Siyar al-mutaʾakhkhirin 10: Introduction to the revolutions in Bengal.
A Translation of the Seir Mutaqherin (Haji Mustafa) 10
- Language
- English
Contents
Introduction to the revolutions in Bengal.
10.1.1
Shudjah-eddoülah, alias Shudjah-qhan, the then Sübahdar or Viceroy of Bengal, was a native of Bürhanpür, a city in Decan, and by origin an Afshar, which is a tribe of Turks dwelling in Qhorassan, a province of Iran. He was one of the principal men of that city, and having contracted an alliance with Djaafer-qhan, another man of consequence of the same city, he lived with that nobleman, who in Aoreng-zib's time had become Divan of Bengal, and in process of time had obtained likewise the Nizamet or Military Government of the same province. By means of the alliance between them, every preferment obtained by Djaafer-qhan proved an accession of influence to the son-in-law likewise, and the father-in-law having joined in his person the distinct offices of Divan and Nazem of the two Governments of Bengal and Oressa, procured the SSbahdary or Viceroyalty of the latter province for Shudjah-qhan, who went and established his residence there, not only in order to inspect himself the affairs of his government, but also because there had arisen such a diversity of tempers and opinions, between these noble persons, that they could no more live together upon those terms of concord which decency prescribed. The son-in-law therefore wished to live at a distance from his father-in-law. He was a man of a moderate temper and a lover of justice, and he bore a character for many valuable qualifications that had acquired him the esteem and respect of all the world.
10.1.2
Djaafer-qhan was the very reverse of him, and universally known for such. Another subject of difference was the dislike taken at Shudjah-qhan by his consort, Zinet-en-nessa-begum, daughter of Djaafer-qhan, and mother of Ser-efraz-qhan. This Princess, who was of a virtuous disposition, and a pattern of chastity, had her heart alienated from her husband, not only on account of his being upon such bad terms with her father, but especially on account of his excessive proneness to the love of women. She parted with him, and taking her son with her, she chose her residence in Moorshood-abad, a city founded by her father, and named with his title which was Moorshood-cooly-qhan, where she lived in great splendour, and where she would have probably continued to enjoy tranquillity, had not fate suscitated a man predestined to overturn her family, and to change the face of these countries. There appeared at this time at court a person called Mirza-mahmed, husband to a lady, who being herself of the Afshar tribe, was allied to Shudjah-qhan. This Mirza-mahmed had with him an elder son of his, by name Hadji Ahmed, and a younger son, Mirza-mahmed-aaly, since known under the name of Aaly-verdy-qhan, and the title of Mehabet-djung. This Mirza-mahmed had been in the service of Aazem-shah the forgiven; and on his master's death, he was reduced to the utmost poverty and distress, having lived a long time out of employment, and being obliged to support a family equally numerous and indigent.
10.1.3
In this extremity Mirza-mahmed-aaly, son to Mirza-mahmed, betook himself to the expedient of sending his mother and father to the court of Shudjah-qhan, and this happened in the beginning of Mahmed-shah's reign. That Governor glad to oblige a relation, conferred several favours on Mirza-mahmed, took him into his service, and shewed him so much kindness, that Mirza-mahmed-aaly, the son, resolved to repair likewise to the court of Bengal and Oressa, a resolution which he effected with the utmost difficulty, on account of his being entirely destitute of the means of performing so long a journey. He at last arrived at the court of Oressa, and being a man of a keen genius, of an insinuating turn of mind, and of a temper capable of the most delicate affairs, to the niceties of which he knew how to adapt himself, he soon joined to these civil qualifications, the military ones of an intrepid bravery, and an undaunted prowess, and he acquired so great a character, that Shudjah-qhan congratulated himself on the acquisition of so excellent a subject, and looked on his arrival as upon an event of unexpected good luck, that prognosticated the rise of his protector's family; insomuch that Mirza-mahmed-aaly rose in favour and in credit from day to day, and was promoted to the highest offices;
10.1.4
and now the plant of inclination and attachment having taken a firm footing between these two persons, and its strength having been tried and confirmed by experience, Mirza-mahmed-aaly sent for his brother, Hadji Ahmed, with the consorts, children and relations of the whole family, which then lived at Shah-djehan-abad; and the latter having accordingly assembled the whole of them, he travelled into Bengal, from whence he repaired to the court of Oressa, where being arrived, he was, as well as his younger brother, taken into favour, and promoted to offices and employments; and as the two brothers were both men of abilities, of much versatility of mind, and of such a perseverance as was capable of surmounting the greatest difficulties, they strengthened so much Shudjah-qhan's government, as to become the foundation of that elevation to which it rose in the sequel. Particular arrangements were introduced into the department of finances, and the revenues greatly augmented by their application and their industry; but Mirza-mahmed-aaly, who to the political abilities of his brother, joined a brilliant character, as a soldier, and had always displayed a greater extent of genius, than either his father or brother, came soon to eclipse all his relations, as well as all the persons in Shudjah-qhan's service, in so much that he became in time exposed to the shafts of envy, both from relations and strangers.
