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Ajanta: The Colour and Monochrome Reproductions of the Ajanta Frescoes Based on Photography v4.c16: Ajanta: Explanatory Text

Ajanta: The Colour and Monochrome Reproductions of the Ajanta Frescoes Based on Photography v4.c16

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Contents

Ajanta: Explanatory Text

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As regards colours it has been observed above that down to the third century A.D. there is a complete absence of the blue tint, but in later work ultramarine is to be noticed freely, and it has admirably withstood the effects of time; colours of this shade of blue look as fresh today as when they were laid on fifteen or sixteen hundred years ago. Some expert chemists have suggested that the Ajanta artists made their blue pigment from *lapis-lazuli*, beads of which are to be seen in great abundance on the ornaments shown in the paintings of Ajanta.¹ Apart from blue there is a rich variety of other colours, notably the various shades of vermilion and terra-verde, which were doubtless produced by mixing with other colours. In regard to the ‘binding medium’ the chemical analysis of fragments of the painted surface has revealed that instead of any vegetable gum some kind of animal-skin glue was used, although in the *Vishnudharmottara* tree-resins and the pulp of the bel fruit (*Aegle marmelos*) as well as glue made from buffalo skin are included in the list of the binding media in vogue in India at some time or other.² Animal-skin glue is still used in Japan, where it is called *nikava*.

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¹ *Lapis-lazuli* beads have also been found in the cairns of the Deccan, proving that this stone was in fashion for ornaments from very early times.

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² *Vishnudharmottara*, pp. 16–17.

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The paintings of this period also throw considerable light on the social and economic conditions of the Deccan. Woman's place is generally inside the house, where she is shown behaving quite freely with her consort, but in court-scenes she is generally represented in a bashful mood.³ She is always most devoted to her husband and accompanies him even in exile.⁴ She soothes feelings of anger where harm to any person is threatened.⁵ Her dress, although scanty, shows good taste both in style and choice of material. There is a large variety in the designs of garments for the upper part of the body, ranging from a mere strip (*brassière*) to the tight-fitting half-sleeved bodice (*cholī*), and the full-sleeved shirts with slits (or cuts) on back and sides to show the beauty of form to advantage as well as to ensure freedom of movement.⁶ The material for these garments is sometimes almost transparent, a gossamer-like fabric, the tradition of which goes back to a very early period, as we know because the diaphanous muslins of Kalinga (Orissa) are mentioned in the *Periplus*. The other materials are silks and brocades with floral designs. The Deccan has been noted for its fabrics from ancient times, and both Greek and Roman writers mention this industry when describing the articles exported from the ports of the Western Coast of India. The lower garment of the ladies generally consists of a *sārī* which comes up to the waist-line and does not cover the back and the shoulders, except in the case of elderly ladies, such as Mahājanaka's mother.⁷ Ladies of Western Asiatic countries are shown wearing long full-sleeved coats and low skirts.⁸

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³ *Ajanta*, i, Plate XXIV. The dark princess is looking not towards her consort but in another direction, showing a certain modest aloofness when appearing in public.

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⁴ *Ibid.*, iv, Plates XXIII–XXIV.

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⁵ *Ibid.*, ii, Plate XLV.

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⁶ *Ibid.*, i, Plates XIII–XIV; iv, Plates XL–XLI.

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⁷ *Ibid.*, Plate XVII.

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⁸ *Ibid.*, Plates XXIV and XXXIX *a*.

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Princes of royal birth have their bodies bare down to the waist-line, but the lavish display of jewellery round their arms and necks and on their breasts does not make the scantiness of their dress so perceptible. The lower garment of the princes is a *dhotī*, or waist-cloth, generally of a striped design, in which a blue colour is prominent. The material of these dhoṭis was apparently a silken stuff of close texture.¹ The ministers and other high officers are shown dressed in long coats (aṅgrakhās) with full sleeves.² The material of these coats is something like the jāmiwār or himrū of Aurangābād at the present day, since it has floral and other attractive designs arranged in slanting bands.³ The soldiers wore round skull-caps, and jackets or shirts with full, as well as half-sleeves.⁴

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Women of this period paid great attention to their coiffure, and at Ajanta a variety of exquisite styles may be studied which are peculiar to the Deccan and South India and have never been seen in Upper India, again showing that the artists of Ajanta were people of the Deccan. The gold ornaments include ear-rings, finger-rings, wristlets, bangles, armlets, necklaces, tiaras, and diadems of a large number of designs, exhibiting perfect workmanship and good taste. The common use of these ornaments suggests that gold was then abundant in the Deccan, which view is confirmed by the existence of gold-mines in certain south-western districts of the Deccan to this day. The export of gold from the ports of Western India is mentioned by early European writers. Pearl ornaments are also to be seen in great abundance at Ajanta, and pearls probably came to the Ceylon and from the Persian Gulf; trade was carried on between the Deccan and these two places even before the Christian era. The fabulous wealth of the Deccan and the fondness of its people for pearls, gold ornaments, and rich silk stuffs may also be judged by a reference to an historical event of medieval times. When Rāmachandra, the rājā of Daulatābād, desired to conclude a treaty of peace with ‘Alā-ud-Dīn Khaljī, the latter forced him to pay as ransom for his breach of faith 17,250 pounds of gold, 200 pounds of pearls, 58 pounds of other jewels, 28,250 pounds of silver, and 4,000 pieces of silk.⁵

