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Ragas and Raginis: A Pictorial and Iconographic Study of Indian Musical Modes Based on Original Sources c10: Ragamala Texts

Rāgas and Rāginīs: A Pictorial and Iconographic Study of Indian Musical Modes Based on Original Sources c10

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Ragamala Texts

c10.1

In connection with the various archaic melodies (*grāma-rāgas*, *rāga-gītis*) described in the *Bṛhad-deśī*, the *rasa*-value, and their applications (*viniyoga*) with reference to a situation in a drama, are indicated for each melody described. Unfortunately, the presiding deities for the melodies are not indicated by Matanga, though he cites the presiding deity for each musical note (*svara-devatā*). In the present state of our knowledge of the earlier texts, it is impossible to date the time when the presiding principles of melodies were first revealed, discovered, or recognised. In some of the contemplative verses of prayer-formulas (*dhyānas*) for the melodies, Kohala, (an ancient authority earlier than Matanga and Dattila) is cited as an authority for images, or pictures of particular rāgas.¹ But unless the actual texts of Kohala are discovered and investigated, it is impossible to attach any evidentiary value to this ascription. The earliest avail-

c10.2

¹ Thus the verse describing the ‘picture of Gauḍī ends by saying ‘Gauḍī is thus spoken of by Kohala (“Gauḍīyamuktakila Kohalena”). This may be an irresponsible or apocryphal ascription for the purpose of lending a spurious halo by invoking the name of an ancient authority.

c10.3

(1) Thus the verse describing the ‘picture of Gauḍī ends by saying ‘Gauḍī is thus spoken of by Kohala (“Gauḍīyamuktakila Kohalena”). This may be an irresponsible or apocryphal ascription for the purpose of lending a spurious halo by invoking the name of an ancient authority.

c10.4

The verse describing Gauḍī is cited in three places, with various readings, in the *Saṅgīta-darpaṇa* (Tagore’s Edition, p. 83) in the *Anūp-saṅgīta-vilāsa* (p. 160), and in the *Saṅgīta-sāra Saṃgraha* (p. 70). In the last version—the last line reads “Gauriyamuktāti—Kutūhalena” (see Plate XXIII).

c10.5

“*Niveśayanti śravane’ vatamsam| Āmrānkurarm kokila-nāda-ramyam|* *Śyāmā madhusyandi-su-sūkṣa-nādā| Gauriyamuktā kila kohalena*”|| *Saṅgīta-darpaṇam*, p. 83.

c10.6

able indication as to the presiding deity of each melody is in the text of the *Sangīta-ratnākara* (13th century). The jāti-rāgas are not assigned to any presiding spirits, but the rāga-gītis described in the rāga-vivekādhyāya are invariably assigned to its protective divinity. Thus the Suddha-sādhārita melody has for its god, the sun (*ravi-daivatā*), the ṣaḍja-grāma rāga has for its god, Bṛhaspati (*guru-daivatā*), Śuddha-kaiśika, has for its lord, the Earth (*bhauma-vallabha*): Mālava-kaiśika is to be sung for the pleasure of Keśava (*Keśava-prītyaye*) its protective deity. Bhinna-ṣaḍja, has for its deity the four-faced god Brahmā (*caturānana daivatā*). Takka (Taṅka) rāga is sung for the pleasure of Rudra (*mude rudrasya*). Hindola has for its lord the god Makara-dhvaja, the Indian Cupid, the dolphin-bannered god (*makara-dhvaja-vallabha*). Kakubha is assigned to the god of Death (*Yama-daivataḥ*); and so on. Though the protective deities are indicated, their pictures, or images are not described in the text of Śārṅgadeva in any prayer-formulas in the shape of descriptive verses (*dhyānas*) such as we find in the later texts.

c10.7

Thus, the Bhinna-ṣaḍja, an archaic melody, is described in a prayer-formula in the text of *Rāga-kutūhala*, which from the point of view of musical iconography, must be regarded as one of earlier texts.¹ As *Rāga-kutūhala* quotes the opinion of *Śangīta-ratnākara*, it must be later than the 13th century. (“*Rāga kutūhala: Caturdhā: Gurjarikā Ratnākara-mate*,” *Anūpa-sangīta-vilāsa*. P. 124).

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¹ *Kṛpāna-sambhinna-riputtamāṅgaḥ*

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¹ *Kṛta-prahāro’pi muhur-muhusca|*

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¹ *Pino rane bhāti gavasti-sūrah*

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¹ *Sa Bhinna-saḍjah kathito munindraiḥ* || 180 ||

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¹ (*Rāga-Kutūhala*, cited in Bhavabhatta’s *Anūpa-saṅgīta-Vilāsa*, Joshi’s edition, p. 112. Similarly another archaic rāga, Pañcama-sādava is described in a verse from *Rāga-Kutūhala*, cited in the same text at page 122, and Takka-Kaiśika, at page 139. Another ancient melody Chevāti is described in the same text in the following verse:

c10.13

But the earliest available text dealing with the iconography of rāgas is the one known as *Rāga-Sāgara*, the colophon of which describes it as a dialogue between Nārada

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(1) *Kṛpāna-sambhinna-riputtamāṅgaḥ*
*Kṛta-prahāro’pi muhur-muhusca|*
*Pino rane bhāti gavasti-sūrah*
*Sa Bhinna-saḍjah kathito munindraiḥ* || 180 ||

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(*Rāga-Kutūhala*, cited in Bhavabhatta’s *Anūpa-saṅgīta-Vilāsa*, Joshi’s edition, p. 112. Similarly another archaic rāga, Pañcama-sādava is described in a verse from *Rāga-Kutūhala*, cited in the same text at page 122, and Takka-Kaiśika, at page 139. Another ancient melody Chevāti is described in the same text in the following verse:

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and Dattila.¹ It is not possible to assign the development of the iconography of rāgas to the time of Dattila, whose name is apparently invoked here for lending an air of antiquity to these dhyāna-formulas given in this text, under the chapter rāga-dhyāna-vidhānam. Whether Dattila is the author of this text or not, there is no doubt, from the raga-system given in the text and the classification of the melodies into eight major rāgas with 3 derivative rāginīs for each (See Appendix 11), that the text indicates quite an early stage in the classification of the rāgas. This system is certainly earlier than all the systems with six major rāgas, with five, or six rāginīs each.

c10.17

The dhyānas given in this text are simple in conception, diction and style, and appears to be earlier than all the known anthologies. This will be apparent if we compare some of the dhyānas in this text, quoted below, with those collected in the Sangīta-sāra-saṃgraha² and which are cited on the descriptive texts attached to the plates in this work.

c10.18

“Contemplation of Bhairava: The sea of notes and microtones, with the nectar of all varieties of rhythms and time-measures, the fulfilment of the desire of the worship of Śiva, with the body always besmeared with ashes, decked with matted locks, with the shine of the young moon on the

c10.19

Padmābh padma-patrākṣī saṅketa-sthāna-māśritā|
Kāntena tanvatī hāsam Chevāṭī parikīrtitā|| 445 ||

c10.20

Ibid, p. 158. ‘With the complexion of lotus, eyes like lotus-petals, awaiting at the place of tryst for her beloved, delicate and smiling, such is Chevāṭī known by reputation’.

c10.21

(1) We owe the discovery of this text to V. Raghavan who gives a short notice of it in his paper ‘Some names in Early Sangīta Literature’ (Journal, Music Association, Madras, Vol. III, Nos. 1-2, 1932, p. 18). The text is available in two copies in the Madras Oriental Mss. Library, Catalogue Vol. XXII, No. 13014, 13015.