10.1.5
This envy had risen to a pitch, when his protector, who kept several of his agents at court, obtained for him a grade of honour with the appellation of Mahmed-aaly-verdy-qhan, a distinction which jealousy could not bear. All this while Djaafer-qhan continued displeased with his son-in-law, and as his life was drawing to an end, he conceived the project of procuring the Nizamet of Bengal for Ser-efraz-qhan, his grandson by Zinet-en-nessa, a young Prince, who had already the Divanship or Intendance of that province. Full of that scheme, he wrote to his agents at court, and spared no pains and no expense to obtain an object that had now become the wish of his heart, and on the completion of which he expected to be succeeded by his grandson in both those offices. This project having come to the knowledge of Shudjah-qhan, the latter applied to both Aaly-verdy-qhan, and to Hadji Amed, his brother, for advice. The two brothers agreed in giving one and the same counsel, and in pointing at one and the same method of succeeding. They, first of all, recommended some acquaintances of theirs, men of talents, and of a ready speech, to be dispatched immediately to the court of Shah-djehan-abad, with full powers to treat; and then, they brought the minutes of the supplications which it became necessary to write to the Emperor, to the Vezir, and to the Prince of Princes, Qhandoüran.
10.1.6
These were drawn up in an elegant, conciliating style, calculated to sooth and to persuade, and they requested the patents of Divan and Nazem in Shudjah-qhan's name, for both the provinces of Bengal and Oressa. With these credentials, the envoys were dispatched to the capital and ordered to make the utmost dispatch. Other trusty men of the military kind, were at the same time dismissed upon some pretence from Shudjah-qhan's service, but in fact, were only dispatched by various roads to Moorshoodabad, with orders to keep themselves disjointed, but in the environs of Djaafer-qhan's palace, so as to be night and day ready to execute such new orders as would be sent after them. But as the rainy season was at hand, and it was foreseen that the inundation would necessarily preclude all communication from Cateck to Moorshoodabad, a vast number of boats of all sizes, and for all uses, were therefore provided, and a multitude of boatmen assembled and kept in pay to the end that, on the very first intelligence of Djaafer-qhan's demise, Shudjah-qhan might, without hinderance, proceed to Mooshoodabad immediately. A secret post was also established betwixt Cateck and Shah-djehan-abad, not only for the sake of receiving as soon as possible the desired patents, but also for being every day furnished with intelligence from both that capital and Moorshoodabad.
10.1.7
At last a letter of undoubted credit having informed Shudjah-qhan, that Djaafer-qhan had hardly five or six days to live, he set out from Cateck, taking with him Aaly-verdy-qhan, and such a number of friends and troops as he thought sufficient, and he proceeded hastily to Moorshoodabad, sometimes by water, and sometimes by land, just as opportunity served. He had a son by a lady different from Djaafer-qhan's daughter. It was Mahmed-tacky-qhan, and him he appointed his deputy at Cateck. Whilst he was proceeding with so much expedition, he received certain intelligence that Djaafer-qhan was dead, and a few days after, being yet upon the road, he received the patent for which he had applied to court. This spot proving so auspicious to him he stopped awhile, and called it Mubareck-menzil, or the auspicious stage. From thence he proceeded with as much expedition as a simple courier, and in a few days he arrived at Moorshoodabad, where without giving himself time to take breath, he directly repaired to the Chehel-sutun, a place raised by Djaafer-qhan on forty pillars for such solemnities;
10.1.8
and sending for the Vacaa-naviss or gazetteer, and the Sevaneh-naviss or crown-intelligencer, with some other Crown-officers, and the principal men of the city, he produced his patents, got them read aloud by those two officers, and having procured himself to be acknowledged as the lawful Subahdar of the two provinces, he took possession of the Mesned, sat in it, and ordered the Imperial music to strike up in rejoicing; after which he received Nuzurs of acknowledgment and congratulation from every one present. What is very singular, is that his son, Ser-efraz-qhan, an unsuspecting young man, fast asleep in the lap of ignorance and security, was actually at a country-seat about two miles from the city, in the full confidence that he was the designed and undoubted heir of Djaafer-qhan, his grandfather, in his offices and estate, and that there was no man daring enough to dispute his title; nor did he know any thing of what was passing within the city. The first intelligence he had, was from the sound of the Imperial Nagara and from the music which had struck up. Confounded and astonished at the intelligence that was soon brought him, he stopped short, and asked his principal courtiers, and the principal officers of his troops, what they thought was to be done? Most of them answered unanimously, "that as his father had received and proclaimed his patents; had "taken possession of the Mesned of command as well as of the "palace and the city; had been peaceably acknowledged;
10.1.9
and "was master of the treasury; there remained no other party, but "that of submission." This unanimous opinion of theirs having been submitted to by the young man, he left his retinue behind, and taking only a few servants, he advanced briskly; and whether he would or not, he kissed his father's feet, presented his Nuzur, congratulated him on his accession, and dropped every thought of dispute and contention. This inauguration being over, Shudjah-qhan turned his mind (and he had an excellent one) towards putting in order the affairs of Government and finance.
