21. 37. 46; 99, 6. 8.

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⁵ Rv. ix. 107, 18; x. 91, 15.

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⁶ Rv. ix. 69, 5; 71, 1; 72, 5; 86, 47; 96, 20. 21; 97 2. 48; 103, 4; 107, 10; 108, 1⁰.

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⁷ Singular: Rv. v. 51, 4; viii. 4, 4; 76, 10; ix. 46, 3; x. 24, 1. Dual: i. 28, 9; iv. 18, 3; vi. 57, 2; ix. 36, 1.

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⁸ Hillebrandt, op. cit., i, 158-164.

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In a derivative sense Camū appears in the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa⁹ to denote a trough, either of solid stone or consisting of bricks, used by the Eastern people to protect the body of the dead from contact with the earth, like modern stone-lined graves or vaults.

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⁹ xiii. 8, 2, 1; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 44, 430, n. 1. In Śāṅkhāyana Śrauta Sūtra, xiv. 22, 19, the sense is doubtful. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp. 105 et seq.

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Caraka primarily denotes a ‘wandering student,’ a sense actually found in the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad.¹ More especially it denotes the members of a school of the Black Yajurveda, the practices of which are several times referred to with disapproval in the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa.² In the Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā³ the Caraka teacher (Carakācārya) is enumerated among the sacrificial victims at the Puruṣamedha, or human sacrifice. His dedication there to ill-doing is a clear hint of a ritual feud.

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¹ iii. 3, 1.

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² iii. 8, 2, 24 (where the reference is to Taittirīya Saṃhitā vi. 3, 9, 6; 10, 2, or some parallel passage); iv. 1, 2, 19; 2, 3, 15; 4, 1. 10; vi. 2, 2, 1. 10; viii. 1, 3, 7; 1, 14. 24.

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³ xxx. 18; Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa, iii. 4, 16, 1. Its occurrence in the latter text renders improbable von Schroeder's view, Indiens Literatur und Cultur, 188, that Caraka included all the Black Yajurveda schools. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 2, 287, n. 2; 3, 256, 257, 454; Indian Literature, 87; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 212.

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Caraka-brāhmaṇa is the name of a work from which Sāyaṇa quotes in his commentary on the Rigveda.¹

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¹ viii. 66, 10; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 41.

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Carācara (‘running about’), a term found classed with Sarīsṛpa in the Yajurveda Saṃhitās,¹ must apparently denote some kind of animal.

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¹ Taittirīya Saṃhitā, i. 8, 13, 3; Kāṭhaka Saṃhitā, xv. 5, 3; Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitā, iii. 12, 10; Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā, xxii. 29.

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Caru designates a ‘kettle’ or ‘pot’ from the Rigveda onwards.¹ It had a lid (apidhāna) and hooks (aṅka) by which it could be hung over a fire.² It was made of iron or bronze³ (ayasmaya). The word is also secondarily used⁴ to denote the contents of the pot, the mess of grain which was cooked in it.

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¹ Rv. i. 7, 6; vii. 104, 2; ix. 52, 3; x. 86, 18; 167, 4; Av. iv. 7, 4; ix. 5, 6; xi. 1, 16; 3, 18; xviii. 4, 16 et seq., etc. It is called pañca-bila, ‘with five openings,’ in the Taittirīya Saṃhitā, i. 6, 1, 2; Kāṭhaka Saṃhitā, v. 6; xxxii. 6; Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitā, i. 4, 4. 9, etc.

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² Rv. i. 162, 13; Av. xviii. 4, 53.

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³ Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, xiii. 3, 4, 5. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 271.

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⁴ Taittirīya Saṃhitā, i. 8, 10, 1; Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, i. 1; Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, i. 7, 4, 7; ii. 5, 3, 4; iii. 2, 3, 1, etc. Cf. Weber, *Indische Studien*, 9, 216.

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Carman, denoting ‘hide’ in general, is a common expression from the Rigveda onwards.¹ The oxhide was turned to many uses, such as the manufacture of bowstrings, slings, and reins (see Go). It was especially often employed to place above the boards² on which the Soma was pressed with the stones.³ It was possibly also used for making skin bags.⁴ Carmaṇya denotes leather-work generally in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa.⁵

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¹ Rv. i. 85, 5; 110, 8; 161, 7; iii. 60, 2; iv. 13, 4, etc.; Av. v. 8, 13; x. 9, 2; xi. 1, 9, etc.; Taittirīya Saṃhitā, iii. 1, 7, 1; vi. 1, 9, 2, etc. The stem carma, neuter (loc., carme), is found in the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa, ii. 7, 2, 2.