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(2) Though the Sangīta-sāra-saṃgraha by Sir S. M. Tagore is a very late anthology, its collection is based on numerous authoritative texts, e.g. Pañcama Saṃhitā (Nārada), Sangīta-ratnamālā, Sangīta-Dāmodara, Sangīta-Kaumudi, Sangīta - Nārāyaṇa, Sangīta Pārijāta. And most of these texts are not readily available some being in Mss. S. M. Tagore’s anthology has been used in this work and cited on the descriptive plates.

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head, with skulls as decorations, I adore Bhairava, the skilful Dancer.”¹ (Compare the texts cited on Plates I-III).

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“Contemplation of Bhūpāla: Seated on his throne, fanned with fly-whisks by fawn-eyed (damsels), I always adore, in my heart, Bhūpāla, along with his group of associated (melodies).”² [This melody—though akin to the picture of Varāṭī (Vide Plate XI) seems to be different from the melody known as Bhūpālī described on Plate LXXVI.]

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“Contemplation of Phaṭa-manjarī: Shining in the bower of vine-plant, decked with a crown and armlets set with sapphires, I always adore the melody Phaṭa-manjarī, attended with a couple of damsels on either side.”³

c10.26

“Contemplation of Mālava-rāga: With his hands on the two breasts of a beautiful damsel, with his beautiful cheeks shining with swinging ear-pendants, kissing fervently the faces of the young damsel, I am (thus) contemplating in my heart—the melody of Mālava.”⁴

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(Compare the texts and the illustrations cited on Plate XIV).

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“Contemplation of Rāma-Kriyā: Seated in heroic posture, holding a bow and arrows, golden in complexion, I

c10.29

(1) “Śruti-svara-manhodahim sakala-tāla mānāmṛtam Śvārcana-manoratham bhāsita-lepitāngam sadā| Jaṭā-mukuṭa-bhāsuram śaśi śiśu-prabhā-maulinam Kapālā-bharaṇam bhaje naṭana-kausalam bhairavam” Rāga-Sāgara, tṛtīya taraṅga, Madras Ms.

c10.30

(2) Simhāsana-madhi-vasitam cāmara-lasitam kuranga-nayanābhyām Parivāra-vala sametam manasi dhyāyāmi satatam Bhūpālam”|| Ibid.

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(3) ‘Drākṣā-latāgāra-nivāsa-bhāsuram Mānikya-keyura-kirīṭa-śobhitam Nārī-yugenā-śrita-pārsva-yugmam Dhyāyāmi rāgam Phaṭa-manjarī sadā|| Ibid

c10.32

(4) “Sundarī-yuga-kucāñcita-hastam kundal-ollisata-cāru-kapolam| Gādha-cumvita-nitamvinī-vaktram bhāvayāmi hṛdi Mālavarāgam|| Rāga Sāgara (Madras Ms.).

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always adore the goddess Rāma-kriyā.”¹ (Compare the text and the illustration cited on Plate XXXII-A). “Contemplation of Ghurjarī: Covered with a white mantle (armour) playing with her companions with balls in her hands, swaying in a dance (?) I worship, in the region of my heart, Ghurjarī”.² (Ghurjarī appears to be a different melody from Gurjarī cited on Plates LXXII, LXXII). “Contemplation of Toḍī: With a glass cup filled with the wine called kādamvarī, with her beautiful face supported by her left and with her right-hand carrying a portion of the silken scarf of her lover, I also think of Toḍī, in my heart.”³ (Compare with this the illustration of Turuska-Toḍī cited on Plate XX). “Contemplation of Madhumāvatī: Holding a cup of honey, accompanied by her confidentès, rosy like the javā flower, wearing a pure bright yellow garment (welcoming the gathering clouds), caressing, by the other hand, peacocks (?) I always recall in my heart the proud Madhumāvatī Madhu-mādhavī)”.⁴ (Compare with this the texts and illustrations cited on Plates LXXX, to LXXXIII). Apparently, Madhumā-vatī is the earlier form of the name of Madhumādhavī and this may be another indication

c10.34

(1) “Vīrasāne nivasantām śara-koḍanda-dhārinīm| Jamvu-phala-nibhām devīm dhyāye Rāma-kriyām sadā”|| Ibid.
(2) “Sveta-kavacā-vṛtāngi kanduka-hastām sakhi-janen khelantīm| Samvara-ḍimvaka-lalam mānasa-deśe ca Ghurjarīm bhajāmi|| Ibid.
(3) “Kādamvarī-rasa-vi-pūrita-kāca-pātram Vinyasta-vāma-kara śobhita-cāru-vaktram| Savyena nāyaka-patāgra-daśām (?) vahantīm Toḍī sadā manasi me paricintayāmi|| Ibid.
(4) “Gṛhita-madhu-pātrikām paṭa-sanātha-nāthālikām Javā-kusuma samārunām vimalā cāru-pītamvarām| Dvitīya karasādrita (?) prakaṭa samvarā ḍamvarām Smarāmi Madhumāvatīm manasi me sadā māninīm|| Ibid.

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of the early date of this text.

c10.36

As compared with the *Sangīta-ratna-mālā* (which according to the citation in the *Sangīta-nārāyaṇa* is attributed to Mammaṭācārya, the famous rhetorician of the 9th century), the text of the *Rāga-sāgara* appears to be earlier. This may be seen by comparing the two contemplative verses (*dhyāna*), describing the melody Deśī:—

c10.37

"Contemplation of Deśī: Living in a hut of *Uśīra* grass, holding a wreath of flower in her hand, of a very fair complexion, clad in attractive robes, I contemplate on the youthful Deśī.¹

c10.38

The visual picture of the melody is thus given in *Ratna-mālā*: "With the slow movement of a king of elephant, with eyes like that of a fawn, with a complexion like the lotus, with heavy hips, with her plaits dangling like a serpent, with a frame quivering like a delicate creeper, this comes into view, the rāginī Deśī, sweetly smiling. This is Deśī.²

c10.39

The practice of composing rāga-mālā verses, descriptive of the images of rāgas, and suggesting their emotive atmosphere and values must have been current long before the middle of the 15th century. In a Ms., dated 1440 A.D. of the *Pancama-sāra-saṃhitā* by Nārada, a complete series of descriptive verses are given of six rāgas and thirty-six rāginīs. (See ante P. 24).

c10.40

It is difficult to suggest if pictorial illustrations, answering to these descriptive word pictures, had been painted very much before the sixteenth century, the estimated date of the earliest rāga-mālā pictures. Although no pictorial versions as early as the fifteenth century have yet come to light, there is nothing improbable in such pictures having been painted contemporaneously with the written verses.

c10.41

(1) "*Usīra-gāra nivāsām kusuma-mālānca karām sugaurāngīm| Rucirāmvarāvrtām tām Deśīm dhyāyāmi yuvatī-kara-susaṅgīm||* Ibid.