10.2.1
His chief counsellor and adviser was Aaly-verdy-qhan; but he availed himself likewise of the abilities of Hadji Ahmed, the latter's brother, and of those of Ray-aalem-chund, an ancient Divan or Minister of his, who was really a Hindoo of merit, and such as deserved all the confidence and trust reposed in him. He also called to his councils several well-wishers of his, and especially Djagat-seat-fateh-chund, a famous banker of those days, whose wealth was reckoned by corors, and who has never had his equal. All this assistance was only for public business, but in private matters, and in every difference between man and man, he would trust to no one whatever; but sending for the parties, and listening patiently and leisurely to the tales of each, he accurately summed up the reasons of both sides, and with much subtility drew up his conclusions from them, pronounced the sentence, and had it executed with dispatch and punctuality. No recommendation, no entreaties from the nearest relation, would avail, if they proved to militate against the justice arising from a thorough examination of the case. His equity and humanity were no less conspicuous to the Zemindars and other landholders of Bengal. These, under Djaafer-qhan's administration, had been mostly kept in prison and confinement, and tormented in such a variety of manners, that it would be a pity to spend any paper or ink in describing or mentioning them.
10.2.2
It is doubtless of such characters and morals that the Poet Saady had in view when he wrote these verses:— "Never be guilty of such actions as dishonour your family and person, "For fear lest people one day should curse both your person and family." Shudjah-qhan, after having firmly established his Government, dismissed such Zemindars and other landholders, as he found to be innocent, and free from crime or fraud; as to the others, he ordered them to be all brought into his presence and to form a circle round his person; and this being done, he asked them, how they would behave in future, should he release them from the miseries of confinement and restore to them the blessing of liberty and the sweets of free air? The poor people, who had been for years languishing in confinement, and had undergone a variety of torments and racks, surprised at this address, broke forth in encomiums on his generosity and goodness; and after supplicating Heaven to grant him a long series of prosperous years, they unanimously raised their voices, and promised that henceforward they would pay their rents with a thousand times more punctuality than they had done heretofore, and would, moreover, prove obedient and dutiful in whatever services his goodness might think fit to command.
10.2.3
This promise they couched down in a particular writing, which was authenticated by the proper formalities, and after having opposed their hands and seals to it, they confirmed their promises with the most sacred oaths, and with the most solemn execrations against anyone that should act contrary to its tenor. This matter being over, Shudja-qhan sent for a number of rich Qhylaats, in which they were dressed, every one of them according to their respective rank and station; insomuch, that there was not a man in that assembly that did not receive a suitable present. After that ceremony they were all dismissed to their regretted homes, with injunctions to transmit henceforwards their rent by the means of Djagat-seat.
10.2.4
It is in consequence of so much benignity of temper, and such a celestial distribution of justice, that the kingdom of Bengal, which in books is called the terrestrial paradise, came to enjoy so much prosperity, as to exhibit everywhere an air of plenty and happiness quite analogous to the title it bore. The inhabitants of that happy region enjoyed under his government every ease and benefit, which a Government founded on justice and benignity could bestow; and every one of them were unanimous in offering up their supplications to Heaven for his conservation and prosperity. As soon as the Zemindars were dismissed, he turned his views towards the distribution of offices and employments; and he continued his eldest son, Ser-efraz-qhan, in the Divanship of Bengal, as he did Mahmed-tacky-qhan, his second son, in the Government of Oressa. The Government of Djehan-ghir-nagur-Daca he bestowed on his son-in-law, Murshed-culy-qhan.
10.2.5
The family of his friend and favourite, Aaly-verdy-qhan, could not fail to partake of that distribution of graces and employments; and as the favourite had three nephews, to whom he had given his three daughters, they were promoted equally. Sayd-ahmed-qhan, second son of Hadji Ahmed, was appointed to the Fodjdary of Rungpûr, and Zin-eddin-ahmed-qhan, the youngest, to that of Acbar-nagur, vulgo Radjemahal. But Nuvazish-mahamed-qhan, the eldest, was invested with the office of Paymaster of the forces. These were particular offices. For in the general affairs of government and finance, he had formed a kind of council, composed of Aaly-verdy-qhan — Hadji Ahmed — the Ray-rayan — Aalem-chund, and the Djagat-seat-fateh-chund; and these were invested with the power of binding and loosing, and acted as his Chief Ministers. Matters remained in that state, until Fahr-eddöwlah being dismissed from his Government of Azim-abad, that province was annexed to the Viceroyalty of Bengal, and the patents of it were sent to Shudja-qhan by Qhandöwran, his particular protector. Shudja-qhan on being invested with the new Government, turned his thoughts towards discovering a proper subject to send thither, as his Deputy, and several persons were proposed to him by his council, to all of whom he objected. At last he resolved to send one of his two sons.