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² Hillebrandt, *Vedische Mythologie*, i, 148-150; 181-183.

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³ Rv. x. 94, 9; 116, 4.

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⁴ Rv. x. 106, 10, is so taken by Zimmer, *Altindisches Leben*, 228, who compares Odyssey, x. 19.

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⁵ v. 32. Cf. paricarmaṇya, Sāṅkhāyana Āraṇyaka, ii. 1.

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The art of tanning hides (*mlā*) was known as early as the Rigveda,⁶ where also the word for ‘tanner’ (*carmamna*) occurs.⁷ Details of the process are lacking, but the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa⁸ refers to stretching out a hide with pegs (*śaṅkubhiḥ*), and the Rigveda⁹ mentions the wetting of the hide.

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⁶ viii. 55, 3 (a late hymn).

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⁷ viii. 5, 38; Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā, xxx. 15; Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa, iii. 4, 13, 1. For the form, cf. Macdonell, *Vedic Grammar*, p. 38, n. 1; p. 249, n. 4.

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⁸ ii. 1, 1, 9.

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⁹ i. 85, 5. Cf. Zimmer, *Altindisches Leben*, 228, 253.

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Carṣaṇi, used in the plural, denotes in the Rigveda¹ ‘men’ in general or ‘people,’ conceived either as active beings² or as cultivators³ in opposition to nomads. The expression ‘king of men’ (*rājā carṣaṇīnām*) is frequently found.⁴ The ‘people’ are also mentioned in connexion with war.⁵ In the Atharvaveda⁶ ‘animals’ (*paśu*) and ‘men’ (*carṣaṇi*) are spoken of together. For the five *carṣaṇayaḥ* see Pañca Janāsaḥ.

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¹ Rv. i. 86, 5; 184, 4; iii. 43, 2; iv. 7, 4; v. 23, 1; vi. 2, 2; x. 180, 3, etc.

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² If derived from car, ‘move,’ which is probable.

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³ If derived from kṛṣ, ‘plough’ or ‘till.’

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⁴ Rv. iii. 10, 1; v. 39, 4; vi. 30, 5; viii. 70, 1; x. 139, 1, etc.

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⁵ Rv. i. 55, 1; 109, 6; iv. 31, 4; 37, 8; vi. 31, 1, etc.

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⁶ xiii. 1, 38.

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⁷ Rv. v. 86, 2; vii. 15, 2; ix. 101, 9. For the derivation, see Macdonell, *Vedic Grammar*, 185, and especially 122, 2a (from *car*, ‘move’); Monier Williams, *Dictionary*, s.v. (from *kṛṣ*, ‘plough’).

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Caṣāla, the mortar-shaped top-piece of the sacrificial post (Yūpa), is mentioned from the Rigveda onwards.¹ In one passage of the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa² it is directed to be made of wheaten dough (*gaudhūma*).

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¹ Rv. i. 162, 6; Taittirīya Saṃhitā, vi. 3, 4, 2. 7; Kāṭhaka Saṃhitā, xxvi. 4, etc.; Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitā, i. 11, 8, etc.

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² v. 2, 1, 6. Cf. Eggeling, *Sacred Books of the East*, 26, 168, n. 1; 41, 31, n. 1.

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Cākra is the name of a man, variously styled Revottaras Sthapati Pāṭava Cākra¹ and Revottaras Pāṭava Cākra Sthapati,² who is mentioned in the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa only. He is there said to have been expelled by the Sṛñjayas, but to have restored to them their prince Duṣṭarītu despite the opposition of the Kauravya king Balhika Prātipīya.² He must have been a sage rather than a warrior, as the first passage of the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa¹ shows him in the capacity of a teacher only. *Cf.* Sthapati.

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¹ Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, xii. 8, 1, 17.

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² *Ibid.*, xii. 9, 3, *et seq*. Cf. Weber, *Indische Studien*, i, 205-207; 10, 85, n. 1; *Indian Literature*, 123; Eggeling, *Sacred Books of the East*, 44, 269 *et seq*., whose version is followed above.

