Vedic Metre in its Historical Development c11: Chapter V. Syllabic Restoration

Vedic Metre in its Historical Development c11

Language: English

Chapter V. Syllabic Restoration

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133. IN the present chapter it is proposed to deal with all the instances in which it seems desirable to correct the Saṃhitā text so as to alter the number of syllables in a word. In the great majority of cases the result is to restore hiatus within the word, as in the last chapter the result was to restore hiatus at the end of the word or prior element of the compound. The historical problem under investigation in the two chapters is therefore essentially the same: and the Sanskrit Grammar has reason when it treats of the combination of a stem with a case or personal termination as a problem of ‘Sandhi.’ As however the treatment of the interior structure of words involves many difficulties and complications, it has seemed better to deal first with the simpler problem of the combination of words, and thus to have a starting-point for the further enquiry. Now that we have found that the Vedic poems admit every kind of hiatus, occasionally after -a -ā and between similar vowels, and regularly after the semivowels before dissimilar vowels, at the end of words, we shall be prepared to find similar phenomena within words: but it must not be expected that the historical developement will be precisely the same. We shall endeavour first to ascertain and group the facts, as to which the margin of doubt is comparatively small, and afterwards to interpret them as far as possible in the light of our general view of the history of the Rigveda (§§ 153, 154).

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134. Syllabic restoration appears to be justified as follows:—

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(i) When the proposed restoration is more suitable to the metre in a majority of the occurrences of the particular word or form, as (a) in all words containing *y* or *v* followed by a vowel with grave accent: as *súar* for *svàr*, *ādhíe* for *ādhyè*:

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(b) in many nouns having the noun-suffix *-ya* after a light syllable, as *yújia*: and generally in nouns having the same suffix after a heavy syllable, as *súria*:

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(d) in the instrumental singular and gen. loc. dual of *-i* stems, as *śámiā*, *hárioh*:

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(e) in the declension of nouns in *-man* and *-van* : as *dhámanā* (text *dhámnā*): and

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(f) in a few isolated words and forms: as *bhaásvat* (text *bhásvat*), *daásvat* (text *dásvat*), *trayidhá* (text *tredhá*), *dayiṣṇá* (text *deṣṇá*), *práyiṣṭha* (text *préṣṭha*), *śráyiṇi* (text *śréṇi*).

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(ii) When the proposed restoration is more suitable to the metre in a substantial minority of the occurrences, so that it is unlikely that the occasions can be explained as chance irregularities of metre. Such cases are

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(a) non-thematic flexional forms of monosyllabic nouns and verbs and their compounds, as *kṣáam*, *paantu*, *náyiṣi* (text *néṣi*), and the corresponding forms with superlative and other suffixes, as *jyáyiṣṭha* (text *jyéṣṭha*), *bhaás*, *váata*:

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(b) the ending *-aam* (text *-ām*) in the genitive plural of all declensions:

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(d) numerous endings and suffixes containing *v* (less often *y*) after heavy syllables, as in the words *aṅdhué*, *ūrdhuá*, *dāśuáṃs*, *abhítiā*, *tvā*:

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(e) the optative suffix *-yā*, as in *aśíāma*:

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(f) the noun-endings *-yai*, *-yāḥ*, *-yām*, as in *pṛthiviám*:

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(g) a few words in which *y* *v* are the second element in an initial consonant-group, as *diaúḥ*, *suáya*.

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In connection with these we have to consider the difficult question of restoration in the suffixes *-ra* and *-na*, as *índara*, *rudará*, *mántara*, *cyautaná*: and four-syllable forms of the words *násatyā*, *ādityá*, either as *náasatyā*, *aadityá* or as *násatiā*, *āditiá*.

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Syllabic restoration is also justified as a conjecture in words and forms which are not very frequent, if it is suggested in one or two passages and if reasonably near analogies can be found in any of the sections above: but the application of this principle is a matter for individual judgment. In very common words and forms restoration is not justified by an occasional opportunity in the text, and it is therefore unnecessary to discuss such suggestions as the restoration of -aam -aah in the acc. fem. sing. and nom. pl. respectively of the suffixal -a -ā declensions.

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In addition to the above restorations, all of which are connected with the history of hiatus and combination, there are a few instances in which the text appears to be incorrect in other ways.

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To represent the restorations systematically, we should write not only giráam súria tuám, but also daiṣṇá índra and dhámnā. But such forms as dayiṣṇá, índara, dhámanā probably represent with fair accuracy the pronunciation required, and in these rarer cases it seems better to follow Indian methods of spelling.

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135. Syllabic restoration is required wherever y or v is followed by a vowel with svarita or grave accent: for instance, we must read súar for svàr, ādhíe for ādhyè. Exceptions are rare, except in the popular Rigveda.

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This principle is recognized by all commentators, and even by some of the texts (Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar, § 84 b): and effect is given to it in all the texts in the case of words like dhíyah, rudríya. The written forms í ú are therefore used in preference to the Indian forms íy, úv, in order to indicate that restoration has been necessary.

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Restoration is also required in the vocative case of nouns if the other cases require it: as sahasia i 147 5a by the side of sahasíaḥ v 29 9a.

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The words asuryà (neut.), vasavyà are regularly of three syllables in the Rigveda: it is therefore necessary to correct the accent, and read throughout asuryá, vasavyá: for exceptions see § 151 ii.

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For kvà we must sometimes read kú: see § 151 iii.

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Otherwise the exceptions are as follows:

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(a) suffix -yà, -yà: i *162 4a *8b; ii 20 8a (tavasyà), 30 10b (vīryà); iii *53 17c; iv 1 13a (manuṣyà), *58 9a; vi 47 16d (manuṣyà), *75 16b; vii *55 7c, 98 6a (paśavyà); ix 56 3b (kanyà); x *87 22b, *90 8c, *130 5d *6a, 150 4b (manuṣyà), *151 4c, *163 1c *2c.