10.2.6
But Zinet-en-nessa, his consort, would not consent to her being parted from her son, who acted already as Divan of Bengal, and on the other hand, she objected to Mahmed-tacky-qhan, as to a stranger; so that her husband at last became of the same opinion. He reflected that the Bahar was a country that required a curbing hand; that it bordered on the Aûd, the Ilah-abad, the Barar, and the dependencies of Aoreng-abad, with the Governors of which countries it ought to keep a correspondence; and he concluded that such a post could not be properly filled by any but by Aaly-verdy-qhan. On his proposing him to his council, his choice was unanimously approved, as none of his counsellors had any views of his own, and they paid many encomiums to the penetration of his mind, in singling out the very man wanted. The appointment being published, Shudjah-qhan resolved to decorate Aaly-verdy-qhan with new titles, and new honours and dignities. The title of Bahadyr or valiant, and that of Mehabet-djung or the formidable and majestuous in battles, an addition to his military grade that should raise the whole to the command of five thousand horse, a fringed Paleky, a standard, and a kettle-drum, were the new honours which he wanted to confer upon him, and for which he immediately applied through his agents to the Emperor, and to his favourite Minister, QhandoSran. Zinet being informed of the new appointment, expressed her approbation ;
10.2.7
and willing to confer an obligation on Aaly-verdy-qhan, she sent for him to the gate of her apartment, and having ordered a rich Qhylaat to be put upon his shoulders, she conferred upon him the Government of Bahar, as from herself. And it was only after this investiture, that Shudjah-qhan himself sent for him, and presented him, on his part also, with the Qhylaat of the Deputyship or Niabet of Azim-abad, to which he joined the patent of it, with an elephant, a sabre, and a quantity of jewels. A number of troops was appointed to serve under him ; after which he was dismissed, with injunctions to bring the province under a proper order and subordination. History ought to remark that a few days before this elevation, a grandson was born to Aaly-verdy-qhan from his youngest daughter, married to his youngest nephew, Zin-eddin-ahmedqhan; and as he had no son of his own, he called him Mirza-mahmed, after his own name, adopted him for his son, and had him educated in his own house. He ascribed to his auspicious birth, that sudden flow of honours, dignities, and favours; and on that account he redoubled his affection for him. Aaly-verdy-qhan, before his departure, obtained leave to carry with him two of his sons-in-law, with several of his relations, and after a prosperous journey, he made his entry in Azim-abad;
10.2.8
and having stayed a whole year in the province, he returned to Moorshoodabad to pay his respects to his benefactor and master, was received with every mark of distinction and favour, and sent back to his Government; nor was it long before he received the patent of those dignities and those honours that had been devised for him by his protector. He received from Court the fringed Paleky, and the standard and kettle-drum, with the other insignia of his dignity; and these did not contribute a little to the exaltation of his character in the minds of the people, by adding so much lustre to his pomp and retinue. But he was not dazzled by them. Being a man of wisdom and industry, endowed with a lofty enterprising mind, ever intent on high designs, he soon observed how precarious was his situation, and he therefore commenced his administration by introducing order in the city, augmenting and inuring his forces, gaining the hearts of the subjects, attaching the military to his person, and chastising and bringing to order the Zemindars and other refractory persons and insurgents of the province. Above all, he made it a standing rule to bring into his service as many military of character as he came to hear of in the neighbouring provinces; and by these means he in a little time found himself at the head of an army, well-appointed, and furnished with everything that could insure success.
10.2.9
Intent on adding to his power, and preparing himself for higher achievements, he was alert in chastising such of his dependants as attempted to go astray from the path of duty, and he made them serve for an example. He had taken into his service one Abdol-kerim-qhan, an Afghan-Rohila, who commanded fifteen hundred of his countrymen, and had such an opinion of his own strength and prowess, as to make little account of others, and in reality he deserved the high opinion he had conceived of his ownself. Aaly-verdy-qhan who had made use of him in many an arduous occasion, could not be but satisfied with his services; but he wanted likewise to reduce him to the rules of subordination, and to repress that forwardness of his, which prompted him to stretch his feet beyond the carpet of obedience and submission. The Afghan, proud of his prowess, minding no superior, and fearing no one, set his master at defiance, and continued to be guilty of actions that strongly savoured of an assuming refractory temper, and of a spirit of independence that spurned at control. Aaly-verdy-qhan reflected, that to dissemble with him any longer would only add to his presumption, and excite that of others, and that to connive at his excesses and insolencies any more, might prove highly imprudent, and even dangerous;
10.2.10
and he was convinced at the same time, how exceedingly improper it would be in a person of his high station to defer the punition of a headstrong man, whose punition ought to be held up in terrorem to others. The day then being fixed for that execution, Aaly-verdy-qhan ordered a number of his trustiest men to keep themselves in the Hall of Audience, and to fall upon him with their sabres as soon as that Afghan should enter, and presume to answer to a reprimand which he intended to give him. Effectively the next day the man, as usual, presented himself with ten of his followers, armed; but as he had always at the gate a couple of hundred of his men ready to support him, and he was himself a man of great personal strength and prowess, it was not an easy matter to come at him, or to find people that could match the man. Three such men having been pitched upon at last, were ordered to attend and to dispatch him. The next morning the execution took place; so that the smoke that used to arise from the heads of the refractory, was at once dissipated. The soldiery began to tremble, and many of the Zemindars, who had hitherto proved refractory, and had acted with all the freedom and insolence to which the weakness of the former administration had accustomed them, were set upon one after another, and severely chastised.
10.2.11
Some were torn out by the roots, and some, that were guilty likewise, but who had shewn tokens of submission and attachment, were not only forgiven but taken into favour, and they attached themselves to his person. In consequence of such a vigorous administration, which never abated from its vigilance, he found means both to conserve Shudjah-qhan's good-will and esteem, and to strengthen his own power and influence.