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(2) "*Murtistu Ratna-mālāyām| Gajapati-gati-reṇi-locanendi varāṅgī Prthula-tara nitamva-lamvi-veṇi-bhujangā| Tanutara tanu-valli vita kauśambha-rāgā Iyamudayati Deśī rāginī cāru-hāsā*”|| *Iti Deśī* (Cited in S. M. Tagore’s *Sangita-samgraha*, p. 95).

c10.43

The earliest landmark during the Moghul period is the work called Rāga-mālā by Meṣakarṇa, composed in 1509 A.D. (1431 śaka). It belongs to the period before the revival of Indian music under Akbar. A typical verse from this text describing Bhairava-rāga is translated below:

c10.44

'White in complexion, clad in white, carrying the crescent, and the horn and wearing a garland, Bhairava is born from the mouth of Śiva, and carries the poison on his neck and his eyes are red. He (also) carries the trident, the skull, and the lotus, and wears jewelled pendants on his two-ears and matted locks. This (melody) is sung by the gods in the morning in autumn.'¹ A name of a musical iconographer is alluded to in a single verse. In the Saṅgīta Mahodadhi, itself a treatise of uncertain date, the verse describing the rāginī Mallārikā (See plate LXVIII) contains a passage: "She is Mallārikā called by Nṛpa" (*Mallārikeyaṃ Kathitā Nṛpeṇa*). This seems to suggest that there was a musical authority named Nṛpa who had provided outlines for the portraits, or images for visualising some of the melodies. No other reference to Nṛpa has been traced, and it is impossible to say anything about this iconographer, on the basis of this single allusion.

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¹ *Subhrāṅga śubhra-vāsa śirasi śasi-dhara śṛṅga-vādyasca hārī* *Śambhar vakrājāto dhṛta-gala-garalo Bhairava rakta-netraḥ* *Dhatte śūlam kapālam jalajam maṇi-maye kuṇḍale karaṇa-yugme* *Tāram jūtam jaṭānām śaradi sura-ganair-giyate prataresah*|| Meskarṇa's Rāga-mālā, Asiatic Society of Bengal. Ms.

c10.46

The next important text on the iconography of rāgas in the Raga-mālā by Pundrika Viṭṭhala composed in 1576 A.D. during the reign of Akbar, if not under royal auspices. An instructive comparison may be made by considering the verses describing the melody Śuddha-Bhairava, with the verse cited above:

c10.47

"Born of the first face of Śiva, with 'ga' and 'ni' in vikṛta forms, using three phases of the note 'sa', carrying matted locks, clad in white, besmeared with ashes, with three red eyes, with a horn to his lips, pendants on the two ears, with the crescent on the locks, Śuddha-Bhairava, the protector of

c10.48

(1) *Subhrāṅga śubhra-vāsa śirasi śasi-dhara śṛṅga-vādyasca hārī* *Śambhar vakrājāto dhṛta-gala-garalo Bhairava rakta-netraḥ* *Dhatte śūlam kapālam jalajam maṇi-maye kuṇḍale karaṇa-yugme* *Tāram jūtam jaṭānām śaradi sura-ganair-giyate prataresah*|| Meskarṇa's Rāga-mālā, Asiatic Society of Bengal. Ms.

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the bull is playful in the morning, in the winter.”

c10.50

Verses from this text are quoted in describing Praja (Plate CVII) and Devakri (Plate CIII). Images of some melodies not described elsewhere, are given in this text e.g. Vāhulī, Suhavi, Jijāvanta (jhijhit ?) and Takka. The last melody is visualised as follows:—‘Addicted to dancing, patient (?), with the notes ‘ga’ and ‘ni’ in vikṛta or sharpened forms, with two additional śrutis,¹ a full-toned melody, having the note ‘sa’ as its initial, medial, and terminating notes. Dressed in patterned robes, wearing a be-jewelled string on his breast, and a fine crown on his head, Takka is a passionate person, of white complexion, and his body besmeared with sandal-paste, carrying flower globes in his hand, like a clever messenger of love, he roams (i.e. sung) at all times.’

c10.51

Some of the melodies described have very curious designations. Vāhulī is said to be a Maharaṭṭa lady (? Marahaṭṭa-vanitā), and Deśī is said to be a grand-daughter of Ahanga (? Ahangasya papautrī).² Puṇḍarīk Viṭṭhal’s descriptive verses are more iconological, and hieratic, and very rarely indicate the emotive significance of the melodies in dramatic conceptions such as met with in the verses of Nārada and others.

c10.52

The text Catvārimśatchata-rāga-nirūpaṇam attributed to Nārada belongs to about the same time. The author adopts the descriptive verses given in earlier texts, but also provides verbal visualizations for many minor melodies not cited elsewhere. Thus Vaulikā, and Ārabhī, wives of Śrī-rāga, are thus described:

c10.53

“Carrying peacock’s feather, fond of sweets, dark in complexion and having an attractive figure, Vaulikā shines.”

c10.54

“Always attended by her lover, covered with nava-

c10.55

(1) According to the technical meaning of the word ‘gati’ used by Pundarika, it refers to a note which moves from its normal and natural ‘śuddha’ position to a vikṛta or sharpened form by adding śrutis to its normal form. As Mr. Bhatkhande has pointed out, “Each ‘gati’ will be measured by a śruti; for instance ‘gāndhāra’ rising one śruti will be called ‘trigatikā’; when it rises two śrutis, it will be supposed to have gone up to two ‘gatis’ and so on.”

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(2) Ahanga may be the prākrta form of Ābhanga.

c10.57

mālikā flowers and engaged in drinking, sweet-speaking Ārabhī is thus described.”

c10.58

Other verses from this text are cited on Plates (LXXXIII, LXXXIV, LXLIV, LXLVII, LXLVIII, CI, CIII-F, CX).

c10.59

Like Puṇḍarīk Viṭṭhala, Somanātha, offers in his *Rāga-vivodha* a series of original verses, describing 52 melodies. His descriptions are very terse, and sometimes enigmatic and unintelligible, but for the annotations that he himself provides on these texts. That the verses are not adequately descriptive is proved by the fact that in many cases the author has to indicate in his commentary—the name of the nāyikā, to suggest the emotive essences of the melodies described. Of the melodies visualised in the *dhyāna*-formulas, some are of peculiar interest, such as, the Pāvaka rāga, and the Mukhārī.

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‘Dressed as a cow-herd, playing on the flute, and always in a playful mood, and his body decorated with patterns, Pāvaka rāga is beautiful in bluish complexion.’¹

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¹ “*Gopāla-vesa esah kvanayan-venum sadā mudā kridan* *Citrānga-rāgo-bhāvah Pāvaka-rāga’sito lālitaḥ*”|| 214 || *Rāga-vivodha*, (Poona edition, p. 105-106).

c10.62

‘Blue in complexion, under the grip of passion, being unable to bear any separation from her beloved, Mukhārī is a very clever lady, having jewelled covers for her breasts, and carrying a lute in her hand.’²

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² “*Śyāmā kāmākrāntā kānta-viyoga-sahā Mukhārīyam* *Maṇi-maya-sukucāvaraṇā vinā-pāṇih pravīnoccaḥ*”|| 212|| *Rāga-vivodha*, (Poona edition, p. 105-106).