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Cākrāyaṇa, ‘descendant of Cakra,’ is the patronymic of Uṣasta or Uṣasti.¹

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¹ Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad, iii. 5, 1; Chāndogya Upaniṣad, i. 10, 1; ii, 1.

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Cāṇḍāla. See Caṇḍāla.

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Cākṣuṣa, a word occurring once only in the Atharvaveda,¹ is, according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary, a patronymic (of Suyāman, a personification). Whitney² treats it as probably a simple adjective (‘of sight’).

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¹ xvi. 7, 7.

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² Translation of the Atharvaveda, 800.

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Cātur-māsya, ‘four-monthly,’ denotes the festival of the Vedic ritual held at the beginning of the three seasons of four months each, into which the Vedic year was artificially divided.¹ It is clear that the sacrifices commenced with the beginning of each season,² and it is certain that the first of them, the Vaiśvadeva, coincided with the Phālgunī full moon,³ the second, the Varuṇa-praghāsas, with the Āṣāḍhī full moon,⁴ and the third, the Sāka-medha, with the Kārttikī full moon.⁵ There were, however, two alternative datings: the festivals could also be held in the Caitrī, the Śrāvaṇī, and Āgrahāyaṇī (Mārgaśīrṣī) full moons,⁶ or in the Vaiśākhī, Bhādrapadī, and Pauṣī full moons.⁷ Neither of the later datings is found in a Brāhmaṇa text, but each may well have been known early, since the Taittirīya Saṃhitā⁸ and the Pañcaviṃśa Brāhmaṇa⁹ both recognize the full moon in the month Caitra as an alternative to the full moon in the month Phālguna, for the beginning of the year.

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¹ Taittirīya Saṃhitā, i. 6, 10, 3; Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa, i. 4, 9, 5; ii. 2, 2, 2; Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, i. 6, 3, 36; ii. 5, 2, 48; 6, 4, 1; v. 2, 3, 10; xiii. 2, 5, 2; Kauṣitaki Brāhmaṇa, v. 1, etc.

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² Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, i. 6, 3, 36 (cf. xiv. 1, 1, 28); Kauṣitaki Brāhmaṇa, v. 1.

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³ In the month Phālguna, or February-March.

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⁴ In the month Āṣāḍha, or June-July.

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⁵ That is, in the month Kārttika, when the moon is in the asterism Kṛttikā: Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, ii. 6, 3, 13; Kauṣitaki Brāhmaṇa, v. 1, etc.

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⁶ Śāṅkhāyana Śrauta Sūtra, iii. 13, 1; 14, 1. 2; 15, 1. These are the full-moon days in the months Caitra (March-April), Śrāvaṇa (July-August), and Mārgaśīrṣa (November-December) respectively.

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⁷ Deva’s Paddhati on Kātyāyana Srauta Sūtra, pp. 430, 450, 497. These are the full-moon days in the months Vaiśākha (April-May), Bhādrapada (August-September), and Pauṣa (December-January) respectively.

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⁸ vii. 4, 8, 1. 2.

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⁹ v. 9, 8. 11.

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Jacobi considers that the commencement of the year with the full moon in the asterism Phalgunī, which is supported by other evidence,¹⁰ indicates that the year at one time began with the winter solstice with the moon in Phalgunī, corresponding to the summer solstice when the sun was in Phalgunī. These astronomical conditions, he believes, existed in the time of the Rigveda,¹¹ and prevailed in the fourth millennium B.C. The alternative dates would then indicate periods when the winter solstice coincided with the Caitrī or the Vaiśākhī full moon. But Oldenberg¹² and Thibaut¹³ seem clearly right in holding that the coincidence of Phālgunī with the beginning of spring,¹⁴ which is certain, is fatal to this view, and that there is no difficulty in regarding this date as consistent with the date of the winter solstice in the new moon of Māgha, which is given by the Kauṣītaki Brāhmaṇa,¹⁵ and which forms the basis of the calculations of the Jyotiṣa.¹⁶ The full moon in Phālguna would be placed about one month and a half after the winter solstice, or, say, in the first week of February, which date, according to Thibaut, may reasonably be deemed to mark the beginning of a new season in India about 800 B.C. At the same time it must be remembered that the date was necessarily artificial, inasmuch as the year was divided into three seasons, each of four months, and the Indian year does not in fact consist of three equal seasons. The variations of the other datings would then not be unnatural if any school wished to defer its spring festival, the Vaiśvadeva, to the time when spring had really manifested itself. See also Saṃvatsara.