10.3.1
But before we go on with that great man's history, it is proper we should enter upon some events that have happened either in the capital of the Empire or in its environs; after which we shall resume our account of Aaly-verdy-qhan and the affairs of Bengal. We have already mentioned that Yad-ghar-qhan the Cashmirian had been sent from Court to the Marhatta camp to commence a negociation with Badjrao by the mediation of Radja Djehi-sing-sevai, and that these two envoys had been entrusted with the patents of the Governments of both Malva and Goudjerat for that Marhatta General. As this extraordinary step and this condescension on the Emperor's part did not produce the effect expected, and as it was so far from extinguishing the flames of the Marhatta ambition, that it seemed to have added fuel to that nation's presumption, to have inspired them with higher and higher notions of themselves, and to have excited new encroachments and fresh insolencies on their part, it was resolved to have recourse to force. On the seventh of Zilcaadah of the year 1149 of the Hedjra, about six hours after sunrise, the Lord of Lords Qhandouran departed on an expedition for chastising those freebooters. That General on receiving his leave was honoured with a belt, and that Minister with a view to acknowledge this mark of distinction, set out immediately, without so much as going home. He marched out of the city and encamped at Talpat, which is nine cosses from Shah-djehan-abad.
10.3.2
On the twentieth of the same month, the Supreme Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan was equally honoured with a belt, and set out likewise on the same expedition; and to change his station, he went and encamped at Char-bagh. On that same day Qhandouran, at the head of his own troops, and of those numerous bodies of Imperial cavalry that had been put under his command, to the amount of about forty thousand horse, marched forward with a numerous train of artillery, and all the necessaries for a campaign, and he encamped in the territory of Ecber-abad. There he was joined by several eminent Radjas with their troops, and his forces now became so numerous, that his army covered the plains, and struck the eyes with admiration and terror. It was expected he would advance directly upon the enemy; instead of that, he who had set out to fight the Marhattas, contented himself with loitering his time at about forty cosses from the capital. Most of his troops, divided betwixt fear and hope, like men in suspense betwixt life and death, were anxiously waiting for what might happen. Nor did the Vezir Camer-eddin qhan behave with more earnestness. This Minister had set out at the head of a numerous body of Moghuls and Hindostanees, attached to his person, and in his own pay; and he had joined them to a whole army of Turanian Moghuls, all ancient servants of the Emperor, and all in such high estimation, that the whole province of Serhind had been assigned to them for their pay.
10.3.3
With such a numerous army he had marched towards Adjmir, with intention to make an end of the Marhattas. He had with him every necessary for a campaign, and an infinity of volunteers, who sought for opportunities to signalise themselves and to acquire promotion. The pomp and eclat of his march are hardly to be described; but after marching a little on the frontiers of that province, he stopped short to wait for the arrival of the Marhattas. Such was the cant expression. Here he was joined by Mahmed-qhan-bangash, who having quitted Feroh-abad, his residence, (a town which was built and named in honour of Feroh-syur, his protector) was come with a good body of troops, and he waited also for the arrival of the Marhattas. But not one of those illustrious warriors, and not one of those famous Generals had resolution enough to advance himself on those devoted freebooters, to give them a thorough defeat, and to acquire a character in the Empire by chastising them properly for their repeated insolencies. QhandoSran without moving from his place, was perpetually contriving schemes, the purport of which he communicated to Djehi-sing; and the latter after having added what further occurred to his mind, transmitted the whole to the Vezir. As to Radja Abi-sing-rhator, instead of repairing to camp, he retired to his capital, where he addicted himself to a course of intoxication, which he kept up by the use of opium.
10.3.4
He slept the whole day, and spent the whole night in asking what was to be done; but yet he knew so well his own backwardness that whenever he was sent for by QhandoSran, he used to exculpate himself by alleging the necessity of defending his own hereditary dominions, and by bringing forwards some such futile excuses. On the other hand, Camer-eddin-qhan, the Vezir, sometimes out of himself, and sometimes intent only on conserving his army, spent his time in consulting with his friends, and with the TUranians, his countrymen. But his suspense continued, and he kept his eyes fixed on the succour which he expected from Nizam-el-mulk. The latter, who had quitted the court, exceedingly disgusted with the Emperor and with his favourite, QhandoSran, paid but little attention to the troubles that were ruining Hindostan. He even wished to see the Ministers as well as all the Grandees humbled to the dust, by any means whatever. On the other hand, the Emperor had conceived too strong suspicions against him, and was too much obseded by QhandoSran, to resolve on an application to him; he had even so bad an opinion of all the TOranian Grandees of his court, that he made it a point to abstain from consulting any of them. Meanwhile, whole days and nights passed in consultations and incertitude, and no decisive part was taken;
10.3.5
and indeed, no principle of life and action could be communicated by those impotent Lords, and those Monsubdars and dignitaries so fertile in excuses, who swarmed in the capital as well as in camp, and most of whom were men of no capacity at all. As to those amongst them, that were capable of thinking, they did not dare to open any advice that might clash with QhandoSran's opinion, and the Emperor himself, whose favourite he was, and on whose mind he had acquired an unbounded influence followed by an absolute power over the whole Empire, was unwilling to listen to anything that might give him umbrage. That Prince used to write both to QhandoSran, on one hand, and to Camer-eddin-qhan, on the other, whatever came into his mind; and these two did not fail to excuse themselves by far-fetched reasons, and out-of-the-way considerations. Letters and consultations were perpetually passing and repassing between the Emperor and QhandoSran, and as an open communication was maintained betwixt the city and camp, it came at last to be the general wish of the Court, that an agreement should take place with the Marhattas. Qhandor-ran himself, now fully sensible, that to give a complete defeat to those freebooters was more than he could perform, and much beyond his courage, thought it best to leave both peace and war in a profound obscurity, and to envelope them both in a cloud of delicate policy that left every thing in suspense.