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Other verses from this text are cited on Plates LXL, LXLI, LXLII, LXLIV, LXVIII, CII, CV, CVII, CX, CXIII.

c10.65

Dāmodara Miśra, follows the School of Hanumāna in his *Sangīta-darpaṇa*, which is a compilation rather than an original treatise. He cites descriptive verses for 36 melodies according to the system of Hanumāna. The *dhyāna* formulas are identical with those given in the *Nārada-Saṃhitā* and other texts.

c10.66

Two of the works of Bhāva-bhaṭṭa (1674-1701 A.D.) namely: *Anūpa-saṅgīta-vilāsa* and *Anūpa-saṅgīta-ratnākara*

c10.67

(1) “*Gopāla-vesa esah kvanayan-venum sadā mudā kridan* *Citrānga-rāgo-bhāvah Pāvaka-rāga’sito lālitaḥ*”|| 214 ||

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(2) “*Śyāmā kāmākrāntā kānta-viyoga-sahā Mukhārīyam* *Maṇi-maya-sukucāvaraṇā vinā-pāṇih pravīnoccaḥ*”|| 212|| *Rāga-vivodha*, (Poona edition, p. 105-106).

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(both of them compilations, which liberally quote earlier authorities), contain quotations from earlier rāga-mālā texts. Of these, Rāga-kutūhala, and Viṭṭhal’s Rāga-mālā, have already been discussed. He however cites some anonymous verses, giving the dhyāna formula of three of the early grāma-rāgas, two of which are of interest, as will appear from the examples cited below: “Śuddha Khāḍava: ‘Seated at the foot of a tree, with his mind under control, (yet) smiling in company with his beloved, his head covered by a coronet, Śuddha Khāḍava is thus described.’”¹

c10.70

“Gāndhāra-pañcama: ‘Of golden complexion, having golden (pendants) on his ears, and smiling in company with his beloved, Gāndhāra-pañcama is under the protection of the shade of a deodāra tree.’”²

c10.71

Some of the early Rāga-gītis and Bhinna-gītis (a group of melodies as old as Kaśyapa) are visualised by anonymous descriptive verses in this text. Of these the typical examples are those describing Takka-Kaiśika, Souvīra, Souvīrī, and Bhinna-pañcama:

c10.72

Takka-Kaiśika: “A youth of bluish complexion, with his body besmeared with saffron, awaiting at the trysting-place, at the bidding of his beloved, smitten with desire, such is Takka-Kaiśika.”³

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(1) “Taru-mūle sthita-cetāḥ priyayā saha samhasan| Vrto-ttamāṅga-mukuṭaḥ śuddha-sādava īritaḥ”|| 288 || Anūpa-saṅgīta-vilāsaḥ, p. 130.

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(2) “Svarna-varna-karṇaḥ priyayā saha samhasan| Deva-pādapa-śuskāyām (? su-cchāyām) śrito Gāndhāra-pañcamaḥ” || 331 || Ibid, p. 137. The verse for Madhyama-sādava is a fragment: “Śūraḥ khadgam dadhat-savye kare vāme sucarmakam *** saḍavo madhyamādikaḥ”|| Ibid, p. 179.

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(3) “Śyāmo yuvā kumkuma-lipta-dehaḥ| saṅketa-mākhyāya-krta-pratīkṣaḥ| Priyā-janasya smara-pīḍitasya| Takko’ yamuktaḥ kila kaiśikākhyaḥ”|| 345|| Anūpa-saṅgīta-vilāsa, page 139.

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Sauvīra-rāga: “Seated on pure petals of flowers (?), he is an anchorite of great power, in a mood of peace, very thin and delicate in his body, known by the name of Sauvīra-rāga.”¹

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Sauvīrī (bhāṣā): “With eyes like lotuses, with her desires fulfilled, but again bent on desires, in a mood of peace, and having the effulgence of the lotus, such is Sauvīrī known by reputation.”²

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Bhinna-pañcama: “Of yellow complexion, with hairs of russet hue, he strikes great terror in his enemies in battles, taller than the tallest, he carries strings of skulls on his breast, incessantly loud and terrific laughters emanate from his throat to resound in the skies,—Bhinna-pañcama has thus been indicated by the learned.”³

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The picture of Turuṣka Toḍī (described by Puṇḍarīk as Yāvanī Toḍikā) cited by Bhāvabhaṭṭa, is worth quoting:

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‘Very much current in the country of the Turks, carrying white and other coloured flowers, draped in brilliant red costume, Turuṣka Toḍī is thus spoken of by the sages.’⁴

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The latest datable treatise to contain rāgamālā texts in Sanskrit, visualising the melodies is that represented by Saṅgīta-mālā by an anonymous author; it is represented by

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(1) “Nirmala-kamala-dalāntaḥ śāntodāttaḥ tapasvitāpannaḥ| Kśinaḥ kśinatarair-nāmnā dhīraḥ Sauvīra-rāgo’ yam”|| 356 || Ibid, p. 141.

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(2) “Bhogonmanāḥ punaḥ prāyo bhuktā rājīva-locanā| Śāntā padma-dyutiḥ seyam Sauvīrī parikīrtitā”|| 359 || Ibid, p. 141.

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(3) “Pitaḥ piṅgala-mūrdhajaḥ kṛta-mahā-śaṅkā rane vidviṣām| Stavdhāntaḥ paramonnataḥ paramataḥ vaks-kapālāvali|| Kaṇṭhe vibhraddabhra-bhīti-jananimuccocca-hāsam muhuḥ| Kurvanneca nirūpito budha-janair-Bhinnādimah Pañcamaḥ”|| 366 || Ibid, p. 142.

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(4) “Turuska-deśa-pracura-pracārā| Sitāsitā puspa-varam dadhānā| Surakta-vastrena vibhāsitāṅgī Turuska-Toḍī Kathitā munīndraih”||298|| Ibid. p. 132.

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a single MS. dated 1778, so that the work may be a few years earlier, say about the 1750 A.D. The work follows a system of six rāgas with five rāgiṇīs each. (See Appendix 3). The descriptive verses are elaborate and not only give a visualized picture of each melody but also its note-structure, and an indication of its appropriate hour of singing. Each verse is followed by a note in Hindī under the title of Sāhitya gūḍhārtha (i.e. implicit rhetorical significance of each melody) in which the nāyikā (the heroine), the nāyaka (the hero) and the rasa (emotive flavour) of each melody are specified, and is accompanied by two or three examples of old songs in which each melody has been appropriately sung.

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Some typical examples from this text are quoted below with paraphrases in English.

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‘Gauḍī Rāgiṇī: The fair damsel has defeated the cuckoo by the flourish of her word surpassing nectar; she had decked her ears with new sprays of mango-blossoms, having a complexion like the beautiful blue cloud, her handsome body is robed in white silk; her lotus-face subdues the pride of the Moon, (for) the creator used all his skill and art in creating her form with great care; her grace and beauty are attractive alike to the eyes and the mind; (its structure is) Sa ri ga ma pa dhā ni, with ṣaḍja as its initial note. Gauḍikā is sung at the end of the day in autumn.’