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¹⁰ Indian Antiquary, 23, 156 et seq.; Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 49, 223 et seq.; 50, 72-81.

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¹¹ vii. 103, 9; x. 85, 13. Cf. Festgruss an Rudolf von Roth, 68 et seq.

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¹² *Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft*, 48, 630 *et seq.*; 49, 475, 476; 50, 453-457.

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¹³ *Indian Antiquary*, 24, 86 *et seq*.

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¹⁴ See Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa, i. 1, 2, 6. 8; Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, xiii. 4, 1, 2-4. So the Phālgunī full moon is called 'the mouth of the seasons (ṛtūnāṃ mukham) — e.g., Pañcaviṃśa Brāhmaṇa, xxi. 15, 2; Kāṭhaka Saṃhitā, viii. 1; Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitā, i. 6, 9; and the first season is always spring: Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, i. 5, 3, 8-14; ii. 1, 3, 1; vii. 2, 4, 26; xi. 2, 7, 32; xii. 8, 2, 34; xiii. 5, 4, 28; Taittirīya Saṃhitā, ii. 1, 2, 5; Kāṭhaka Saṃhitā, xiii. 1. 7, etc. See Weber, *Naxatra*, 2, 352.

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¹⁵ xix. 3.

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¹⁶ Thibaut, *Astronomie, Astrologie, und Mathematik*, 17, 18. Cf. Weber, *Naxatra*, 2, 329 *et seq.*; Whitney, *Journal of the American Oriental Society*, 16, lxxxvi., lxxxvii.; Keith, *Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society*, 1909, 1101-1104.

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Cāndhanāyana is the patronymic of Ānandaja in the Vamśa Brāhmaṇa.¹

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¹ *Indische Studien*, 4, 372, 383.

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Cāyamāna is the patronymic in the Rigveda (vi. 27, 5. 8) of Abhyāvartin.

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Cāṣa, the ‘blue woodpecker’ (*Coracias indica*), is mentioned in the Rigveda,¹ as well as in the list of victims at the Aśvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the Yajurveda.²

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¹ x. 97, 13.

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² Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitā, iii. 14, 4; 15, 9; Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā, xxiv. 23; xxv. 7. Cf. Zimmer, *Altindisches Leben*, 92.

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Ciccika is a bird mentioned with the equally unknown Vṛṣārava in one hymn of the Rigveda.¹ It may perhaps be compared with the Ciṭaka mentioned by Dārila in his commentary on the Kauśika Sūtra.²

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¹ x. 146, 2.

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² xxvi. 20; Bloomfield, *Hymns of the Atharvaveda*, 266. Cf. Zimmer, *Altindisches Leben*, 90; Griffith, *Hymns of the Rigveda*, 2, 589.

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Citra is the name of several persons. (*a*) The Rigveda¹ contains a Dānastuti (‘Praise of Gifts’) of a prince Citra. The later legend² attributes this panegyric to Sobhari, and describes Citra as king of the rats.

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¹ viii. 21, 18.

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² Bṛhaddevatā, vii. 58 *et seq.*, with Macdonell’s notes.

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(*b*) Citra Gāṅgyāyani or Gārgyāyani is mentioned in the Kauṣītaki Upaniṣad¹ as a contemporary of Āruṇi and Śvetaketu.

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¹ i. 1. Cf. Weber, *Indische Studien*, i, 395; Keith, *Śāṅkhāyana Āraṇyaka*, 16, n. 1.

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(*c*) Citra Gauśrāyaṇi is mentioned as a teacher in the Kauṣītaki Brāhmaṇa.¹

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¹ xxiii. 5. Cf. Weber, *loc. cit.*

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Citra-ratha (‘having a brilliant car’) is the name of two persons.

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(*a*) It designates an Āryan prince, who, with Arṇa, was defeated by Indra for the Turvaśa-Yadus on the Sarayu (perhaps the modern Sarju in Oudh), according to the Rigveda (iv. 30, 18). The locality would accord with the close connexion of Turvaśa and Krivi or Pañcāla.