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(b) in the declension of stems in -í, -ú: i *162 20b (tanvàḥ); vi 46 12c (tanvè); vii *50 4e, 68 8d (staryàm); viii 76 12c (tanvàm); ix 96 21c (camvòḥ); x *51 2b *4c, *85 30c *31a, *95 9c, *98 10c, *155 2c.

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Also svàr ii 35 6a (probably), and pathye *v 51 14b (probably).

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yajñyà (or yajñyá) seems to be required, where the text gives yajñíya, in v 61 16c and vi 52 14a.

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In any case two-thirds of the instances are in the popular Rigveda.

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136. Syllabic restoration is required in numerous nouns and adjectives ending in the suffixes -ya, -yā, -tya, -nya, etc., preceded by a light syllable.

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No methodical distinction between these words and others in which the restoration is not required has been established: but the difference in metrical value between e.g. hávia ‘invocandus’ and havyá ‘drink offering’ is so marked that it is necessary to suppose that primitive suffixes -iya or -ia and -ya existed side by side.

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The particulars are as follows:

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(i) Words in which y is always syllabic in the Rigveda are ukṣaṇa (prop. name), aucathiá, kṣámia, gáṇia, jámaria, dámia, púṣia, yávia, hŕdia: also ánia, in which the suffix is -a: the gerundives ávyathia, gádhia, tújia, dábhia, dŕsia, yújia, vihávia, śásia, gopayátia: brahmaṇiá, śamiá, háviá, himiá. For yavyā the metrical value seems to be yaviā or even yaviā, but we find the compound yavyāvatī.

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(ii) In the following words also y is regularly syllabic, but consonantal exceptionally in the passages quoted: ápya ii 38 8a, iii 56 5c, vi 50 11d, *vii 35 11d; írya vi 54 8b, x 106 4c; jánya ii 6 7c, ix 49 2c (the compounds have always -janya); dúrya i 91 19d, vii 1 11c; dhánya v 41 8c (and in jīvá-dhanya); nárya iv 25 4d; ráthya i 35 6c, 180 4d, ii 4 4d, 31 7d. Gerundives: gúhya ii 32 2a, v 5 10b, *x 53 3b, 79 3a; mádya ii 14 1b; ráṇya iii 55 7c (the compounds have always raṇya- -raṇya): hávya i 108 6b, 116 6d, 129 6b, ii 23 13a, 37 2b, 39 1d, v 33 5d: carkŕtya i 119 10d, iv 38 2d, viii 24 23c; -śrutya x 134 7c.

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(iii) In divyá and sakhyá the syllabic values predominate, being about three times as frequent as the consonantal values, which occur as follows: divyá *i 164 46b *52a; vi 59 9b; *vii 35 11d, 49 2a, 97 10b, *103 2a; ix 14 8a, 29 6b, 36 5b, 63 30b, 64 6b, 71 9c, 86 1c 4b, 97 33a, 100 3d, 107 24b, 109 3b; x *34 9c, 64 16d, *98 5d, 110 6c, 124 9b, *139 5b: sakhyá i 15 5c, 62 9a, 89 2c, 94 1d 2d 3d, 138 2e 4g, *163 8c; iii 9 3d, 60 3a; iv 25 7a, 28 1a, 33 2c; vi 19 13a; vii 18 12c, 82 8c; viii 10 3c, 13 21a, 19 30c, 44 20c 22c, 68 8b; ix 56 2c, 86 9c, 97 5a, 107 19b 20b; x 25 1c, 40 7c, 62 1b, *71 5a, *88 2d, *124 2d.

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In words included in (i) and (ii) the syllabic and consonantal values are often found side by side, as prajāvatīṣu dúriāsu durya vii 1 11c vṛṇāná átra sakhiáya sakhyám vii 18 12c.

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137. In the suffix -ya, -yā following a heavy syllable, the restoration of -ia, -iā is regularly required, except in śantya ‘good.’

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In many words the syllabic value is represented in the text by iy, as ṛgmiyá, abhriyá.

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The fact that śantya is always disyllabic suggests that satyá may be the true reading. One or two other words, as *mátsya* and *mádhyamdina*, have also always *y* consonant, but the occurrences are few. It does not therefore seem practicable to distinguish between *-ia* and *-ya* suffixes after heavy syllables.

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The exceptions to the rule hardly number one in every ten instances, but they are much commoner in the words *daivyá* and *súrya* than elsewhere: these instances are therefore given separately below, as are also the instances of gerundive forms in *-ya*.

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The suffixes *-ya*, *-yā* are found with *y* consonant after heavy syllables exceptionally as follows:

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(i) *daívya* i 27 12b; ii 3 7a 10d, 5 2c; iii 4 7a; iv 42 6b; v 5 7b; vii 8 4d, 97 3c; viii 18 8a; x 65 10b, 66 13a, 110 7a, *128 3c, *130 7c.