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‘Rhetorical interpretation: The heroine is a married spouse of the middling type, she is in the fullness of her youth, and (for the time being), separated from her lord who has gone abroad. The hero is a tender-hearted young man. The prevailing emotive flavour is unsatisfied love-longing. This melody should be applied to emotions of this quality.’¹

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(1) “Sudhādhika vacacchatā vijita kokilā sundari| Navāmra-dala-śobhinā vilasitā’sukarne nica|| Sunīla-jalada-tvisā su-vapusā vasanāmśkam| Sitam ca śaśi darpaham vadana-pankajam vibharti|| 27 || Prayatna-parinirmitā vividha sādhanair-brahmanā| Mano nayana-hāri sad-viha dhati hi lāvanyakam|| Sari-gama-pa-dhā-nikā bhavati sadjā|

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Dīpaka-rāga: ‘Born from the eyes of the sun; by the effulgence of his complexion scolding the flower of the pomegranate; ravishingly graceful as he rides on a rutted elephant; accompanied by female attendants, carrying round his neck an incomparable necklace of pearls. The melody is centred on the note ṣaḍja, it is sung at noon-tide in summer season.

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‘Rhetorical interpretation: The hero is a wily and faithless person. The heroine is a married spouse of the middling type,¹ in the fullness of her youth. The prevailing emotive flavour is enjoyment of love-passion. This melody should be applied to emotions of this quality.’²

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Other examples from this text are quoted in the descriptions of Vasanta (Plate LXI), of Bhūpālī (Plate LXXVI) and of Taṅka (Plate LXXVII).

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The encyclopædic anthology, *Rāga-kalpadruma* (c. 1843 A.D.) does not claim to be any original presentation of the topics treated in the volumes. The *rāga-mālā* texts cited in this work are borrowed from *Saṅgīta-mahodadhi*, *Saṅgīta-nārāyaṇa* and sundry other texts, and principally from the

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*Śarade-ntime divasa-yāmake subhaga-gīyate Gaudikā*|| 28 || *Sāhitya-gūdhārtha: Nāyikā-sviyā-madhyā* *prārudha-yauvanā-prāyudha-yavanā-prosita-bhartrikāhai*| *Nāyak iskā dhira-lalita.*| *Ras: Vipra-lambha śṛṅgāra* | *isi raski cīe isme* *gānī cāhiye*”| Text published in Kannoomall’s *Sāhitya-samgita-nirūpana*, Delhi, 1917, p. 55).

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(1) The word in the text is ‘*sviyā*, which is probably used as an antonym to ‘*parakīyā*’ (another’s wife).

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(2) “*Raver-netrod-bhūtah sva-tanu-mahimā dādimva-kusumam* *Tiras-karvan-matta-dvirada-madhi-rūdho’ti-lalitah*|| *Yutah stribhi muktā-phala gaṇāñcita-hāra-matulam* *Dadhat-kanthe sadje sthita iha dinārdhe tapa ɩtau*|| 47 || *Sāhitya gūdhārtha: Nāyak:—Satha*| *Nāyikā*—*iski sviyā-madhyā prārudha jāuvanā hai*| *Ras-isme sambhoga śṛṅgāra*| *Isme isi ras samvandhi cīe gānī cāhiye*”| Ibid, p. 72.

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*Saṅgīta-darpaṇa.*

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Tagore's Sangitasārasamgraha:

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S. M. Tagore's *Saṅgīta-sāra-samgraha*,—which has been largely used in citing the texts quoted on the descriptions of the Plates of the present work, is also a compilation, which gives a large variety of *rāga-mālā* texts according to the three schools. The descriptive verses cited are quoted from Nārada-saṃhitā, *Rāgārṇava*, *Saṅgīta-ratnamālā*, *Saṅgīta-darpaṇa*, and *Saṅgīta-nārāyaṇa*.

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Hindi Rāgmālā Texts:

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Having taken a bird's eye-view of the available texts of *rāga-mālās* in Sanskrit, we will proceed to make a show survey of Hindi texts, with the data so far available. It must have been realised from very early times in the practice of the rāgas, that the Sanskrit texts of the *rāga-mālā* could only be accessible to a very few of the practising musicians learned in Sanskrit literature, who could study the theory of the musical science from the original texts. The necessity of translating the Sanskrit texts into a popular vernacular must have been felt, with the growing popularity of music during the period immediately preceding the advent of the Moghuls. The Hindī Language had already lent itself to a complete vulgarization of the classical 'Sanskrit' culture in terms of a popular folk-psychology, accessible to the general public to whom the academic classical culture was a *terra incognita*. With the development of a wide-spread interest in musical culture and development, a group of Hindī poets devoted themselves to unlock the key to the Sanskrit musical texts and to render them in easily accessible popular versions in Hindī quatrains and couplets (*copaī* and *dohās*). In this way, short popular recensions in Hindī verses opened to all and sundry the secrets of musical theory and sciences hitherto locked up in learned treatises in Sanskrit. This duty of popularising the academic knowledge and culture for popular apprehension was undertaken by well-known and talented poets, and also by lesser luminaries. One would expect Tānsen, (c. 1520-1589 A.D.) the great exponent of Indian music, and a Hindī poet of some distinction (who composed several Dhrupada songs in old Braja bhāṣā), should have been the first composer of *rāga-mālā* texts in Hindī as foundations for pictorial illustrations. Unfortunately, his hand as an iconographer has not been discovered in any Hindī compositions visualising the melodies. Of poets of distinction who condescended to write these popular guidebooks on music, the most famous name is that of Deo-Kavi, a bright luminary in Hindī Literature. But he seems to be forestalled by another poet, of considerable talent, but whose name and fame was not hitherto known to the history of Hindī Literature. This was the poet Harivallabha, the author of an elaborate treatise on Indian music. His work introduces a new name in Hindī literature, as he is totally ignored in all known anthologies and histories of literature.

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This musical poet is represented by an elaborate treatise which he himself describes as a vernacular version of *Sangīta Darpaṇa*, written in an obscure form of old Hindī. The work survives in four manuscripts, the earliest, in the collection of the British Museum¹ and bearing a dated colophon: ‘Finished vernacular version of *Sangīta darpaṇa* by Harivallabha Saṃvat (1710 (=1643 A.D.), the second day of the black fortnight of Phālgun (February-March) written by copyist Sāraṅga”.² The second manuscript written by Khemankar Miśra at Shāhajahānāvād (Delhi) is in the collection of the Sarasvatī-bhavan Library, Benares, and bears a colophon which purports to bear date Vaiśākh Sudi 7, Saṃvat year 1748 (=1691 A.D.)³ The third manuscript, undated, is in the collection of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.⁴ The fourth manuscript is a magnificent *editio princeps*, finally written and illustrated with numerous pictures of the rāgas, now in the collection of Mr. P. C. Nahar, Calcutta. It contains a dated colophon which runs as follows: ‘Finished

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¹ Add. 26, 540 (Blumhardt’s Catalogue, 1899, p. 20, (30).

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² “*Iti bhāṣā saṅgit-darpan-ka*|| *kṛtā Harivallabhena*|| *Samvat* 1710. *Varṣe phālgun vadı duni dıne sāraṅga lekhakena likhitam*”||

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³ Ms. No. 3 of 23. “*Samvat satrahasau varsa vīte atha tālis*|| *mādhava sudı tithı saptamı vāra varanı vāgıs*|| *Gauḍ Hariyānyā jagad vidıta misra Ksemaṅkara nām*|| *Sāhijahānā vādme likhavāı sukha kām*”|| In this Ms. the *rāgādhyāya* is missing.