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(b) Citraratha is also the name of a king for whom the Kāpeyas performed a special kind of sacrifice (dvirātra), with the result, according to the Pañcaviṃśa Brāhmaṇa,¹ that in the Caitrarathi family only one member was a Kṣatra-pati, the rest dependents. Apparently this must mean that the Caitrarathis were distinguished from other families of princes by the fact that the chief of the clan received a markedly higher position than in most cases, in which probably the heads of the family were rather an oligarchy than a monarch and his dependents. See Rājan.

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¹ xx. 12, 5. Cf. Hopkins, *Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences*, 15, 52, 53; Weber, *Indische Studien*, I, 32; *Indian Literature*, 68, n.

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Citrā. See Nakṣatra.

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Cilvaṭi is the name of an unknown animal in the Gopatha Brāhmaṇa (i. 2, 7).

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Cīpudru designates some substance mentioned in a hymn of the Atharvaveda¹ as of use in healing. The commentator Sāyaṇa reads Cīpadru, and explains the word as a kind of tree. This interpretation is supported by the fact that the Kauśika Sūtra² refers to the employment of splinters of Palāśa wood in the ritual application of this hymn.³ Whitney⁴ suggests that the form of the word should be Cīpuḍu.

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¹ vi. 127, 2.

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² xxvi. 34.

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³ Av. vi. 127.

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⁴ Translation of the Atharvaveda, 376. Cf. Bloomfield, *Hymns of the Atharvaveda*, 350-352; *Atharvaveda*, 62; Zimmer, *Altindisches Leben*, 386. The text of Roth and Whitney reads by error *Śipudru*.

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Cumuri is the name of an enemy of Dabhīti, for whom he, along with his friend Dhuni, is mentioned in the Rigveda¹ as having been defeated by Indra. Elsewhere² the two are spoken of, along with Śambara, Pipru, and Śuṣṇa, as having been crushed by Indra, who destroyed their castles. It is impossible to say whether real men or demons are meant, but in favour of a man being denoted by Cumuri is the form of the name, which seems not to be Āryan.³

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¹ vi. 20, 13; x. 113, 9. In vi. 26, 6, Cumuri alone is mentioned, and Dāsas or Dasyus generally are stated to have been subdued for Dabhīti in iv. 30, 21; ii. 13, 9. See also ii. 15, 9; vii. 19, 4.

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² Rv. vi. 18, 8.

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³ Wackernagel, *Altindische Grammatik*, 3, 275; Macdonell, *Vedic Mythology*, 1, xxii. Cf. Hillebrandt, *Vedische Mythologie*, p. 162.

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Cūḍa Bhāgavitti (‘descendant of Bhagavitta’) is mentioned in the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad¹ as a pupil of Madhuka Paingya.

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¹ vi. 3, 9 (Kāṇva=vi. 3, 17. 18 Mādhyamdina). The text of the Kāṇva has, as usual, Cūla.

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Cūrṇa appears to denote an aromatic powder in the phrase *cūrṇa-hasta*, used of the Apsarases in the Kauṣītaki Upaniṣad (i. 4).

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Cedi is the name of a people who, with their king Kaśu, the Caidya, are mentioned only in a Dānastuti (‘Praise of Gifts’), occurring at the end of one hymn of the Rigveda,¹ where their generosity is celebrated as unsurpassed. They occur later in the Epic with the Matsyas, and lived in Bandela Khaṇḍa (Bundelkhand).² In Vedic times they were probably situated in much the same locality.

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¹ viii. 5, 37-39. 129; Pargiter, *Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society*, 1908, 332; Oldenberg, *Buddha*, 402.

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² Lassen, *Indische Alterthumskunde*, 1², 688, n. 3; Zimmer, *Altindisches Leben*,

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Celaka Śāṇḍilyāyana (‘descendant of Śāṇḍilya’) is mentioned as a teacher in the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa (x. 4, 5, 3).

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Caikitāneya (‘descendant of Cekitāna’) is mentioned as a teacher in the Jaiminīya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa.¹ The Caikitāneyas are also referred to there² in connexion with the Sāman which they worshipped. Brahmadatta Caikitāneya is brought into connexion with the Sāman in the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad,³ and Vāsiṣṭha Caikitāneya is known to the Ṣaḍviṃśa⁴ and Vamśa Brāhmaṇas.⁵ The word is a patronymic, formed from Caikitāna, according to Śaṅkara,⁶ but more probably from Cekitāna,⁷ a name found in the Epic.