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(ii) *súrya* i 7 3b, 14 9a, *24 8b, 47 7d, 48 7b, 51 4d, 83 5b, 84 1d, 92 12d, 100 18d, 112 13a, 115 1d 2a 4a 5b, 117 5b, 122 2d, 124 1b, 135 9f, 137 2e, *164 14c, *191 8a *9a *10a; ii 24 9d, 33 1b; iii 30 12a, 31 15d 17b, 32 8d, 34 9a, 39 5d, 44 2b, 54 19d; iv 38 10b, *58 4c; v 27 6d, 33 4c, 37 5c, *40 5a *6c *8c *9a, 54 10b, 59 3b 5d, 62 1b, 63 4b 7d, 79 8c, 81 4b, 85 2d; vi 12 1d, 17 3c 5a, 30 5d, 44 23b, 72 1c; vii 8 4b, *33 8a, *35 8a, 99 4b; viii 3 6b, 6 10c, 7 8b, 12 9a 30a, 25 21a, 27 19a, 29 10b, 32 23a, 43 32b, 56 5e, 68 9b, 72 16c, 89 7b, 98 2b, 101 2d, 102 15c; ix 1 6b, *5 11c, 17 5c, 27 5a, 28 5a, 41 5c, 54 2a, 63 7b, 64 7c, 69 6a, 72 3b, 86 22d, 91 6d, 93 1c, 101 12c, 107 7d, *113 3b; x *10 9b, *12 7c, *16 3a, *27 21b, 31 8d, 35 2c, 37 4a, 45 10c, 49 7a, *58 8a, *59 6c, 62 3a 11b, 65 11c, 66 2b, 69 2d, *72 7d, *85 1b, *88 6b, *90 13b, 138 2d 3a 4c, *139 4d, *151 5c, *156 4b, *178 3b; *sūryá* x *85 6c *8c *9c *12c *13a *20c *35c *38b; *sūryaraśmi* x 139 1a; *sūryācandramásā* i 102 2c, *v 51 15b, *x 190 3a; *sūryámāsā* x 64 3c, 68 10d, 92 12c, 93 5b; *nánāsūrya* *ix 114 3a.

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(iii) Gerundives: *ílya* iv 24 2a, x 3 4c; *anindyá* i 180 7c; *anumádya* ix 107 11c; *pravácya* iv 22 5b, viii 62 3c; *rándya* vi 23 6d; *dakṣáyya* i 129 2b, ii 4 3d; *vitantásáyya* vi 18 6d; *ābhūṣénya* v 55 4a; *didṛkṣénya* i 146 5a, v 55 4b; *marmṛjénya* ii 10 1d; *paprkṣénya* v 33 6a; *várenya* v 22 3c; *saparyénya* vi 1 6a.

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(iv) Other words: *agástya* *vii 33 10d; *aghnyá* *x 87 16c; *ámartya* ii 11 2c, vi 18 7b; *ásvya* iv 41 10a, *x 87 16b; *ájya* x 79 5b, *90 6c, *130 3b; *āptyá* v 41 9c; 2 *árya* i 103 3d, viii 24 27b, x 65 11d; *kāvyá* i 121 12c; *kávya* i 96 1b, *x 87 21b; *jyaíṣthya* i 5 6c, iii 50 3b; *tātyá* *i 161 12b, vii 37 6c; *tárkṣya* x 178 1d; *tucchya* v 42 10d, *x 129 3c; *níṣtya* *vi 75 19b; *nṛṣáhya* viii 9 20b; *párya* i 121 12d; *paúmsya* iv 41 6b; *paurukutsyá* v 33 8a; *médhya-atithi* i 36 10c; *vaatāpyam* (probably) i 121 8d, ix 93 5b, x 105 1c; *vṛtratúrya* i 106 2b, vi 13 1c, 18 6b, 34 5c, viii 37 1a, x 104 9c; *vṛṣṇya* vi 25 3d; *venyá* vi 44 8d; *vaíśya* *x 90 12c; *śatrutúrya* vi 22 10b; *sápya* x 48 9a; *suvírya* i 184 4d, iii 16 3b, viii 22 18a, 23 27c; *saúbhāgya* *x 85 33c; *hástya* ii 14 9c; *hotṛvúrya* vi 70 4c.

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138. In the declension of the pronoun *tvám* ‘thou’ the forms *tuám*, *tuám*, *tué* must generally be restored, and *tuá* (instrumental)

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always. We must also generally read tuā- as the prior element of a compound, whether the meaning is instrumental or otherwise.

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The exceptions number rather more than a quarter of the occurrences in the Rigveda proper, and about one half in the popular Rigveda. They occur as follows:

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(i) *tvám* i 27 4a, 28 5a, 31 10a, 36 2c 6c, 52 12a 15d, 53 10a 10c, 54 6a, 76 5c, 80 7d, 91 10c 22c, 94 3c 6a 16a, 104 6a, 113 5b 6a 6a 6b 6b, 123 11c, 129 1a (probably), 134 5f, 139 7a, 144 6b, 169 1a, 170 *5a *5b, 174 1b 1c 10a, 189 3a (prob.); ii 1 1a 3a 4a 4c 5a 5c 6a 10b 11d, 9 4c, 11 4c, 16 6c, *43 3a; iii 16 3a, 19 5c, 35 3b, 41 7c; iv 1 5a, 2 2a 10a, 3 5a, 17 13a, 22 10a; v 2 11c, 3 2a, 13 4a 6b, 30 5a, 32 1b, 33 2a, 81 5a; vi 1 1c, 3 1c, 13 3c, 15 2c 3a, 16 5a, 23 1a, 33 4a, 45 17c, 46 2a, 48 8b, 50 9a, *75 1c; vii 15 12a, 20 9d, 29 4d, 32 11b, *55 4a, 99 1d; viii 4 16d, 11 1a 3a, 13 26a, 16 12a, 19 10a 30c, 23 12a, 24 26c, 26 20a 25a, 36 7d, 37 4a 5a 6a 6a 7d, 43 15a 32a, 45 6a, 54 8b, 60 12c 14c, 61 16a, 62 11a, 64 3a 3b, 66 6c, 71 5a, 80 2c, 82 7c = 8c = 9c, 90 4c, 92 32c, 93 33a, 96 17c, *100 2c; ix 4 5a, 67 26a, 88 1c, 97 43d, 98 4a, 110 7c; x 1 4d, 4 1c, 10 *14a *14c, *15 12d, *16 13a, *18 9c, *28 3b, 44 5c, 54 5d, *59 5d, 61 21c, 75 4c, 79 5d, *84 3d, *85 26d *45a, *86 4a, 91 3c, *95 18d, *97 18c *23a, 104 9c, *108 9a, 118 8a, *128 6b, 134 4a, *145 5b.