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⁴ No. 791 (7) Hindī Ms. No. 1.

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(1) Add. 26, 540 (Blumhardt’s Catalogue, 1899, p. 20, (30).

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(2) “*Iti bhāṣā saṅgit-darpan-ka*|| *kṛtā Harivallabhena*|| *Samvat* 1710. *Varṣe phālgun vadı duni dıne sāraṅga lekhakena likhitam*”||

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(3) Ms. No. 3 of 23. “*Samvat satrahasau varsa vīte atha tālis*|| *mādhava sudı tithı saptamı vāra varanı vāgıs*|| *Gauḍ* *Hariyānyā* *jagad vidıta misra Ksemaṅkara nām*|| *Sāhijahānā vādme* *likhavāı* *sukha kām*”|| In this Ms. the *rāgādhyāya* is missing.

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(4) No. 791 (7) Hindī Ms. No. 1.

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chapter on dancing,—the vernacular version of the essence of music by Harivallabha Saṃvat 1855 (=1798 A.D.) first Śrāvaṇ (July-August), black fortnight, the auspicious twelfth moon, Thursday, written by Brāhmaṇ Giridhāri for the benefit of Babu Meghraj in the District of Murshidabad at Azimgunge near the bank of the Ganges, copy finished.¹ The work is in five sections, or chapters: (i) Musical notes (ii) Melodies (iii) Compound melodies (iv) Musical measures and (v) Dancing. The chapter on melodies (*rāgādhyāya*) appears to be based partially on the Sanskrit text *Saṅgīta-darpaṇa* by Dāmodara Miśra (described above pp. 32, 62) and which seems to lend its name to the Hindī work, which appears to have borrowed its materials freely from other and older texts.² As the colophon at the end of each section suggests, Harivallabha gave in a vernacular version the substance of musical data abstracted from authoritative treatises.³ Any how, the date of the work cannot be earlier than 1625 A.D., when Dāmodar Miśra’s work was composed.

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Confining ourselves to the chapter of *rāgādhyāya*, we find Harivallabha, following Hanumāna, describing six *rāgas* and thirty *rāgiṇīs*. He first indicates the note-structure of the melodies and then gives a visual picture of the same in very rhythmic and melliflous verses of *Kavittas*, generally

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(1) “*Iti śrī Harivallabha kṛta vākhā prakaraṇa saṅgīta-sāra nṛttyā-dhyaya samāpta| Saṃvat 1855 ādika sāvan mās kṛṣṇa pakṣa puṇya tithou dvādaśī guru vāsara likhitam Giridhārī Brāhmaṇ cirañjīv Bābu Beghrāj-ji hetārtham Mokṣudāvād-madhye nikaṭa Gaṅgā-tīre Azimgunj madhye likhi sampūrṇam.*”

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(2) The printed text of *Saṅgīta-Darpaṇa* (Tagore’s Edition, Calcutta 1881) only gives the text up to the *rāgādhyāya*, and does not give the complete text which must have included the chapters on Measures and Dancing.

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(3) “*Harivallabha bhākhā raceyo sava saṅgīta ke sār| Tāme sampūrṇa bhayo nṛtya vicār apār*”|| ‘Harivallabha has composed in vernacular the essence of the principles of music, of which the incomparable dissertation on dancing forms the final, or terminating portion.’

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TODI RAGINI

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the *Goths*, the *Vandals*, the *Suevi*, the *Burgundians*, the *Alani*, the *Huns*, the *Franks*, the *Saxons*, the *Thuringians*, the *Rugians*, and the *Heruli*. The names of these tribes are familiar to the reader, but their origin, their migrations, and their settlements are involved in the deepest obscurity. The most probable opinion is that they were all of German or Scythian extraction, and that they had been driven from their native seats by the pressure of the Huns, a formidable nation of Tartars, who had crossed the Volga and the Tanais, and were advancing with rapid strides towards the frontiers of the Roman empire.

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The first of these nations that crossed the Danube was the *Goths*. They were divided into two great branches, the *Visigoths* or Western Goths, and the *Ostrogoths* or Eastern Goths. The Visigoths, under the conduct of Fritigern, implored the protection of the emperor Valens, and were permitted to settle in the province of Thrace. But the perfidy of the Roman governors, and the insolence of the Roman soldiers, soon provoked them to rebellion. They defeated the imperial armies, and Valens himself perished in the battle of Hadrianople.

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The death of Valens was followed by the accession of Theodosius, who, by his wisdom and valour, restored the discipline of the Roman legions, and compelled the Goths to accept a peace, which was rather a truce than a permanent settlement. The Goths, however, remained in the heart of the empire, and their presence was a constant source of danger and alarm. They were no longer the rude barbarians who had first crossed the Danube; they had learned the arts of war and the policy of the Romans, and they were ready to take advantage of any opportunity to assert their independence.

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The reign of Theodosius was the last period of the glory of the Roman empire. After his death, the empire was divided between his two sons, Arcadius and Honorius. Arcadius reigned in the East, and Honorius in the West. The division was fatal to the interests of the state. The two brothers were weak and indolent, and they were governed by their ministers and favourites. The Goths, under the command of Alaric, took advantage of the weakness of the government, and invaded Italy. They besieged and took Rome, and the eternal city, which had for so many centuries been the mistress of the world, was plundered by the barbarians.

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The fall of Rome was a shock to the whole civilized world. It was the end of an era, and the beginning of a new and darker age. The Goths, after the death of Alaric, retired from Italy, and settled in Gaul and Spain, where they founded kingdoms which were destined to last for several centuries. The Vandals, under the command of Genseric, crossed into Africa, and established a powerful kingdom, which for a time threatened the security of the Mediterranean. The Franks, under the command of Clovis, conquered Gaul, and laid the foundations of the French monarchy. The Saxons, under the command of Hengist and Horsa, invaded Britain, and established the kingdoms of the Heptarchy.

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containing in its last line (*bhaṇitā*) the name of the poet. As will appear from the descriptive verses quoted on the plates in the second volume from the text of Harivallabha (with variant readings according to the Asiatic Society and the Nahar Mss.), the poet does not slavishly follow the original Sanskrit verses, but gives an amplified and original version of the ‘picture’ of each rāga, though following the main outlines of the Sanskrit models. The descriptive picture for each melody is preceded in the first instance by the note-structure of the melody. This is well illustrated from typical pages reproduced from the Nahar Ms. on Plates LXVI, LXXXVIII-B, LXL-B, LXLV-C, and CII-A. Considering the fact that the poet had to conform to the conventional pattern of the ‘picture’ of a rāga as laid down in the Sanskrit text, he has displayed not only great technical skill in smooth and attractive versification, but has also given proofs of considerable poetic imagination, both in ideas and diction, and his alliterations are mostly made of significant choice of musical words and not of mere mechanical assemblage of a cheap jingle of empty vocables. Harivallabha’s chapter on melodies include (over and above the thirty-six rāgiṇīs of Hanumāna) a number of saṅkīrṇa (composite melodies) and upa-rāgiṇīs (additional melodies not affiliated to the six rāgas). Some of these are cited with quotations on the Plates LXXXVIII-B, LXL-B, LXLII-B, LXLV-C, & CII-A.