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It is difficult to make any plausible surmise from these paintings regarding polity, more particularly owing to the relative scarcity of ancillary evidence in literary works or contemporary inscriptions in the form of land-grants, &c., although such evidence does exist.⁶ The king was apparently the supreme head of the state, but ministers, who are generally delineated as belonging to the Brahman class, were consulted in all diplomatic and domestic affairs, and the will of the people also had considerable influence, since in stories like that of Viśvantara the regard for public opinion is amply shown. In this story the king, at the request of the people, disregarding his own and his consort's grief, exiled his beloved son because of his excessive generosity.⁷ Notwithstanding the natural wealth and the various rich industries

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¹ Ajanta, Plate XXIV. ² Ibid., Plates X, XVI, XVIII, XXXI, and XXXIV b. ³ Jāmiwār resembles the shawl-work of Kashmir and has its main texture of fine wool, floral and other designs being worked out in silk. In the Ajanta designs figures of ducks and oxen may also be seen (Ibid., Plates XVI and XVIII). Himrū is a cheap imitation of the jāmiwār, the distinction being that in it the main warp is of fine cotton. Paithan has been noted for its sāris of brocade from olden times, and the industry still flourishes there. ⁴ Ibid., ii, Plate XXXVIII; iii, Plates XXIV-XXV; and iv, Plates XXVIII, LIX a, and LXI a. ⁵ Cambridge History of India, iii, 97. ⁶ Vide Manu's Dharma Śāstra and Kauṭilya's Artha Śāstra. ⁷ The King said:

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‘Behold the people's will, And I that will do not gainsay,
But let him bide one happy night before he go away.’
‘After the space of this one night, when dawns the coming day,
Together let the people come and banish him away.’

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Cowell, Jātaka, vi, 255.

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of the country, the general mode of life was plain in the extreme; the kitchen, the pantry, and the dining-chamber of the rājā, shown in the Sutasoma Jātaka, do not differ as regards utensils and other requisites from those to be found in the house of an ordinary person (Plate XXXVI a). The royal kitchen shown in the above subject was a thatched hut with several pots hung from the bamboos of the roof by means of slings, such as may be seen in the houses of country-folk or poor people today. Below, some pots are shown on a fire over an earthen stove. The pantry is a side-apartment of the royal chamber, and in it several covered dishes and pots are placed on the floor, while the rājā is sitting in the adjoining chamber on a low seat with a plain little table in front of him. Some saucers and cups are scattered on and around this small table. This simple style of dining seems to have been based largely on certain orthodox religious principles regarding abstinence as well as the possible contamination of food. The diet and the style of dining of a prince did not therefore differ much from that of an ordinary person, but the latter would not have enjoyed venison, of which some of the princes delineated on the rock-walls of Ajanta were apparently fond (Plate LXX a).

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The dwelling-houses of royalty, though richly equipped with tassels and awnings, were small structures with narrow verandas and back rooms. The verandas represented in the paintings generally have slanting roofs resting on beams and rafters. The roofs of the rooms appear to be flat, like those to be seen in some of the rock-hewn shrines.¹ The common people lived in huts with grass roofs supported by props and beams of wood and bamboos. The architectural grandeur which is to be noticed in contemporary religious shrines cannot be traced in the secular buildings represented in paintings, the reason being that the secular ideal of life aimed at simplicity, whilst to glorify God they made His edifices as sublime and magnificent as human imagination and craftsmanship could at that time achieve. This view will be best appreciated if we describe the architectural features of those shrines of which the paintings are studied below in this Part.

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¹ The earliest representations of the flat roof with cross-beams and rafters may be seen in the vihāras at Koṇḍāṇe and Piṭalkhorā, ranging in date from the second to the first century B.C. History of the Deccan, vol. i, Plate II b.

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We begin with Cave XVII, the plan of which, given in Plate I, explains the general arrangement of the various parts of this vihāra. The veranda, while extending to a length of 64 ft., has a breadth of 10 ft. only, and consequently appears somewhat narrow to the art-critic. Similarly, the interspacing of the pillars, which are quite massive in girth, does not indicate a refined sense of proportion. The carving of the pilasters at each end, however, is exquisite, and amply atones for the heaviness of the columns in front. The hall is entered by three doors, one of them being in the middle and the other two on each side of it near the end of the wall. The middle door is of ample proportions and is adorned with elegant carving. There are also two large windows to light the interior of the hall. The latter measures nearly 64 ft. square, and has an apartment in the middle and corridors on all four sides formed by the insertion of columns. There are twenty columns altogether and they have an octagonal design, with the exception of four—two in the middle of the front row and two corresponding to them in the back row—which are square in plan. These are somewhat massive, but in the large dimensions of the hall they appear suitable. The columns are adorned with both carvings and paintings, which have been skilfully executed.

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At the back of the hall is the shrine, with an antechamber in front. The latter is rectangular in design and measures 17 ft. 9 in. in width and 8 ft. 5 in. in depth. The shrine itself is almost square in plan, its dimensions being 17 ft. 9 in. by 19 ft. 6 in. The door of the shrine is lavishly carved, the frame being divided into facets by sculptured bands representing floral designs, figures of the Buddha in different *mudrās* (attitudes), and figures of the Buddhist female deities of the Mahāyāna school. Two of them, which are carved on the two sides of the sill, apparently represent river-goddesses (*yakshiṇīs*), as they are shown standing on crocodiles (Plate III *a*). The large image of the Buddha inside the shrine is sufficiently impressive, although it suffers by comparison with the image in Cave I.¹ The Teacher is seated on a richly carved throne, at the back of which are represented the figures of two crocodiles. From the jaws of each of these monsters a man is leaping forth as if to save his life. These men in relation to the size of the crocodiles have been shown on a much smaller scale, but the artistic details of the whole design are admirably finished. The Buddha is shown in the *Dharmachakra mudrā* (teaching attitude). He is seated cross-legged with the soles of his feet turned upwards, and holds the little finger of his left hand with the thumb and forefinger of his right, as if to count the various points of his sermon. Below the throne two deer with a wheel between them are carved, representing conventionally the deer-park of Sārnāth (near Benares) where the Buddha is said to have preached the Law. On each side of the Buddha, standing by the throne, is an attendant holding a fly-whisk. The attendant on the right represents the Bodhisattva Padmapāṇi, who can be identified by the lotus-flower in his left hand; the attendant on the left is the Bodhisattva Vajrapāṇi, whose emblem, the conventional thunderbolt (*vajra*), is clearly visible in the sculpture (Plate III *b*). Near the throne are two more attendants, one holding a cup (the Buddha’s alms-bowl?) and the other something else which is not clear, as the sculpture is slightly damaged at that place. The long hair of the two attendants, curled and arranged in the form of a wig, catches the eye. Above, along the halo, may be noticed cherubs who are bringing offerings from heaven to the Buddha.