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(ii) *tvám* i 9 4b, 12 8a, 14 5a, 36 19a, 48 14a, 49 4c, 91 21d, 130 6c; ii 1 13c, 11 1c (probably), 17 7b, 18 3c; iii 8 1a *11c, 35 9b, 37 6b, 43 4a; iv 12 1a, *18 12b, 31 7a; v 13 5a, 29 11c, 32 12a; vi 2 2c, 15 8a, 16 13a; vii 11 2a, 21 8a, 22 2c; viii 1 5a, 6 12a, 21 1a 5c, 43 20a, 60 1c, 67 10a, 92 14c 22c; ix 45 3a; x *10 13c *14a, 21 2c, 38 5a, 44 5c, *86 3a, *98 9b, 112 7a, 122 5c: *tvámkāma* viii 11 7c.

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(iii) *tvé* ii 1 14a, 9 3d; iii 19 4a; iv 31 6c, 32 12b; vi 1 13c 13d, 5 2a, 11 3a, 12 2a, 34 1a, 47 14a; vii 1 21c, 8 5a, 18 1c; viii 19 18d, 66 12a, 97 1d, 99 2b; *x 98 10a, 105 8c, *142 1a.

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(iv) *tvā-* in composition: *tvádatta* ii 33 2a, viii 92 18b; *tvádāta* i 10 7b, iii 40 6c, v 7 10b, 39 1b; *tvádūta* v 6 8d; *tváyāt* i 53 3d, 125 2c, viii 2 16b; *tváyā* i 101 8d 9b, ii 18 6d; *tváyú* vi 47 10c; *tvávat* i 81 5c, 91 8c, 165 9b, vi 21 10d, 30 4a, vii 32 23a, x 38 5d, 100 1a; *tvávṛdha* i 56 4a, x 69 9d; *tváhata* vii 32 7c; *tvótāsaḥ* i 8 3a, x 22 9b; *índra-tvotaḥ* i 132 1b, viii 19 16d.

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For other forms of *tvám* see below § 148 iii.

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139. Syllabic restoration is required, more often than not, where the text gives *y v r* or *n* immediately followed by a case-ending beginning with a vowel, and especially in the instrumental singular and gen. loc. dual forms: for instance, we must read *pátiā*, *mádhuā*, *pitaróḥ*, *svadhávane*, where the text gives *pátyā*, *mádhvā*, *pitróḥ*, *svadhávne* respectively.

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(i) In the instrumental singular and gen. loc. dual forms of nouns in *-i -ī* the measurements *-iā*, *-yā* are about equally common in the Rigveda proper after light syllables. The two forms are frequently used side by side, as

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*śáciā ’kartā pitárā yúvānā*
*śacyā ’kartā camasám devapánam* iv 35 5ab.

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In the masculine *-iā* may have been the original form; but if so, it has in almost all instances been replaced in the text by *-inā*. In the feminine *-ī* is the prevailing form in the Rigveda, and *-iā* seems to be due to the influence of the masculine declension; the original form in *-ī* seems to have been altered in the text to *-yā* in several instances, to the injury of the rhythm. Nouns in *-vī* have regularly *-vyā*, as *pṛthivyā*.

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Restoration of *-iā*, *-ioḥ* is required as follows:

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*-iā*: masc. nouns, *pátiā* *x 85 22d, *sákhiā* i 53 7c, vi 56 2b, *viii 48 10a, x 6 2c, *71 10b: fem. nouns, *áśvavatiā* i 30 17a, *tmániā* x 110 10a, *tvíṣiā* x 89 2d, *dávidyutatiā* ix 64 28a, *navyasiā* vi 22 7a (probably), *brahmaṇiā* viii 6 33a, *rájiā* x 100 12c, *róhiṇiā* viii 101 13b, *śáciā* iii 60 6b, iv 20 9a, 35 5a, 56 3d, vi 17 6b, 26 6d, 31 4c, 44 24c, viii 96 13c 17d, x 61 3b, 104 3d, *śámiā* i 83 4b, ii 1 9b, *śímiā* i 151 1a 3d, *sumatiā* v 25 3b (probably), *suṣṭutiā* viii 16 3a (probably), 96 20b, *sýniā* i 58 4b, *háriniā* ix 111 1a.

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*-ioḥ*: *aráṇioḥ* *iii 29 2a, *hárioḥ* i 7 2a, iii 45 2c, iv 16 11b, viii 33 4c.

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The declension of *raí* ‘wealth’ is hardly to be separated from that of *rayí*: a trisyllabic form *rayíṇā* (*rayiá*, *rāyiá*) is required in i 129 9a 10a, vii 67 9b, x 93 13a, and similarly *rayáye* [v 41 11b], i 100 16b, *rayáyaḥ* i 167 1c, viii 71 4b, and perhaps iv 48 1b.

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(ii) The text has *-yā*, *-yoḥ* in accordance with the metre as follows:

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*-yā*: masculine nouns, *námyā* i 53 7c, *pátyā* *x 85 24d *27c *36b, *pavyā* i 88 2d, v 52 9c, vi 8 5c; *rayyā* *x 19 7d; *sákhyā* vi 21 7c, viii 43 14c, x 50 2a; feminine nouns, *gátumátyā* vii 54 3b, *mádhumatyā* i 157 4b, *mithatyā* vii 48 3d, *vasatyā* i 66 9a, *vájavatyā* i 31 18d, *śácyā* iv 35 5b 5c, *sádhāraṇyā* i 167 4b: probably in *áśvavatyā* i 53 5d, *tmányā* i 188 10a; *mahyā* iv 1 9b, *sómavatyā* x 113 8b: and always in *pṛthivyā*.