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It is a matter of some conjecture, if the verses of Harivallabha represent the earliest rāga-mālā texts in Hindī versions. For, if the couplets (*dohās*) quoted on the back of the series of rāgiṇī pictures in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (No. 17.2371 to 17.2385) and on the back of analogous examples in the Ghose Collection in Calcutta are proved to be contemporaneous with the pictures which have been dated about 1600 A.D., then the texts endorsed on these early rāgiṇī series must be older than Harivallabha.

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The fact that none of the verses of Harivallabha has been found quoted on any rāgiṇī pictures, would suggest that texts composed by other hands had already acquired popularity which could not be displaced by the higher literary merits of Harivallabha’s compositions. Dr. Coomaraswamy considers the Hindī texts quoted on the earliest rāgiṇī paintings mentioned above, as of the same date as the paintings themselves. “We know nothing of descriptive Rāgamālā poems older than those found on the paintings themselves, and these are apparently in a Bundelkhaṇḍi dialect which is related to the language of the Padumāvatī of Malik Muhammad Jaisī, which can hardly be older than the beginning of the sixteenth century.”¹ The careless and perfunctory style of the writing of these texts endorsed on the back of these early Rāgamālā pictures (designated as S. 1 and S. 2 in the Boston Museum, Catalogue Part V, p. 72) do not encourage the suggestion that the writings and, therefore, the texts are as old as the pictures. But certain significance attaches to the fact that the same couplets are quoted on Mr. A. Ghose’s Mālkousa Rāga (Plate XIV-B) as on the analogous example of the same rāga in the Boston Museum (see the two identical texts with minor variations quoted on Plate XIV). The identity of this dohā quoted on two examples of analogous illustrations of nearly the same date suggests that both these pictures were based on the same text, that is to say, the text existed before those miniatures were painted.

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Lachiman: Now, the dohā quoted on a Vibhāṣā rāginī in the Boston Museum (Plate LXXXV) appears to be the concluding couplet of a string of verses, quoted on a Vibhāṣā rāginī in the Fogg Art Museum (Plate LXXXVI). The author of these verses, as appears from this text and the text quoted on Plate LXXVIII, was a poet of the name of Lachiman: ‘Lachiman (the poet), describes king Vibhās’ (“Lachiman varnai bhūpa Vibhās”). ‘This is suggested by Lachiman’ (“Karai Lachimana iha upadeś,” describing the Pañcama rāginī). Three poets of this name are known to Hindī Literature, (Miśra-Vandhu-Vinod, Pariśiṣṭh, p. 1566), but we have no sure evidence to identify the author of the verse in question. The style of our Lachiman is very terse and sometimes inclined to be archaic and obscure in idea, reminding one of the obscure diction of Keśavadās’ Rasikapriyā (c. 1591). The merits and demerits of the style are best studied in considering the translation of the dohā describing Lalita [identical couplets quoted on examples in Ghosh Col-

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(1) Coomaraswamy: Catalogue of the Indian Collections, Boston Museum, Part V, Rajput Painting, 1926, p. 43.

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lection and in the Boston Museum (Plate XXXVII)] which in Dr. Coomaraswamy’s translation does not reveal the emotive flavour of the melody, and which in our version, appropriately illustrates the situation of a Khaṇḍitā nayikā, (‘one whose love has been dishonoured by the lover spending the night with another and returning in the morning’) as shown in the two illustrations cited on the plate. ‘It is not the visit of the enemy to the hero’s wife while the hero is abroad’ as suggested (Coomaraswamy’s Catalogue, Part V, p. 72), on a wrong interpretation of the meaning of the terse and obscure text. ‘His lips are red with chewing betel-leaf [Rāgai (not Bāgai) birā], his robes are fragrant, or luminous with sandal (āgar dūtī), the dishevelled state of his whole body shuts out the god of Love’ [“rupu vāriyatu main(u)”]. These details suggesting a night passed with another lover justifies the interpretation of a Khaṇḍitā-nayikā, who is unable in her resentment to utter any words—‘after seeing such a sight how can the elephant-gaited one speak’ (“phiri kaisai kahi sakai gaja gāminī sau bain”).

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The most famous name in Hindī Literature which figures in rāgamālā texts is that of Deo-Kavi. “According to native opinion he was the greatest poet of his time and indeed one of the greatest poets of India.” He was a Sanādh Brāhmaṇa of Etawah, born in Saṃvat 1730, and is believed to have died in 1802 Saṃvat. He wrote in pure Braja-bhāṣā and some of his verses are believed to be the finest productions of the poetic art. His poetic career began at the age of sixteen (c. 1689 A.D.). He wrote a short treatise on Music entitled Rāg-Ratnākar,¹ specially devoted to a classification and description of the rāgas with five rāgiṇīs each. To each melody is devoted a short descriptive couplet (dohā) followed by a savāyā giving a more detailed picture with suggestions for appropriate season and time for singing, and, sometimes, some details of the notes composing the melody. As will appear from an example to be cited below, the image

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Deo-Kavi A.D.):

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(1) Printed in the collected edition of his works published by the Nāgarī-pracāriṇī Sabhā, Benares, 1912. This edition and the printed text of Bhanu Kavi, infra, call for a modification of Dr. Coomaraswamy’s assertion that “Apparently, no printed texts of Rāgamālā poems exist.”

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of each rāga is first indicated in bare outlines in a couplet (dohā) followed by a more elaborate description in the form of a quatrain (savāyīā):

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Lalita (couplet): “Lalita is of a delicate frame of golden complexion, she wears ornaments and robes made of gold; coming out of her chamber in a spring morning, she waits, her mind full of the expectation of her lover. (Quatrain): Dressed in yellow, she carries a garland of fresh campaka flower, mingled with blossoms of mango and aśoka; she has decked her complexion of gold with ornaments of gold, her voice is mistaken for the song of the cuckoo in spring mornings. The Moon leaving the celestial abode (and assuming the form of her face) has secured the rare ambrosia of her sweet and juicy lips. Lalita is seeking union with her beloved (alternately—the melody seeks the notes ‘dha’, ‘ni’, ‘sa’, ‘ga’ and ‘ma’) and coming out of her abode is looking out for him.”¹

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We now come to a stage of rāga-mālā illustrations when the texts instead of being quoted on the reverse side of the miniatures (as in the early primitive series which carry on the back, the text of Lachiman) began to be superscribed on the face of the miniatures themselves at the top, in a rectangular space, allotted for the purpose. In the earlier

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(1) “Lalita (dohā): Lalita lalita suvarna varana suvarana bhūṣana vās| Madhu-prabhāta grhason nıkası thādī jiya pıya ās || 37 || (Savāyīā): Pita dukūla dhare nava campaka-phul gare mıle amva asokai|| Sonese anganı soneke bhūṣana prāta-vasanta pıkı dhunı dhokar| Oḍı sudhā madhurādhara mādhavı pāyo sudhādhara cchāndı surokai| Cāhatı haı dha nı saṅgama ko lalıtā grhatain calı tāhı vılokaı||” Rāg-ratnākar, p. 10.

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The word ‘oḍı’ has also a double entendre, suggesting that it is a pentatonic (odava) melody, omitting ‘ri’ and ‘pa’. Likewise, the words ‘cāhatı haı dhanı saṅgama’ has a double meaning suggesting that the melody requires the notes ‘dha’ ‘ni’ ‘sa’ ‘ga’ and ‘ma’ in its structure.