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¹ *Ajanta*, i, *frontispiece*.

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The religious dignity of the sculpture of this *vihāra* is in keeping with the sense of grandeur conveyed by its architectural style, and derived from the noble expanse of the hall and the elegance and beauty of its other adjuncts. These features, combined with the magnificence of the paintings which adorn the *vihāra*, make it undoubtedly the finest monument of its kind in India, and perhaps in the world. If any other *vihāra* can match it in splendour it is Cave I at the same place; but in this latter *vihāra* the paintings, with few exceptions, are not artistically of such a high order as those in Cave XVII.²

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² The representations of the Padmapāṇi and Avalokiteśvara on the back wall, on either side of the antechamber, and the figure of the Buddha as a beggar, on the wall of the front corridor, to the left of the door, in Cave I, are indeed masterpieces of the Buddhist art of India, and for serenity of expression and artistic beauty may stand comparison with any other specimen of this art. *Ajanta*, i, Plates VI *b*, VII *b*, VIII, XXIV-XXVII, and XXXI-XXXIII.

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On the left side of Cave XVII a passage leads through a rectangular excavation to Cave XIX, which is a *chaitya*. This rectangular excavation, which measures 19 ft. 4 in. in length and 8 ft. 10 in. in depth, was never a separate shrine, although previous archaeologists have marked it as Cave XVIII. The next cave (XIX) is indeed a magnificent temple, and notwithstanding its comparatively small dimensions the carving and the general style of its architecture exhibit perfect workmanship and a highly refined taste.¹ It has an elegant porch which opens on a finely chiselled court some 34 ft. square. The pillars of the porch show a fine sense of proportion in height and girth, and in design they resemble the pillars of Cave II and are equally attractive and well finished. The entire façade of this *vihāra* is adorned with sculptures, representing the figures of the Buddha in different *mudrās*, scenes from his life, floral patterns, jewellery designs, animal-heads, mythical beings, and pairs of lovers. These last are carved at the top—and are shown dallying with one another in horse-shoe shaped windows facing the court. The figures of two corpulent *yakshas*, one of them evidently being Pāñchika, as he holds a purse, are carved as guardians on each side of the springing points of the main arch. The rich crop of the coiled tresses of these two figures falling below their shoulders at once strikes the eye. The figures of the Buddha, carved in niches above the floor of the court, show both serenity of expression and careful workmanship. The row of hyeña-heads used as a dividing-line between the bands of sculpture, and the panel of small squares incised in the rock, serving a similar purpose, make the carving of this *chaitya* resemble that of Cave I, where these two artistic motifs are prominent. The pillars of the interior of this cave also have a striking affinity, both in design and workmanship, to the pillars of Cave I, and the virtual identity of these features, combined with the general artistic feeling shown in the decorative work of these two caves, leaves no doubt that they were excavated within a short period of each other. In Part I the date of Cave I has been assigned to the close of the fifth century A.D.,² and since the repetition of the figures of the Buddha in the triforium of Cave XIX, as also the style of the paintings in the ceiling of this temple, indicates a later phase of the art of Ajanta, this latter cave may be assigned to the beginning of the sixth century A.D., thus to a date not far removed from that of Cave I.

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¹ The hall of this *chaitya* measures 46 ft. in length, 24 ft. in width, and 24 ft. 4 in. in height. For the plan of the temple see Fergusson and Burgess, *Cave Temples of India*, Plate XXXVII, and also Griffiths, *Paintings of Ajanta*, ii, Plate 150.

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² *Ajanta*, I, 3.

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In verses 26-27 of the inscription incised in Cave XVII there is a reference to the digging of 'a large cistern pleasing to the eyes and filled with fresh . . . and copious water', and also to the construction of 'a grand *Gandhakuṭī*'.³ Prof. M. M. Mirashi, who has edited the inscription, is of opinion that 'the reference to the *Gandhakuṭī* is undoubtedly to the *chaitya* Cave XIX, which actually lies to the west of Cave XVII'. But Sanskrit poets were always prone to use superlatives when praising a work, and here, as in the case of 'the large cistern pleasing to the eyes', which is only a natural aperture in the rock and does not in any way please the eye, there may have been some exaggeration. So this *Gandhakuṭī* may also have been only an insignificant chapel with an image of the Buddha to the west of Cave XVII, which since its excavation has disappeared owing to a landslide or some other cause. The rock above Cave XVIII has disintegrated badly as the result of climatic influences and shows signs of long continued decay, so that our surmise regarding the disappearance of the *Gandhakuṭi* is rendered plausible. It has been stated above that the decorative features of the triforium of Cave XIX suggest a date posterior to that of Cave I; thus it may be argued that Cave XVII, which is earlier than Cave I both in its style of painting and in its architecture, cannot be coeval with Cave XIX.