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*-yoḥ*: *aráṇyoḥ* vii 1 1a, *árjunyoḥ* *x 85 13d, *diváspṛthivyoḥ* ii 2 3b, v 49 5d, x 3 7b, 35 2a, *yuvatyóḥ* vi 49 2b, x 3 7b.

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(iii) On the other hand the text regularly gives *matí* as instrumental of *matí*, and there is no reason why this form should not be restored for *matyā* v 58 5d. In the compounds *-matí* is always required by the metre, namely *prámatí* (text *prámatyā*) i 53 5c, *sumatí* (text *sumatyā*) i 31 18d, v 42 4d, x 29 8d: and on this analogy it is quite probable that we should restore (in accordance with the metre) *asání* ii 14 2b, *návyasí* viii 51 3c, and *hiraṇyáyí* viii 1 32b, 78 2c.

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For the gen. loc. dual forms of *ródasī* see below §§ 151 iii, 173 i.

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(iv) In the same cases in the declension of nouns in *-i*, *-iā*, *-ioḥ* are regular after heavy syllables.

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The exceptions are found almost exclusively in the popular Rigveda, viz. *ákutyā* *x 151 4c, *íṣtyā* *x 169 2b, *deváhūtyā* x 63 11c, *samícyóḥ*

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*x 24 5b. In the last instance but one deváhūti seems a probable restoration, cf. sáhutī, ii 33 4b.

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(v) In the declension of nouns in -u there appears to be a similar differentiation of gender to that which is found in the -i nouns. The masculine and neuter nouns have the instrumental either in -unā or in -vā, as krátunā, mádhunā, krátvā, mádhvā, where it is very possible that the forms in -unā have replaced an early -uā: the -vā form is the more common. In the feminine nouns it is usually necessary to restore -uā (or perhaps -uyā on the analogy of the adverbs such as sādhuyá) for -vā of the text. In the dual the restoration -uoḥ is regularly required.

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Restoration is exceptionally required in krátuā (text krátvā) § 151 ii: whereas the consonantal value is exceptionally required in panvá (fem.) i 65 4a, mádhvā (fem.) *ix 5 10b, bāhvoḥ (masc.) vii 25 1c.

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In the dative singular sahásra-bāhue, § 151 ii.

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(vi) Restoration is required in the dual forms of the nouns of relationship, viz. pitaróḥ (pitṛróḥ) for pitróḥ of the text, and so mātaróḥ and svasaróḥ: but mātróḥ is found vii 3 9c. In v 11 3a the Taitt. Br. reads mātróḥ (A. Ludwig, Rigveda, iv 335, vi 247).

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(vii) In the declension of nouns in -man, -van following heavy syllables an must regularly be restored for n before case-endings beginning with a vowel: in the case of dāváne and some other words treated as infinitives (§ 84, A 38) this value is given in the text. Certain words, apparently such as were brought into use later, are exceptions, viz. grávan, dadhikrávan, lóman. In the case of stems in -an, and those in -man, -van which follow a light syllable, restoration is not required, except once in rájanā *x 97 22b.

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Consonantal value is found exceptionally in áhināmnām ix 88 4c, prātaryávnaḥ i 45 9a, bhūridávnaḥ ii 27 17b, sutapávne i 5 5a, sutapávnaḥ viii 2 7c, sudávne i 76 3d, svadhávne v 32 10d.

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The instrumental of mahimán seems to have the three forms mahná, mahiná, mahimná: see § 151 ii, iii.

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140. Restoration is seldom regularly required in isolated words and forms. Although dayiṣṇá, práyiṣṭha, siáma are all commoner than the forms deṣṇá, préṣṭha, syáma which appear in the text, other words of the same type have the shorter forms more often, so that these words are better considered as belonging to the second group: and in the same way bhaásvat and daásvat are most conveniently treated in connexion with bhaás and †daás.

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The following forms and words remain, and may be regarded as sporadic instances of internal hiatus:

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(i) reduplicated participles in -at, -āna; dídiat, dídiāna; dídhiat, dídhiāna; pípiāna, pīpiāná; mémiat, mémiāna: except dídhyānā i 113 10d. Cf. § 142 iii b.

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(ii) gerunds in -tva, -ītva, except kartvá *i 161 3b.

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(iii) various initial syllables, namely jyá ‘bow’: jiá, except in iv 27 3c, *x 166 3b : jiāká always. jyók ‘long’: jiók, except in *vi 28 3d, *x 124 1d. tredhá: trayidhá, except in vi 69 8d, *x 87 10d. dvá ‘two’: duá etc. are the more usual forms, but dvá, dvaú etc. are found in i 28 2a, 35 6a, 83 3a, iii 2 9d, iv 30 19a, 33 5a, v 62 6d, viii 72 7b, *x 17 2d : dvádaśá *vii 103 9a, dvádaśākṛti *i 164 12a. For dvíḥ see § 148 v. vī ‘go’: viánti, viántu, but ávyan iii 49 1b; vyántaḥ i 127 5f 5g; vyantu vii 19 6d. śreṇi and derivatives: always śráyiṇi. syoná ‘soft’: always sioná. svargá ‘heaven’: always suargá. On the other hand sváná is always to be read for suváná of the text from sú ‘press’: but not in vii 38 2d, where it is the participle of sū ‘stir.’

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141. Restorations belonging to the second group are all open to some question, although in most cases the doubt is very slight. In a large number of instances the verses can be alternatively explained as consisting of fewer syllables than the normal number, and in particular as being of the decasyllabic or catalectic types (§§ 20, 21). It has been shewn in § 94 iii, vi above that decasyllabic variations are only common in about 50 hymns of the Rigveda, and catalectic verses in only six. If then we find that the opportunity for restoration occurs largely outside these limits, we must accept that as the simpler explanation. In other words, it is not credible that a license of metre should occur in a great number of hymns, and at the same time be restricted to three or four groups of words.