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¹ i. 37, 7; ii. 5, 2.

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² i. 42, 1.

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³ i. 3, 24.

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⁴ iv. 1.

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⁵ *Indische Studien*, 4, 373, 384.

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⁶ On Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad, loc. cit.

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⁷ St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

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Caikitāyana, ‘descendant of Cikitāyana¹ or Cekita,’² is the patronymic of Dālbhya in the Chāndogya Upaniṣad.³

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¹ Śaṅkara on Chāndogya Upaniṣad, i. 8, 1.

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² St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

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³ i. 8, 1.

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Caitra is the patronymic of Yajñasena in the Kāṭhaka Saṃhitā (xxi. 4).

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Caitra-rathi. See Citraratha and Satyādhivāka.

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Caitriyāyaṇa is the patronymic or metronymic of the teacher Yajñasena in the Taittirīya Saṃhitā (v. 3, 8, 1).

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Caidya. See Cedi.

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Cailaki, ‘descendant of Celaka,’ is the patronymic of Jivala in the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa (ii. 3, 1, 34).

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Cora, ‘thief,’ is only found in the Taittirīya Āraṇyaka, a late work, in its last book (x. 65). The Vedic terms are Taskara Tāyu, Stena, and Paripanthin.

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Cyavatāna Mārutāśva (‘descendant of Marutāśva’) is apparently the name of a prince in a Dānastuti (‘Praise of Gifts’), in the Rigveda.¹ Two distinct persons may, however, be meant.

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¹ v. 33, 9. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3. 155.

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Cyavana,¹ Cyavāna,² are variant forms of the name of an ancient Ṛṣi, or seer. The Rigveda³ represents him as an old decrepit man, to whom the Aśvins restored youth and strength, making him acceptable to his wife, and a husband of maidens.

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¹ This form is found even in the Nirukta (iv. 19), regularly in all the Vedic texts other than the Rigveda, and in the Epic.

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² The Rv. has this form throughout.

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³ i. 116, 10; 117, 13; 118, 6; v. 74, 5; vii. 68, 6; 71, 5; x. 39, 4.

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The legend is given in another form in the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa,⁴ where Cyavana is described as wedding Sukanyā, the daughter of Śaryāta. He is there called a Bhṛgu or Āṅgirasa, and is represented as having been rejuvenated by immersion in a pond—the first occurrence of a motive, later very common in Oriental literature. Another legend about Cyavana is apparently alluded to in an obscure hymn of the Rigveda,⁵ where he seems to be opposed to the Paktha prince Tūrvayāṇa, an Indra worshipper, while Cyavana seems to have been specially connected with the Aśvins. This explanation of the hymn, suggested by Pischel,⁶ is corroborated by the Jaiminīya Brāhmaṇa,⁷ which relates that Vidanvant, another son of Bhṛgu, supported Cyavana against Indra, who was angry with him for sacrificing to the Aśvins; it is also noteworthy that the Aśvins appear in the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa⁸ as obtaining a share in the sacrifice on the suggestion of Sukanyā. But a reconciliation of Indra and Cyavana must have taken place, because the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa⁹ relates the inauguration of Śaryāta by Cyavana with the great Indra consecration (*aindreṇa mahābhiṣekeṇa*). In the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa¹⁰ Cyavana is mentioned as a seer of Sāmans or Chants.

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⁴ iv. 1, 5, *et seq.*

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⁵ x. 61, 1-3.

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⁶ *Vedische Studien*, 1, 71-77; accepted by Griffith, *Hymns of the Rigveda*, 2, 465.

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⁷ iii. 121-128; *Journal of the American Oriental Society*, 11, cxlvi; 26, 43 *et seq.*

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⁸ iv. 1, 5, 13 *et seq.*

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⁹ viii. 21, 4; Pischel, *op. cit.*, 1, 75.

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¹⁰ xiii. 5, 12; xix. 3, 6; xiv. 6, 10; xi. 8, 11. Cf. Muir, *Sanskrit Texts*, 5, 243, 250-254; Ludwig, *Translation of the Rigveda*, 3, 156; Macdonell, *Vedic Mythology*, pp. 51, 52; Hopkins, *Journal of the American Oriental Society*, 26, 43 *et seq.*; *Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences*, 15, 56, 57.

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