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³ V. V. Mirashi, *Hyderabad Archaeological Series*, Monograph No. 15, p. 3, footnote 2, and p. 16, footnote 4.

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The temple is also important architecturally because it is the first *chaitya* in which all the component parts—the ribs of the barrel-shaped roof, the umbrellas crowning the *dagoba*, and the rafters of the large window—are cut in stone, and there is no trace of any woodwork such as is to be noticed in earlier *chaityas*, IX-X of Ajanta, and those of other places. Another departure from the earlier *chaityas* in this temple is the carving of the figure of the Buddha in a richly ornamented niche cut into the front of the *dagoba*. The Buddha is represented wearing a robe more like a Roman toga than the Indian garment of a mendicant, such as he is shown wearing in the superb painting on the back wall of the antechamber in Cave XVII (Plate XLI). The figures supporting the circular divisions of the triple umbrella, and some of the little dwarfs intertwined with creeper designs,¹ painted in the ceiling of the aisles of this cave, betray the influence of Roman art, but these features are so well adapted to the general decorative scheme of this temple that neither its religious import nor its Indian character suffers from this intrusion of foreign ideas.

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¹ Griffiths, J., *Paintings of Ajanta*, vol. ii, Plate 152.

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The main image of the Buddha carved on the *dagoba* exhibits that inner peace of mind which is the special characteristic of Buddhist sculpture, and in which it differs from contemporary or earlier Roman models. Another sculpture representing a *Nāga* king and queen, carved in a niche near the north-western corner of the court, is equally striking by its calm and repose, although, the stone being porous, some of the features of the figures have been rubbed away (Plate LXXVI*b*). The sculptor's exuberance of spirit and love of rich decoration may further be noticed in the design of the capitals of the pillars of a chapel excavated in the right side of the court of this *chaitya*. The conventional lions' heads (the *kīrtimukhas*) in the upper part of the capitals, the fat dwarfs (*gaṇas*) at the corners in two stages, and the lovely bunches of fruit hanging down from leaves, all combine to present a most graceful pattern.

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Passing on from this temple to Caves XX-XXIV, we notice a difference in dimensions and to some extent in plan; but we do not feel these differences so much as we do the builder's keen desire to present new architectural features or fresh patterns for sculptural decoration. In support of this view Cave XX may be taken first. The only change in its plan is that the hall has no columns to support the roof, and further the antechamber advances some 7 ft. into the hall.²

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² The hall measures 28 ft. 2 in. in width and 25 ft. 4 in. in depth. The height of the ceiling from the floor is 12 ft. 6 in. The roof of the veranda has rafters and cross-beams cut in the rock similar to those in the roof of the front corridor of Cave XVII. For the plan of Cave XX see Burgess, *Buddhist Cave Temples*, A.S.W.I., Plate XXVIII, Fig. 6.

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But in the decorative scheme of the doorway several new motifs will strike the connoisseur, the most notable being the projection of the long tongues of the conventional crocodiles (makaras) in a curvilinear form with the tips rolled up from each side of the doorway, and forming an ornamental arch above it.¹ The sprouting forth of garlands from the mouths of makaras may be noticed in the earlier carving at Amarāvatī, and the sculptors of Ajanta most probably took the idea thence; but it is certainly to their credit that they presented this motif in such a graceful architectural form. The jewellery designs and the floral and leaf patterns carved on the mouldings of this doorway are also very beautiful. The representation of yakṣiṇīs in the form of struts along the capitals of the pillars of the veranda, although not an original motif, has been skilfully achieved.²

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¹ Burgess, Buddhist Cave Temples, A.S.W.I., Plate XXXII, Fig. 1.

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² The figures of yakṣiṇīs in this form may be seen in the Buddhist temple, Cave I, of Aurangābād, and also in the later Brahmanical temple, Rameśvara (Cave XXI), at Ellora.

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Cave XXI is also a vihāra, but it is much larger in dimensions than Cave XX, the hall alone measuring 51 ft. 6 in. in width, and 51 ft. in depth.³ The pillars of the veranda are now completely destroyed, but an idea of what their beautiful carving was originally like may be gained from that of the pilasters at each end, which are still intact. The latter resemble in workmanship the pilasters of Cave I. The architect in his effort to produce an idea of richness in the design has added six chapels to the plan of the vihāra, two in the veranda, one on each side, two in the side aisles of the hall; and two in the back corridor, one on each side of the antechamber. These chapels have slender pillars of elegant design in front, and neatly carved friezes above them. Chapels of this style may also be seen in Cave II at Ajanta, but the arrangement of six of them in the plan of the building with such pleasing effect is peculiar to this cave.⁴ The doorway of the shrine is also richly adorned with sculpture, and the figures of Nāga kings are carved on both sides of the entrance as dvārapālas. These have been considerably abraded by climatic influences, but the other decorative designs are intact and show consummate skill in their carving (Plate LXXVII a). The ceiling and walls of this cave were once painted, and fragments of this work still exist (Plates LXXIV b and LXXVII b). The artistic merits of these specimens are described in their proper place in this book (infra, pp. 108-9).⁵

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³ For the plan of this vihāra see Burgess, Buddhist Cave Temples, A.S.W.I., Plate XXIV, Fig. 1.

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⁴ For the design of these chapels see Burgess and Fergusson, Cave Temples of India, Plate XLIX, Figs. 1-2.