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Where however a verse occurring in a decasyllabic or catalectic hymn may equally well be explained as decasyllabic or catalectic respectively, a real doubt arises as to the particular case: all such instances are enclosed in square brackets below. But in decasyllabic hymns of the types described in § 94 iii b c d, and in the catalectic hymn x 26, the preference must always be given to the shorter verse-form, as being the more common in these hymns: and the restoration of the full number of syllables is therefore not suggested.

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In the groups now to be dealt with the restorations amount on an average to about one-third of the whole number of occurrences: but in a few individual words (see § 140) the restored forms are more numerous than those in which the text is correct.

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142. Restoration is frequently required in radical stems in -ā, and occasionally in those in -ī and -ū, where they appear in the text in combination with a noun or verb termination, or with noun suffixes such as -as and -iṣṭha.

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(i) This restoration is frequently required in the nom. acc. m. f. of all numbers, in the declension of radical stems in -ā, -a. Examples, arranged in the order of the stems, are as follows: kṣá : kṣáam i 67 5a, [174 7b], vi 6 4b, x 31 9a; kṣáaḥ iv 28 5d. gná : gnáam v 43 6b; gnáaḥ (nom.) [i 61 8a], v 46 8a, vi 50 15c, [68 4a]; gnáaḥ (acc.) v 43 13c: gnáaḥ-pátiḥ ii 38 10b. Grassmann suggests the readings ganám etc., with which Lanman compares the Zend ghenáo: but in v 46 8a gnáaḥ is metrically preferable. já : jáaspátiḥ vii 38 6b, abjáam vii 34 16a, navajáaḥ iv 6 3c. jñá : ṛtajñáaḥ x 65 14b. dá : dravinodáaḥ vii 16 11a, viii 39 6c. pá : gopáa viii 25 1a; gopáaḥ viii 31 13b, x 23 6d; -gopáa i 120 7c; -gopáaḥ v 38 5c 5d, viii 46 32d 32e: tanúpáam viii 71 13d, tanúpáa vii 66 3a; paśupáaḥ iv 6 4c. prá : kakṣiapráam viii 3 22b, -práa i 10 3b; rathapráam viii 74 10a. yá : evayáaḥ [v 41 16b]. sá : kṣetrásáam iv 38 1c. sthá : giriṣtháaḥ ix 85 10b; giriṣtháaḥ ix 18 1a, 62 4b, 98 9c; patheṣtháam v 50 3c; pariṣtháaḥ *x 97 10a; ratheṣtháam viii 33 14a; vakṣaṇeṣtháaḥ v 19 5e. The forms [kāṣthaaḥ i 63 5c], kāṣthaam vii 93 3c are metrically probable, and may be due to a real or fancied derivation from this stem. sná : ghrtasnáaḥ viii 46 28b. For ablative forms in -aat see below § 151 i.

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(ii) Some of the corresponding cases of gó ‘cow,’ dív ‘sky,’ and páth ‘path’ are frequently disyllabic. For the acc. sing. of dív ‘sky’ we may read either díam or dyáam. The form díam is evidently permissible, since diaúḥ often occurs in the nominative: and dyáam is therefore only suggested when it is metrically preferable.

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The examples are: gó : gáam i 151 4d, v 52 16b, vi 45 7c, 46 2c, viii 1 2b, 4 21b, *x 59 10a : gáaḥ (acc. pl.) [i 61 10c], iv 1 15b, vi 47 24b (preferably), ix 87 7d. dív : dyáam i 127 2d, vi 48 21a, 67 6d, 72 2c, viii 89 5d. páth : pánthaam i 127 6g 6h, v 10 1d, viii 68 13b : pánthaaḥ viii 31 13c. For máam, váam see below § 151 i.

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Closely allied with the above are the following cases, in which o, au of the text appear to have disyllabic value: gó : gávaḥ (gen. s.) i 61 12c, 180 5b, 181 8d : gávamān ix 107 9a : gavapíthīāya x *95 11a : gávajāta *vii 35 14d, *x 53 5b. naú : nāváḥ (nom. s.) v 59 2b (the only occurrence of this case). maghávan : maghávanaḥ (gen. s.) v 16 3a, ix 32 1b; maghávanoḥ (gen. du.) v 86 3b: *maghávanīḥ* (nom. pl. fem.) vi 65 3c: or *maghávanaḥ*, etc., see § 168 i.

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In the case of the nominative *dyaúḥ* the restoration *diaúḥ* seems more probable: for the instances see § 148 iv.

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(iii) Similarly *a-* is found with hiatus in the conjugation of verbs in radical *-ā*. In similar forms from verbs in *-ī* and *-ū* *iy-*, *uv-* respectively are generally found in the text: but a few cases remain, especially in the conjugation of the verb *bhū* ‘be,’ which seem to fall under this heading.

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(a) Verbs in *-ā*:

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*gā* ‘go’: *gaat* viii 5 39a.

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*dā* ‘give’: [*daam* x 49 1a]; *dáaḥ* viii 2 15b, [*x 148 4b*]; *daat* [vi 63 9c], x 80 4a; *da-īām* (text *deyām*) viii 1 5b.

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*dhā* ‘put’: *dháaḥ* vi 19 10d; [*dhaama* i 122 12a]; *dhaatam* x 93 10a; *dha-īām* v 64 4b.

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*pā* ‘protect’: *páanti* i 41 2b, [*167 8a*], v 18 4b, 52 2d 4d, 67 3d, viii 46 4c: *páat* iv 55 5c, *paantu* iv 4 12d, *páantaḥ* ix 98 8b. Here may be included the occurrences of the form *páantam*, of which the meaning is often obscure: i [122 1a], 155 1a, viii 92 1a, ix 65 28c 29c 30c, *x 88 1a.