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illustrations, though a small space is left at the top, it is not large enough for quotations of dohās, much less of savaiyās or kavittas, and is used for superscribing the name of the rāga, and the number indicating the place of the rāgiṇī and nothing more (see Plates IX, X). At a later stage, it became the practice to write out the whole text descriptive of the rāgiṇī on the illustration itself, as if to allow connoisseurs to compare and verify if the illustration accurately justified the idea and the situation pictured in the text. Generally, the space for the text for the superscription, pictured at the top, was coloured yellow, so as to offer an effective background against which the text could be easily read. The earliest example for this new practice is represented by two miniatures of Vibhāsā, and Madhumādhavī in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (No. 15.51, and 15.53, here cited on Plates LXXXVII.—A; and LXXXII.—C) which have been roughly dated about 1630 A.D.

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The rāga-mālā texts superscribed on these two miniatures are identical with the texts in the almost complete series¹ of rāgiṇī illustrations in the British Museum Collec-

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¹ The series is complete excepting the Dīpaka rāga which is missing, but examples of illustration of Dīpaka in similar style, and with identical text, occur in the collection of Mr. Ajit Ghosh, Lala Shambhunath, and other collections. Next in date to the two examples in the Boston Museum, superscribed with this text, come the three examples analogous in style and with identical text in the Tagore Collection, Calcutta, and the example, Vangāla Rāgiṇī in the author's collection (Plate VIII, B). From a study of the relative styles of these various series bearing identical texts, they seem to answer to the following chronological sequence: (1) Vibhās and Madhumādhavī No. 15. 51, 15. 53, Boston,—C. 1625 (2) Dīpak-rāga (Plate 20, Year Book of Oriental Art, 1925),—C. 1630-1640, (3) Three examples, viz. Varātī, Vangālī and another in Tagore Collection, Calcutta, C. 1650, (4) Vangāla rāgiṇī, Author's Collection (Plate VIII, B of this work),—C. 1650, (5) Dīpak rāga (Plate LVIII, A), and Kāmode (Plate XLVIII, B),—C. 1660, (6) Lala Sambhunath Collection (Plates XIV, C; XV, B; XXVII, C; XXXVI, C &c.),—C. 1675 (7) British Museum series Ms. Add. Or. 2821—C. 1700 (8) Lipperheide Library, Berlin, (Plates XII, C; XXII, D; XXVI, D;)—C. 1800.

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(1) The series is complete excepting the Dīpaka rāga which is missing, but examples of illustration of Dīpaka in similar style, and with identical text, occur in the collection of Mr. Ajit Ghosh, Lala Shambhunath, and other collections. Next in date to the two examples in the Boston Museum, superscribed with this text, come the three examples analogous in style and with identical text in the Tagore Collection, Calcutta, and the example, Vangāla Rāgiṇī in the author's collection (Plate VIII, B). From a study of the relative styles of these various series bearing identical texts, they seem to answer to the following chronological sequence: (1) Vibhās and Madhumādhavī No. 15. 51, 15. 53, Boston,—C. 1625 (2) Dīpak-rāga (Plate 20, Year Book of Oriental Art, 1925),—C. 1630-1640, (3) Three examples, viz. Varātī, Vangālī and another in Tagore Collection, Calcutta, C. 1650, (4) Vangāla rāgiṇī, Author's Collection (Plate VIII, B of this work),—C. 1650, (5) Dīpak rāga (Plate LVIII, A), and Kāmode (Plate XLVIII, B),—C. 1660, (6) Lala Sambhunath Collection (Plates XIV, C; XV, B; XXVII, C; XXXVI, C &c.),—C. 1675 (7) British Museum series Ms. Add. Or. 2821—C. 1700 (8) Lipperheide Library, Berlin, (Plates XII, C; XXII, D; XXVI, D;)—C. 1800.

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tion being Ms. Add. Or. 2821, nearly all of which have been cited in the plates volume of this work. The text by an anonymous poet, quoted in this series, has been the most popular text used by illustrators of rāgamālās, through several centuries. If the estimate of the date of the two miniatures in the Boston Museum (15.51, 15.53) is correct, the text of this anonymous poet must be earlier than 1630, that is to say, earlier than the text of Harivallabha, discussed above. The popularity of the anonymous text, (which could not be superceded by the numerous series of illustrations, which bear quotations from it, viz. (1) British Museum Ms. Add. Or. 2821, (2) Lala Sambhunath Collection, Jaipur, (3) Jaipur Museum Collection, (4) Ajit Ghose Collection (stray examples), (5) Collection of Mr. S. Gangoly, Baroda, stray examples (Plate LXXXI), (6) Author's Collection, (stray examples), (7) Lipperheid'sche Bibliothek, Berlin, 1474 (stray examples), and numerous stray examples in various private collections. In one or two instances dohās from this anonymous text have been cited on the back of the early rāga-mālā pictures e.g., Vasanta rāgiṇī, Metropolitan Museum (Plate LX, B). This would lend support to the assertion that in some cases, at least, the texts were added later. The text on the back of the Vasanta rāgiṇī which we reproduce on the page opposite is so clumsy and careless as to preclude a supposition of its being contemporary with the miniature. One peculiarity of the text under discussion is its independent and original treatment of the themes. While the versions of Harivallabha keeps to the main outlines of the pictures and also, invariably, to the significant vocabulary of the Sanskrit text, as we have pointed out, the anonymous text shows a complete detachment from the Sanskrit models, though conforming to essential iconographic details and particulars of emotive significances. There is no verbal correspondence with the vocabulary of Sanskrit text such as we meet with in the text of Harivallabha. This may be easily demonstrated by considering the three versions (one Sanskrit and two Hindī texts) cited in the descriptions to Vangālī rāgiṇī (Plate VIII). It will be seen that Harivallabha not only reproduces the imageries but actually borrows several words from the Sanskrit model (triśūla, karaṇḍa, vāma-hasta, taruṇārka-varṇa), which the anonymous text absolutely ignores. The author gives an independent version, altogether allowing his own imagination to weave pictures, imageries and details to realise the main essences of the themes. Thus, in calling up the picture of a Yoginī, a female ascetic, performing austerities, the poet makes her sit on a rug of deer-skin in a shining temple, or a monastery, situated in a lonely forest, where the ascetic has retired, away from the haunts of men. The picture of the forest called up by the poet includes the necessary details of a group of frisking monkey,¹ and a live lion seated near her (*maṭha siva tala siṃhaju vaithāī*). None of the Sanskrit texts suggests a lion—which is the poet's own independent contribution to complete the picture of a lonely forest. The lion is not an essential iconographic detail required by the original *dhyāna*-formulas, but an innovation of the poet whom the artist has slavishly followed. It follows, therefore, that the illustrators had for their literary guidance the Hindī version of this anonymous text, and not the Sanskrit text of the authoritative treatises. Indeed, with rare exceptions,² the illustrations invariably quote Hindī, but not Sanskrit texts. The popular demand for the Hindī texts naturally called for poetic efforts on the part of several versifiers who came forward with original *dohās* and *savayās* giving graphic word pictures of the emotive and dramatic features of the melodies for the benefit of the pictorial artists.

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