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⁵ Dr. Chakravarti, who has deciphered the painted inscriptions of this cave, observes that the name Daśaratha was intended to suggest to the artist that the Daśaratha Jātaka should be painted in the cave, a practice to be noticed in the case of the Sibi Jātaka, or the Viśvantara Jātaka in Cave XVII (infra, p. 111).

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The next cave (XXII) is a small vihāra, comprising an insignificant hall with a narrow veranda in front.⁶ The door of the hall, opening on the veranda, is, however, beautifully carved, and pairs of lovers are freely represented on its frame. The figure of a Nāga king is shown as a dvārapāla on the right jamb of the door. In the interior of the vihāra are four cells, all in an incomplete condition. The sculpture of the shrine is of an inferior order, and further there is an excess of the representations of the Buddha, showing poor taste in their arrangement. On the right wall of the shrine, the eight manuṣya, or earth-born, Buddhas, are painted, and the name of each of them is inscribed below his representation. The names of the Bodhi trees, peculiar to these deities, were also originally inscribed, and four of them may still be read. Below these figures of the Buddha there is a dedicatory inscription followed by a verse enumerating the rewards awaiting the donor of an image of the Lord. These inscriptions have been carefully studied by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti (Appendix, *infra*, pp. 111-12).

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⁶ The hall is square in plan and measures 16 ft. 6 in. on each side. The height of the ceiling from the floor is 9 ft. only.

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Cave XXIII is a spacious *vihāra*, its hall being 50 ft. 5 in. wide and 51 ft. 8 in. deep. Twelve massive columns support the roof of the hall, the height of the latter above the floor being 12 ft. 4 in. The veranda has four columns in front, which are all intact and show fine workmanship. There is a chapel at each end of the veranda in the style of Caves II and XXI. The carving of this cave, particularly that of the columns and pilasters, bears a striking resemblance in design and workmanship to that of Cave I, and it is not unlikely that this *vihāra* is not much later in date than Cave I. The antechamber and the shrine of the cave, although begun, have not been finished.

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The doorway of the hall is elegantly carved, and the sculptures of the *Nāga* kings, appearing as *dvārapālas*, are most impressive. The figures of the *gaṇas* and the leaf-pattern on a round moulding also show a fertile imagination and masterly technical skill (Plate LXXVIII*a*). The representations of the *Nāga* kings as *dvārapālas* in Caves XX-XXIII and the figures of a *Nāga* king and queen in a prominent place in Cave XIX may lead to the conclusion that this group of caves was dedicated by chiefs or wealthy persons who preserved the *Nāga* tradition implied in their ancestry. It has been noted above (p. 3) that Vākāṭaka kings had matrimonial relations with the *Nāga* dynasty of Padmāvatī (Gwalior State), and the former were so proud of this connexion that the name of Bhavanāga of Padmāvatī, the maternal grandfather of the Vākāṭaka king Rudra-sena (*c.* A.D. 335-60), is mentioned in the genealogy of the dynasty, although the name of a maternal grandfather is not usually included in the genealogy of a ruling king.¹ It must, however, be made clear that this group of caves (XIX-XXIII) cannot be assigned architecturally to an earlier period than the close of the fifth century A.D., and it would be still safer to place it in the first half of the sixth century A.D.

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¹ Majumdar, R. C., and Altekar, A. S., *New History of the Indian People*, p. 102, footnote 3.

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The next cave (XXIV) is designed on an extensive plan,² and if completed would have been the largest *vihāra* at Ajanta, as also the most magnificent in the group there, because such of its carvings (over the pillars and the door and windows) as have survived exhibit consummate skill and also a refined taste.³ The work of excavation was evidently given up for the reason that the lower stratum of the rock had been found to be soft and decayed and unfit for the construction of a temple of a permanent type. The shafts of the columns of the veranda, which were completed, have all been destroyed by time, and only their capitals are to be seen, sticking to the entablature. The carving of the pilasters, which is extremely fine, is reminiscent of the intricate designs of the disks of the Amarāvatī Stūpa. Another motif which is surely borrowed from the sculpture of Amarāvatī is the chain design on the lintel of the main door of this *vihāra* (Plate LXXVIII *b*), in which prostrate human figures are shown as the links of the chain. This motif may be seen in the sculpture representing the Alms-Bowl of the Buddha at Amarāvatī.¹

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² The hall in its present incomplete form measures 73 ft. 3 in. by 75 ft.

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³ Some specimens of the carving of this cave are reproduced in woodcut No. 42, p. 157 of Fergusson and Burgess, *Cave Temples of India*, and in Figs. 17-18, p. 57 of Burgess, *Buddhist Cave Temples*, A.S.W.I.

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¹ Yazdani, G., *History of the Deccan*, vol. i, Plate XXIX *a*.

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The dimensions of the *vihāra* suggest that it was probably begun at the same time as the *chaitya* Cave XXVI to be described below, which, on account of its size, must have needed a monastery of equal magnitude for the accommodation of the *bhikshus*.

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CAVE XXVII : UPPER STAGE INCOMPLETE

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CAVE XXVI

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CAVE XXVII

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CAVE XXV(?)

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Cave XXV, of which a plan is also given by Burgess,² is only an adjunct of Cave XXVI, being a chapel with two columns in the front facing the court and three cells in its left side, one of which is incomplete. There is a similar chapel on the left side of the court, shown in the plan given above, which indicates the positions of these two chapels and also the dimensions of the court recently exposed to view by the excavations carried out by the Archaeological Department of Hyderabad.

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² *Buddhist Cave Temples*, A.S.W.I., Plate XXXIV, Fig. 4.