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*pā* ‘drink’: *páaḥ* iv 20 4c.

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*prā* ‘fill’: *práaḥ* vi 46 5d.

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*bhā* ‘shine’: *bháasi* ii 2 2d.

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*yā* ‘go’: *yaasi* vi 12 6c; *yaati* ii 30 1c; *yáanti* i 37 13a; *yáantam* x 40 1a; *yaatáḥ* i 141 8a, [*v 33 5b*]; *ya-iyām* (text *yāyām*) v 64 3b.

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*sthā* ‘stand’: *asthaat* i 74 8c, vi 45 31b, vii 16 3a, viii 23 4a.

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(b) Verbs in *-ī*, *-ū*:

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*dī* ‘shine’: *didie* iii 55 3b, *dīdiatam* iii 27 15c. For *dīdiāna* see § 140.

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*dhī* ‘ponder’: *didhie* v 33 1a. For *dīdhiana* see § 140.

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*dhū* ‘shake’: *dávīdhuat* viii 60 13b (text *dávidhvat*).

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*nī* ‘lead’: *náyiṣam* [x 61 4d], *náyiṣi* i 129 5d, *nayitár* v 50 1a 2a 5a, *x 103 8a; ānayitá* ix 108 13b, *praṇayitár* [i 169 5b], viii 19 37d, 46 1b.

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*prī* ‘please’: *prayitáraḥ* [i 148 5d].

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*bhū* ‘be’: *bhúuḥ* (*bhúvaḥ*) vi 15 3a, *x 149 2c: bhuut* i 173 8c, iv 43 4a, x 23 1c, 48 9a; *abhuut* viii 46 24d; *bhuutam* viii 22 16c, *bhuutā* vi 50 15d, *bhúutu* i 94 12c.

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*śā*, *śī* ‘sharpen’: *śiat* i 130 4b 4c.

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*hū* ‘call’: *áhuam* etc. i *24 12c *13a, iii 56 4b, iv 6 9d, v 29 8c, vi 50 4d, x 122 8a: *juhue* *x 149 5b.

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(iv) Restoration is often required in superlative formations from stems in *-ā* or *-ī*, as follows:

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*jyeṣṭha* : *jyáyiṣṭha* i 100 4c, 127 2b, ii 18 8c, iv 1 2c, 22 9a, 56 1a, vi 48 21e, vii 65 1c, 86 4a, 97 3a, viii 23 23b, 46 19d, 74 4b, 102 11b, x [50 4d, 61 17d], 78 5a, *120 1a.

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*deṣṭha* : *dáyiṣṭha* viii 66 6d.

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*dheṣṭha* : *dháyiṣṭha* *i 170 5b, iv 41 3a, vii 93 1d.

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préstha : práyistha i 167 10a, 169 1d, 181 1a, 186 3a, v 43 7c, vi 26 8b, [63 1d], vii 34 14b, 36 5d, 88 1a, 97 4a, viii 84 1a, 103 10a. yéstha : yáyistha v [41 3a], 74 8b, vii 56 6a. śréstha : śráyistha iv 1 6a, v 82 1c, vi 16 26a, [68 2a], x 63 16a, 76 2a ; śráyisthavarcas v 65 2a, vi 51 10a ; śráyisthaśocis viii 19 4b. The following case seems very similar : deśná : dayiśná vi 63 8a, vii 20 7b, 37 3a, 58 4d, 93 4d.

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(v) The restoration of *aa* is also required in the stems *dás* and *bhás* (Greek *φώς*) as follows : dás : daásvat i 48 1d, iv 2 7d, v 9 2a, vi 33 1b, 68 5c, x 144 2b; sudaás- i [63 7c], 184 1d, 185 9c, vii 32 10a. bhás : bhaáh viii 1 28c, 23 11b; bhaasá vi 10 4b, x 3 1c; bhaásvat i 92 7a, 113 4a, x 37 8b.

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Somewhat similar is *váata* for *váta* ‘wind’: [i 174 5b], 175 4d, 180 6c, 186 10c; vii 40 6d; ix 97 52c; [x 22 4a 5a, 23 4d], *158 1b.

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143. The restoration of *-aam* for *-ām* in the genitive plural of all declensions is required in about one-third of the occurrences. A great number of the instances are at the end of lyric or dimeter verse, and others fall near the caesura in trimeter verse : but a sufficient number of examples remain to shew that a metrical explanation is inadequate, even if it could be supposed that the large proportion of instances was not a sufficient proof of the reality of forms in *-aam*.

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Such examples are the following :

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cíttir apáam || dáme viśváyuh i 67 10a (Dvipadā Virāj).
víspardhaso || naráam ná śámsaih 173 10a (Decas. Triṣṭubh).
stotṛṇáam vívāci vi 45 29b (catal. dim. verse).
maghónaam || víśveṣaam sudānavah viii 19 34c (Uṣṇih).
devánaam yá ín mánah 31 15c (dimeter).
iyám eṣaam || amṛtánaam gíh x 74 3a (Triṣṭubh).
á va ṛñjasa || ūrjáam víuṣṭiṣu 76 1a (Jagatī).