10.3.6
Such a management he thought to be a shrewd stroke of politics, but meanwhile to extricate himself from his difficulties, he set out on his return to the capital. Things were in this woeful state, when by one of those strokes of Providence, and by an unexpected piece of good fortune, news came that the Marhattas had been chastised by Saadet-qhan in the manner they deserved, and this intelligence tranquillised the minds of the whole Court. This exertion was more unexpected, as Saadet-qhan had no other Government than that of Aod, and no other office or command than that of the Pikemen of the presence. In number of troops and in plenty of money he was reputed inferior to most of the Grandees of the Empire, and moreover his Government being on the north of the Ganga, he seemed to have no concern at all with those that were on the south of that mighty river, and still less, with the Marhattas themselves. But he was likewise a man of great personal courage, full of a sense of honour, jealous of the glory of the Empire, always intent on some high undertaking, and fond of military glory and renown. Shocked to see the pusillanimous behaviour of men at the head of such numerous armies, and fired with indignation at the incessant encroachments and endless insolencies of the Marhattas, he resolved to avenge the honour of the Empire, and to take that task upon himself, as a particular business of his own.
10.3.7
Full of those high notions, he reviewed his troops, (and these were always kept in readiness) augmented their number, furnished them with such ammunition and such a quantity of provisions as he thought necessary, and joining to them a train of artillery, he quitted Aod, his capital, taking with him his nephew and son-in-law, Abul-mansur-qhan, and he marched at the head of his army, firmly resolved to fight the Marhattas. With this view, he crossed the Ganga, and wanted likewise to cross the Djumna, in order to give assistance to Radja Behdaor, a friend and a dependant of his. This Radja being besieged in his fortress by an army of Marhattas, had applied to Saadet-qhan for assistance. The latter answered him by this short note : — Be sure not to be dismayed, and be sure not to give them one farthing ; for look, I will be with you instantly.
10.4.1
After writing so much, he set out. But as the Radjas of Bundelcund had joined the Marhattas, and both were intent in watching the fords of the Djumna, such a passage was become difficult, and not to be performed in haste ; and meanwhile the Radja, his friend, had received a great defeat, and was reduced to the last extremity. At the same time, Malrao, who was one of the greatest Generals of Badjirao's army, having found means to cross the Djumna, and to turn Saadet-qhan's rear, without his suspecting anything of the matter, had fallen at once upon the province of Ataya, and was actually burning and sacking every thing from the gates of that city to the seat of Moty-bagh, which is close to Ecber-abad ; wherever he passed he left nothing but slaughter, desolation and ashes. From thence he turned towards the towns of Saad-abad and Djelair, and was going to serve them in the same manner, when Saadet-qhan, on the 22nd of Zilcaadah, of the year 1149, suddenly appeared in the Marhatta's rear like a storm that threatens destruction from afar, and finding the freebooters dispersed, he fell so vigorously upon them, that he never ceased killing and slaughtering until he had chased them beyond Ytimad-abad, which was at four cosses distance from the field of battle. Heaps of dead were to be seen everywhere, and the road, for eight miles together, was strewed with corpses.
10.4.2
Three Generals of character were taken prisoners, and Malrao himself being severely wounded, thought himself happy to make his escape with a few followers. The main of the runaways, having thrown away their booty, fled towards the Djumna, and having in their hurry and consternation, mistaken one place for another, they plunged in to a part of the river that had no ford, where disappearing in the eddies of annihilation they perished in shoals. Malrao with the few that kept pace with him, found with infinite pains his way to Badjirao's camp, to whom he presented himself in the most dismal condition, for this Generalissimo of the Marhatta Empire was then encamped at Coutele, a little town inhabited by Seids, close to Gwaliar. Whilst that wretched was flying, Saadet-qhan was pursuing incessantly at the rate of ten cosses a day and more, until he reached the town of Deholpur-bari, which is at eighteen cosses from Ecber-abad, and on this side of the river Chunbul, where he had heard that Badjirao was encamped with the main army, and where he intended to attack and serve that Generalissimo in the same manner, he had served Malrao, so soon as he should have done with the remains of the runaways. He wished by such a double victory to recover the sullied honour of the Hindostanies; but finding after a fruitless pursuit that not one man of that accursed race was to be discovered, he returned to his own camp, where he gave two days' rest to his troops.
10.4.3
At the end of that time, he published that every trooper should keep himself ready to march with four days' provisions and water, and that if anyone should be found in his tent after the hour of departure, his horse would be hamstrung, and himself carried in derision round the camp. Meanwhile he ordered a number of ox-skins and other leathern vessels to be filled with water, and a vast quantity of cakes to be baked, to the end that the troops might not want for either victuals or water, in the intended pursuit. Some light artillery he loaded upon elephants, and a quantity of wall-pieces and swivels upon camels; and having distributed his water and provisions upon his mules, camels, and other beasts of burthen, he published that he was resolved to pursue the enemy beyond the Chunbul, and that he would be the first at the head of his troops to throw himself into the water, and the foremost to give his men an example of courage and perseverance. Whilst he was setting out on this expedition which had now engrossed his affection, letters came from Qhandövran. That Minister had heard of Saadet-qhan's bravery and decisive conduct, and stung to the quick by a success that reflected so much dishonour upon himself, he wanted either to join that General and share in the honour of the expedition, or by withholding him from it, to make him a sharer in his own inaction and disgrace.