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The entire forefront of Cave XXVI was covered with débris, and that was the reason why Burgess and other archaeologists could not understand the disposition of the various adjuncts of this *chaitya*. The court measures 43 ft. 9 in. by 18 ft. 6 in., and has a flight of four steps leading to a landing in front of the veranda. The roof of the latter has been destroyed with its columns by landslides caused by rains during the monsoons, but the back wall of the veranda, both below the horse-shoe window and above it, is well preserved and shows very rich carving. The upper part of the wall on both sides of the window is divided into panels containing figures of the Buddha of various sizes, represented in different religious attitudes. The multiplication of these figures detracts from the artistic merits of the ornamentation of the façade, and shows a poor taste.

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The interior of this temple is also lavishly adorned with carving,¹ and the pillars, the triforium, the walls of the two side aisles, and the drum of the *dagoba* itself present a rich display of decorative designs and mythical figures, among which the sculptures of the Buddha predominate (Plate LXXIX). The pillars resemble those of Cave I, but their carvings are much more elaborate in detail. Art-critics may not admire this excess of adornment, particularly in a place of worship where religious grandeur should not be suggested only by the exuberance of the motifs. Further, the solemn dignity of a house of God requires lofty conception and restraint in artistic expression, and though the architectural sublimity of this temple has suffered considerably from the lavishness of its ornamental features, the colossal sculpture of the Buddha reclining on a couch, carved in the left aisle near the small door, amply maintains the religious feeling of the Buddhist art of this period (*c.* A.D. 400-525). The expression of calm and repose over his face combines with the realism shown in the representation of some parts of the body, notably the right elbow, which is partly covered by a robe of thin material, the folds of which are carefully shown, and by the long tapering fingers and the toes with polished nails (Plate LXXX). The realistic effect is further enhanced by the mournful faces of the *bhikshus*, whose grief at their great loss in the death of the Master, though intense, shows no violent outburst of emotion. The bolster on which the head of the Buddha rests and the feet of the couch on which he is lying also show realistic treatment. Another interesting piece of furniture in the chamber is a tripod holding the water-flagon. Tripods of this design are also represented in the contemporary paintings at Ajanta and in the later sculptures at Ellora, and it appears that they were common at this time (fifth to seventh centuries A.D.) in the Deccan.

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¹ The interior of the temple is 67 ft. 10 in. deep, separated from the aisles by twenty-six pillars; beside these 36 ft. 3 in. wide, and 31 ft. 3 in. high. The nave is there are two more near the entrance.

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In striking contrast to this grand representation of the Buddha is the square and unimpressive figure of him shown in the Temptation-scene carved near by on the same rock-wall (Plate LXXXI*a*). The poses of some of the figures in this ensemble may indeed appear not unpleasing, but the general effect again betrays a lack of restraint in artistic expression and also a crudeness in execution.

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The cave has several inscriptions, one of which is incised in the back wall of the veranda, over the doorway on the right side. This inscription records the excavation of the *chaitya* by a *bhikshu*, Buddhabhadra by name. He was an intimate friend of Bhavvirāja, the minister of the king of Aśmaka. The name of the king is not mentioned, but Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, who has studied this inscription (Appendix, pp. 114-18), is of opinion that ‘Ravisāmba’s elder brother’, who dedicated the *vihāra*-Cave XVII at Ajanta, dedicated this cave (XXVI) as well, or else it was dedicated by Ravisāmba’s son, or successor, who was the king of Aśmaka at the time of the excavation of the *chaitya*. As Ravisāmba was a contemporary of the Vākāṭaka king Hariṣeṇa (*c.* A.D. 475-500), the date of the excavation of Cave XXVI, even if it be assigned to Ravisāmba’s son, cannot be later than the first quarter of the sixth century A.D.

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Cave XXVII, although it has an upper story as well, is incomplete, and its cells were found to be choked up with silt brought down by rains from the upper parts of the hill. The court was also at that time filled with débris, but the entire site has now been cleared and the arrangement of the various parts of the *vihāra* can be understood from the plan given on page 16.

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The sculpture of this *vihāra* is badly weathered and several columns and some portions of walls are completely destroyed; but those which are intact show careful workmanship (Plates LXXXI*b*-LXXXII). The *vihāra*, however, is small and could never have been imposing, even if it had been finished according to the plan. As it is attached to the *chaitya*-Cave XXVI, it was probably excavated about the same time as the latter, that is, about the close of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth century A.D.¹

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¹ There are two more caves, numbered XXVIII and XXIX by Fergusson and Burgess (*Cave Temples of India*, p. 346, and *Buddhist Cave Temples*, A.S.W.I., p. 59). Both of them are incomplete, and also inaccessible. The Expert Committee under my chairmanship appointed by the Government of Hyderabad in May 1948 has recommended the construction of steps to approach these caves—see *Report of the Expert Committee for the Maintenance and Preservation of the Ajanta Caves*, pp. 8-9.

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In the above survey it has been made abundantly clear that no *chaitya* or *vihāra* at Ajanta, on the basis of contemporary incised or painted inscriptions, can be assigned to a period later than the middle of the sixth century A.D., which marks the beginning of the Cālukya supremacy in the Deccan. The views of those scholars who have associated the name of Pulakeśin II with certain paintings at Ajanta have therefore no historical foundation. Similarly the opinions of those pioneers are not worthy of consideration who did not make a comprehensive study of the subject and who have regarded the paintings of Ajanta as examples of the Gupta art. The influence of the Gupta kings did not penetrate politically into the Deccan until the latter part of the fourth century A.D., whereas the art of painting was fairly well developed in the Deccan by the end of the third or the beginning of the fourth century A.D., as is shown by such paintings as the *Shaḍ-danta Jātaka* or the *Śyāma Jātaka*, executed on the right wall of the *chaitya*-Cave X. Some paintings in this cave can, on the basis of contemporary inscriptions, be assigned with certainty to a period as early as the second century B.C.

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A detailed study of the paintings with a description of the stories delineated therein is given in the following pages, and in presenting it the serial order of the caves has been carefully observed, as was done in the previous parts of the book.

The Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara and the Buddhist Litany

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Plate IV a

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*The subject is painted on the outer wall of the veranda, near the south-west corner, in Cave XVII.*

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THROUGH the percolation of rain-water this painting has become much decayed,¹ yet the figure of Avalokiteśvara can be identified by the flagon which he holds in his left hand. The portrait when complete must have appeared very graceful, as may be judged from the curls of long hair, the outline of the left shoulder and elbow, and the tips of the curved fingers holding the flagon. Some of the ‘disasters of life’, in which according to Buddhist tradition the help of the Bodhisattva is to be invoked, are delineated on the right side. Among them a man attacked by a cobra is clearly visible; the victim is begging Avalokiteśvara for help. Below, another ‘disaster’ may be studied where a man is seen in terror of a lion; the figure of the lion is damaged and can be made out only with difficulty. Below this was painted yet another ‘disaster’, a man attacked by a wild elephant; but this scene is almost defaced now. The Buddhist Litany was a favourite theme both for the sculptor and the painter, and it may be seen carved in the rock in Caves IV and XXVI at Ajanta, in Cave VII at Aurangābād, and in Cave LXVI at Kaṇheri.

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¹ The rock-roof above this subject has been made absolutely watertight by the Archaeological Department of Hyderabad, and there is no danger of further deterioration of this painting through the percolation of rain-water.

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Above the Litany the painting is still further damaged, but a part of the body of a large serpent may be made out. It has a yellowish red skin and the scales are shown in a conventional manner by tiny flowers. The serpent has a dark streak on its back which extends to its entire length. The reptile is of a huge size and a lion may be noticed which has pounced on it, apparently with a view to destroying the monster. The trunks of some trees and the legs of some men may also be noticed in the original painting, but they are not clear in the reproduction (Plate IV a).² Professor Foucher has identified the subject with the story of the wicked serpent as given in the *Bodhisattvāvadāna Kalpalatā*, No. 102, according to which, when the serpent was about to devour an entire caravan of merchants, it was destroyed by the beneficent lion and elephant, whose bravery cost them their lives.³

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² Griffiths has given a reproduction of the painting (Plate 57, also see his *notes*, p. 35), as it was to be seen in his time (1875-85), and has observed, ‘This snake may have some connection with the legend (*Simhakuñjara-Avadāna*?). When famine and disease were prevalent in the country, the Buddha appeared as a great serpent, extended his dead body all along the void of the valley, and called from the void to those on every side to look. Those who heard were filled with joy, and running together hastened to the spot; and the more they cut the body of the serpent, the more they revived, and were delivered both from famine and disease.’ *Vide Beal’s Records*, i, 125.

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³ Chavannes Ed., *Cinq cents contes et apologues extraits du Tripitaka Chinois et traduits en français*, No. 70; and also *Jour. Hyd. Arch. Soc.*, No. 5 (1919-20), p. 76.

A Yaksha with a Female Attendant

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Plate IV b

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*This painting is on the left wall of the veranda, near the south-west corner, Cave XVII.*

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THE right half of the painting is completely destroyed, apparently through the effect of moisture resulting from the accumulation of rain-water and silt in the veranda during previous years.¹ A corpulent green figure wearing rich pearl jewellery, such as was affected by princes, is, however, clear. It evidently represents the Yaksha Maṇibhadra, whose name frequently occurs in Buddhist literature,² and here the name is inscribed in red paint above the figure.³ The *yaksha* on his left has a female *chaurī*-bearer, whose beautiful head-dress and graceful way of curving her fingers and placing them on her chin in the characteristic Indian style attract the eye. A portion of the head of another figure may be traced to the left of the *chaurī*-bearer. The style of this painting is the same as that of the figures delineated on both sides of the door, on the back wall of the veranda.⁴

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¹ The drainage of the veranda has been improved since the creation of the Archaeological Department in the State, and there is no danger of the rain-water damaging the paintings of the veranda in future.

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² *Saṃyutta Nikāya*, i, 208, and *Avadānaśataka*, ii, 179.

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³ The inscription is reproduced in *Ajanta*, iii (text volume), Plate IX *a*.

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⁴ *Ajanta*, iii, Plates LXVIII–LXXII.

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Above this subject is a belt of hills, conventionally represented by rectangular bands placed one above the other. Close to these hills an areca-nut tree may be seen, and also a corpse, which is lying stretched on the ground. Higher up amidst crags a hermit clad in a reddish tunic is watching the corpse. Creepers with carefully drawn leaves are shown sprouting from the joints of crags. A brass or earthen waterpot (*loṭā*) may also be seen among foliage on the left of the hermit. The place may represent a natural cavern, or a recess in the hillside, which the hermit has selected for contemplation. The subject has not yet been identified.