10.4.4
With these ideas he wrote him several letters, in which "under the most sacred oaths, he assured him that he was setting out to join him, and recommended his waiting a little until he might proceed with him on the destruction of those freebooters, but by all " means advised him to avoid all precipitation." Saadet-qhan, who had just mounted his horse, found himself stopped short by these letters of the Minister's, and greatly at a loss how to act. Nevertheless, he thought proper to suspend his march, and three or four days after, he was joined by QhandoSran who, on the approach of the Marhattas, had been ordered by the Emperor to join Saadet-qhan with several other Lords and Commanders. All this while the Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan was encamped at thirty cosses from the capital, on the high road of Adjmir; and Mahmed-qhan-bangash, with his body of troops, was also on that side, waiting the arrival of the enemy. On the junction of QhandoSran with Saadet-qhan, six or seven days were spent in visits and entertainments, and this delay having been perceived by the Marhattas, they availed themselves of it to recover breath from Saadet-qhan's pursuit; and turning suddenly his rear, they marched straight to the capital, which they rightly supposed to be empty of troops. This they did with so much rapidity, that on the eighth of that Zilhidj of that same year, they were at Toghloc-pur, under the command of Badiirao, Generalissimo of that nation.
10.4.5
As that town was filled with an immense multitude of Mussulmen and Hindoos from the city, who had flocked thither both on a principle of devotion, and on parties of pleasure, they were all leisurely plundered. An immense booty was made here, and the Marhattas having passed the night near Qhadja Cutub-eddin's Monument, the next day, which was Arefat day, they plundered the street inhabited by the jewellers, and sacked and burned all the shops of that town. About noon they proceeded farther, and sacked the town of Palem, from whence the shoals of runaways and wounded flying into the city, filled it with dreadful accounts of what they had seen and felt; and the citizens, without further inquiry, lost both their courage and senses, filled the city with a general uproar, and the whole soon became one continued scene of dismay and confusion. The Emperor, hearing of this sudden approach of the enemies, ordered the few Lords and troops that were about his person, to sally forth and to repell the Marhattas. On his order, Emir-qhan, Radja Bahqt-mul, and Mir-hassen-qhan-gocal-tash, with Munevver-qhan, brother to Zaafer-qhan, and Abdol-Maabud-qhan, and the Hindoo Shiö-sing, Colonel of the corps called Amberies, with many other Commanders, sallied forth, and advancing out of the city to an advantageous post near the Cazis-sera and the Laal-catra, they extended their ranks, and presented battle to the enemy.
10.4.6
Mir-hassen-qhan and Shiö-sing, who had more courage than either experience or prudence, advanced farther, although Emir-qhan who was endowed with both, repeatedly sent them word to stop, and to observe that to fight the Marhattas at this particular time, so as to part from their main, was a step utterly improper. He thought it better that they should keep together with the others. But this advice made no effect on those two imprudent men; they would not hear it, and continued advancing. The Marhattas at first appeared at a distance by one or a few at a time, until they had drawn them farther and farther into the plain, and then they all at once fell upon them, and with their short spears and long swords commenced such a terrible execution as threw the whole into the utmost dismay. A man wounded found means to escape, and running up to Emir-qhan, he had the boldness to reproach him with backwardness and neglect. "What are you doing here," said he, "whilst a Seyd and an Imam is cutting down?" Emir-qhan who was a man fertile in bon-mots, and of such a turn of mind that for any thing in the world he would have not missed an opportunity of giving way to his vein for raillery, heard the message with a smile, and even at such a moment he had the sangfroid to answer: "Friend, we are perfectly satisfied with twelve Imams;
10.4.7
if some one has a mind to be a thirteenth and chooses to be cut down, we have no objections to it." As the people of Hindostan have not that skill in the art of fighting on horseback, which characterises the Marhattas, most of them were slain, and their leader, Mir-hassen-qhan, with the few that remained with him, made his retreat, wounded, and hardly alive; and the runaways despoiled of their arms and horses, crept back every one to his house. Emir-qhan and the other Commanders, after having tarried at their post the whole day, on the dusk of the evening returned to their tents. Meanwhile the plundering and sacking of Toghlae-pûr, and the danger which threatened Shah-djehan-abad, having been rumoured abroad, the Lords at the head of the armies in the environs of the capital, knowing that the Emperor was left alone, and that the Marhattas had suddenly disappeared, hastened to Court with the rapidity of so many couriers. The Vezir Camer-eddin-qhan who was the nearest of all, being only at thirty cosses, arrived the first, and having had on the ninth of Zilhidj a skirmish with the Marhattas, he, on the next day, which was the day of the sacrifice, encamped in the suburbs of the capital, at which sight the Marhattas retired a little farther. Saadet-qhan on his side, quitted Ecber-abad where he was, and having measured sixty-five cosses in two days, he arrived on the evening of the second day at Talpat which is close to the city.