The Royal Hunt Scene: Not Identified

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Plate IV c

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*The scene is painted on the left wall of the veranda, to the left of the cell-door above subject IV b in Cave XVII.*

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THE scene represents a forest where trees with broad leaves like those of the teak (*Tectona grandis*) which abounds in the hills around the Ajanta monasteries, may be noticed. The people represented in the painting are shown on a march, as if returning from a camp, and either going home or moving to another camp. Beginning from the top left corner, first a grey horse may be noticed and close to it the head of an elephant, which is very dim in the reproduction and of which only by the animal's eyes can be made out. The royal party was apparently riding on the elephant and the horse, but owing to the damaged condition of the fresco their figures cannot be made out. In front of the horse, towards the right, two bullocks may be seen, led by a man with a string, which was probably passed through the nostrils of the bullocks in order to keep them under control. Below, near the elephant's head, is a stalwart figure of a greenish complexion, conventionally representing a forest tribesman. The head of the figure is defaced, but the body is intact. In front of the latter is a woman with a child on her hip and a large tray on her head. In the tray she is carrying either a bundle tied with string, or the royal pillow with a trimmed cross-design. The woman is wearing a *sārī* of a striped material. In front of the woman are two soldiers or hunters, one armed with a short curved sword and a rectangular shield, and his companion with a bow and a quiver. They are clad in short *dhotīs* (loin-cloths) and have only scarves across their chests to cover the upper part of the body. Both of them are wearing sandals with leather straps round the ankles. The drawing of the legs suggests quick movement. Lower down, again beginning from the left, may be seen an attendant who holds a staff with the representation of a crown at the top. He may be the royal staff-bearer, this guess being made more likely by the dress of the attendant, who is clad in a long white coat and is also wearing a cap. Above his head a square bamboo umbrella may be seen, for protection against the sun. In front of this attendant is a bearded man carrying a pair of baskets hung with strings from a curved bamboo which he holds across his shoulders, immediately behind his neck.

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The painting is much damaged, but such figures as are intact show a firm outline and also washes of deep colour to give the impression of figures in the round. The leaves of trees have been painted green, but their edges and texture are cleverly tinted dark or light to add to the artistic effect.

The Wheel of Saṁsāra (?)

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Plates IV a-VII a

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*The subject is painted on the left wall of the veranda, above the cell-door, in Cave XVII.*

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THE figures painted on the outer rim of the Wheel were once identified with the signs of the Zodiac, and for this reason this *vihāra* (Cave XVII) was styled the Zodiac Cave.¹ But as the figures bear no resemblance to the signs of the Zodiac, and as the outer rim of the wheel when complete would have been divided into sixteen compartments² and the main circle into eight, the identification has proved to be fallacious. Surgeon-Major Waddell later discovered a similar painting in Tibet, which is alleged to be the copy of an Indian prototype, brought to Tibet in the eighth century A.D.³ The subject there is styled the Wheel of Life, which title may appropriately be applied to the Wheel painted at Ajanta, representing various phases of human life in the universe. The figures delineated in the outer rim may signify the symbols in the Buddhist chain of Causation; for instance, the monkey may be symbolical of the Unconscious Will reaching its next stage of development, with the rise of conscience, or Conscience Experience, as the third link in the evolutionary process.¹

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¹ Fergusson and Burgess, *Cave Temples of India*, p. 310.

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² The circle of the Wheel could never have been complete because its lower part is cut by the cell-door. The divisions are arranged by spokes, which measure 3 ft. 5 in. from the centre to the inner border of the rim, the latter being 4 in. wide. According to Fergusson some figures of the Wheel were removed by Bird. *Ibid.*, footnote 1.

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³ Griffiths, *Paintings of Ajanta*, i, 35, also Waddell, *Lamaism*, pp. 107-9.

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¹ Griffiths, *Paintings of Ajanta*, i, 35, also Waddell, *Lamaism*, pp. 107-9.

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The figures still intact in the outer rim of the Wheel, beginning from the bottom, left side, are first a kneeling woman with both hands raised in prayer. Her hair is dishevelled and scattered on her shoulders, but the face is calm and shows complete absorption in her devotions (Plate IV c).

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A little higher, in the next compartment, are represented two men, sitting on the ground. One of them is of a dark complexion, and his eyes and the position of his left hand below his chin indicate that he is in a pensive mood. He is probably talking to his companion on some ‘peril of life’. The painter in order to make the pose of the dark man realistic has drawn his right hand as extended to the ground for support. The artist has also placed high lights on the lips and chin of this figure in order to enhance the expression of consternation indicated by his mournful gaze. The other man is of a lighter complexion, and he holds something in his hands, which may be a weapon.²

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² Griffiths (*Paintings of Ajanta*, i, 35) has identified it with a sword, but the position of the two figures does not indicate that one of them has thrust a sword into the chest of the other. They appear to be occupied in conversation rather than in a struggle.

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The next compartment of the outer rim contains a single figure, but as its upper part is destroyed the salient features of the representation cannot be made out. A little higher, in the next compartment, is painted a camel led by his driver, who is walking in front of him. The figures are much damaged, but the camel can easily be recognized by his legs (Plate V). Further, to the right of the camel, was delineated a potter at his wheel, with his ware in front of him, the subject occupying a full compartment. The figure of the potter is now obliterated, but the wheel and the ware can be clearly seen; the group of pottery comprises circular vessels with elongated bases (Plate VI a). A little lower, in the next compartment, is a monkey, the symbolical significance of which has been stated above. The next compartment is occupied by two human figures, one of them having long bushy hair on his head and heavy whiskers, and the other being a young man of a swarthy complexion but of good features, which have been shown to advantage by high lights on the forehead, nose, lips, and chin. These two are engaged in a *tête-à-tête*; the man with bushy hair may be a sage living in the forest, and the young man a seeker after truth who is listening with rapt attention to the words of the other. Further on the right was a mask with two extra eyes in the forehead, symbolizing inner vision.³ The painting is much obliterated, but the keen eye of a trained artist can make out the two pairs of eyes as well as some other features of the mask (Plate VI b). The other compartments of the rim are now destroyed.

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