10.4.8
Qhandöuran who had set out with him, arrived some time after, and the third day Mahmed-qhan-bangash joined them. As the Marhattas had already felt the weight of the blows dealt out by Saadet-qhan, and they had plentifully drank of the water that flowed from his sabre, they did not like to see him again, and in such numerous company, and being besides heavily loaded with booty, they wheeled round and retreated, burning, and sacking, and utterly destroying in their retreat the towns of Rivari and Batûdi; after which, they marched on to Malva and Goudjerat, their new conquests, ruining and destroying every thing in their journey, but without tarrying anywhere. The result of all those troubles and movements was that the Emperor observing that of so many Generals and Lords, not one but Saadet-qhan had thought of attacking the Marhattas or of pursuing them, and that they had all of them availed themselves of some excuse to remain where they were, without moving a foot, he fell into a state of despondence, and concluded with his whole council that it would be expedient to put an end to all his anxiety by paying them a chout or tribute.
10.5.1
That Prince although completely convinced that Nizam-el-mulk was the contriver and director of this incursion, was likewise sensible how difficult it would be to punish him for such a conduct; and thinking it better to use policy, he wrote him several letters full of kindness, gave him the title of Assef-dja, raised his military grade to eight thousand horse, and flattered his pride so much, that the other resolved to come to Court. Leaving therefore his second son, Nizam-eddoulah-nasr-djung, for his Deputy and Lieutenant in the kingdom of Decan, he set out for the capital; but the rumour of his coming being spread everywhere, Qhandoiiran hurried with all his might the agreement with the Marhattas, to prevent his having any concern in the treaty. It was stipulated that they would henceforwards approve themselves the servants of the Imperial court, and obey His Majesty's commands, as well as the directions of his Ministers, without keeping up any correspondence with Nizam-el-mulk, or siding with him in any manner. This was the purport of the agreement. But the Marhatta General perceiving the pusillanimity and cowardice of the Grandees at court, and sensible of the want of discernment in the Minister, made a treaty with both parties, and kept fair with both the Court and Nizam-el-mulk.
10.5.2
The latter being arrived at Shah-djehan-abad, on the 16th of the first Reby, in the year 1150, paid his respects to the Emperor, and about a month after, the Qhylaat of the two Governments of Malva and Goudjerat were conferred on his eldest son, Ghazi-eddin-qhan, on the dismission of of the decease of Abdol-semed-qhan, the famous Viceroy of Lahor, a Qhylaat of consolation was bestowed on the Vezir Camereddin-qhan, his brother, and other Qhylaats of condolence were sent likewise to that General's family at Lahor, together with a particular one to Zekeriah-qhan, his son, who received thereby a confirmation of the Governments of Lahor and Multan. At the same time Nizam-el-mulk, in obedience to the Emperor's command, marched out to chastise Badjirao, and he advanced to Acbar-abad; and having fixed as his Deputy in that city, a relation of his own, he marched to Malva by crossing the Djumna at Acbar-abad, and having passed to Atva, he recrossed that river at Calpi, and arrived in the Bundelcund, where he arrested the Radja or Prince of the country. From thence he advanced to Bhopal, which is a town of the dependency of Malva. Badjirao, hearing of his design, came out from the Decan at the head of a mighty host, and meeting Nizam-el-mulk on the plains of that town, several bloody engagements took place;
10.5.3
but as none of them proved decisive, the latter who now received intelligence that Nadyr-shah had invaded Hindostan, thinking the Marhattas but a small object in comparison, preferred an accommodation with Badjirao, and leaving those enemies behind, he returned to the capital with all expedition. Troubles and evils of this magnitude were reckoned but small objects by a set of traitorous Grandees, who intent only on ruining each other, made no account of the consequences, if they could but compass their private ends. Nor did they make any scruples, when necessary for their purpose, to shed the blood of Mussulmen, and to slaughter a whole race of Seyds. Seif-eddin-aaly-qhan, one of those noble persons attached to the late Abdollah-qhan, had, on that Vezir's defeat, retired upon his paternal estate, where he subsisted upon a small revenue afforded by a Djaghir of Imperial gift, and a Taallook of land which had been hereditary in his family. This slender subsistence, just enough to support life, he shared with a number of old, impotent, or ruined persons of his family and dependence, and it was this small estate that proved an eyesore to Camer-eddin-qhan, and to the Turanians, who unable to bear the sight of a Seyd, and cherishing in their bosoms an enmity to the whole race, were resolved to extirpate every relation of Hossein-aaly-qhan's.
10.5.4
With this intention Camer-eddin-qhan appointed one Hushmet-qhan to the command of the checlaw or division of Soharen-poor, who had orders to take possession of, and confiscate, the lands and estates held by Seif-eddin-aaly-qhan and the other persons and dependants of Hossein-aaly-qhan's family. That wretched being arrived on the spot, extended the hand of usurpation and violence on the possessions of the Prince of the children of Adam, and wanted to deprive Seif-eddin-aaly-qhan and those unfortunate people of that little which constituted their very subsistence. Reduced to the last extremity, and at a loss how to escape from the claws of that wretched, they, according to the sentence, Despair knows no laws, rose in their own defence, and deprived their oppressor of the garment of life. This act of necessity was highly resented by the Vezir and his brother, Azim-ollah-qhan; and those men that had put up patiently with Djan-nessar-qhan's death, and with a miscreant Gentoo's taking possession of a Mussulman's consort and family; those men that had made so small account of so black a crime, and had so little sense of honour and shame, as to have not thought so much as once how to take adequate revenge for such an enormity; those very men now looked upon such an act of necessity, and the killing of Hushmet-qhan by a Seid's hand, to be a flagitious affront that concerned the honour of Government, and reflected upon the unsullied character of its Ministers;
First 39 of 48 passages. Read on