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(i) Restoration of *-aam* is very commonly required at the end of dimeter verses, as follows : i 1 8a, 3 11b, 4 3a 3b, 5 2a 2b, 7 9a 9c, 11 1c, 17 2c 4a 4b 5b, 24 3b, 25 14b, 26 9a 9b, 28 1c = 2c = 3c, 30 2a 11a 11c 15b, 36 1a 1b, 37 3a 9a 13c 15a, 38 10a 12b, 39 3d, 41 3b, 44 9a, 45 4c, 46 2b 4a 5a 7a, 48 2d 3b 4d, 75 3a 4a, 81 9c, 84 2d, 86 2b 6c, 88 6c, 97 3a, 127 2e 7d 7e 8d 10g, 128 7d, 129 8c 11c, *133 2b *3b, 134 6c 6d, 158 6c, 176 2b, 187 5c 6a 7b 8a, *191 4c *13a *13b; iii 10 1b 4a, 13 3a, 16 1d 4d, 62 6a; iv 7 3c, 8 8a 8b, 9 5b 5c, 30 20a, 31 2a 3a 3b 4c 5a, 32 15a 17a 19a, 46 1a, 47 2a, 48 5a 5b; v 6 7c 7d, 7 1c 3b 6c, 9 3c 4b 6d, 10 3a, 16 2a 4a, 18 3b 5d 5e, 25 1c, 35 2c, 39 4a 4b, 51 6a, 52 7c 9c 15a, 53 1a 10a 11a, 56 5a 5b, 61 3a 14a, 64 4c 5c, 65 6d, 66 3a 3b 4c 5b, 67 2c 5b, 74 7a 7b 8a, 84 1a, 86 4a, 87 2d 3e; vi 16 1a, 44 2b, 45 29a 29c 31a, 46 12b, 48 2d 8b, 53 5a; vii 16 2d 7d, 32 11d 25d, 66 3b, 74 6b, 96 1b 2d, 102 2a 2c; viii 1 4b 30b, 2 34c, 3 13a, 5 13a 37b 37e, 6 28a 28b 44a 46c 47b, 7 14a 15a, 8 12b 18c, 15 10a, 17 14b, 18 1a 2a 2b 16a, 19 8d 37c, 20 3a 11a 14b 14d, 22 13a, 23 7b 25a 25b, 24 4b 17a 24a, 25 14a 23a, 26 16a 18b, 27 15b, 28 5b, 29 6b, 31 10a 10b 14b, 32 15a 15b 19c 20a, 33 12d, 34 3a 5a, 39 2b 4c 5c 6a 6b, 40 3a, 41 1d 5a 7b, 45 2a 7c 28a, 46 1c 2b 18b 18c 18d 19a 22d 26b 29c, 47 2a, 51 5a, 53 1a 1b 8d, 54 7b, 56 3a 3b, 60 17d, 63 1a, 64 3a 3b 3c 4b, 65 10a 10b 11a, 66 5b, 67 9a 13a 14a, 68 4c 4d 6c, 69 2a 2b 2c 18b, 70 12a, 71 11b 13b 15d, 74 13d, 75 4c, 78 1c 6a, 83 7a 7b, 92 1d 3a 6a, 93 16b 33a, 94 1a 1c 8a, 95 3c, 98 6a, 101 6b, 103 6b, 107 10a; ix 1 3c 4a, 10 6a, 23 7a, 47 5a, 52 4a 4b 5b, 58 2a, 61 11b, 64 27a 27b, 65 23b, 67 13a, 101 6c, 102 1a 4c, 103 4a, 107 8b, 108 13a 13c, *112 1b *2b; x 9 5a 5b, [22 10c 12c 14b], 24 2c 3a, 33 8a 8b, 93 5c 9b 9d 14d, *97 8a *8c, 126 6d, 133 1f = 2f = 3f, 134 1c 1d, 176 1a, 187 1b.

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(ii) Elsewhere in Dimeter verse occasions for restoration are much less common, but it is required as follows:

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i 7 9b, 25 7a, 26 1b, 29 2a, 30 5a, 43 5c, 46 8b 9b, 50 5a, 128 5e, 133 7c, 176 3b, 187 6b; iii 51 10b; iv 9 2c; v 10 4d, 18 3c 5b, 52 3c, 61 10a, 64 4d 5d, 74 2d; vi 16 1b 18b, 45 9b 10b 16b 19a 29b; viii 5 37d, 17 14d, 18 16b, 19 37e, 20 14b, 23 12a, 24 14a 18a, 25 23b, 31 15c = 16c = 17c, 40 2c, 41 2b, 46 22c, 53 3a, 68 7d, 69 2d 3c, 71 13a, 75 8a, 92 3b 30b, 93 31b 33b, 94 8b, 102 10a 10b, 103 10c; ix 15 5c, 31 2c, 64 10b, 104 5a, 105 5a; x 20 †2a, 22 1c 13c 13d, *57 3c, 93 3a 3b 4c 13b.

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(iii) In Trimeter verse occasions for restoration occur chiefly either at the end of verses in lyric metres (not in Jagatī), or in the earlier part of lyric and Triṣṭubh verses. Many of the latter are found in hymns in decasyllabic Triṣṭubh metre, and these may also be interpreted as decasyllabic Triṣṭubh verses: the few cases in which restoration of -aam would produce in such hymns an irregular rhythm are omitted from the list.

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i [61 5d 12d], 67 10a, [77 4a], 94 12c, [122 3b 4c 10b, 127 8b] 10f,¹ 129 8b¹ 11b¹, 134 6a 6b, 149 4c, [167 10d], 168 2c 5c, [169 1c, 173 9b] 10a, [174 10b 10c], 181 1a, 186 5c 7d; [ii 4 2a, 19 3d, 20 3b], 23 8a; iv 1 20a 20b, 2 18c, [21 8b]; v [33 2b, 41 10b, 45 3b 8c], 53 10b¹, 56 1c 5c, 87 3c; vi 3 8c, 13 3d, 15 13c, [20 3d, 24 1d 2c 4c], 25 3c, [33 3d], 47 9c, 48 8a 12c 12c¹, 52 14b 15b, 60 13c, [63 10b], 67 1a, [68 2b 2c 4b 7c]; vii 9 2c, 16 2c¹ 7c¹, 32 5a¹ 7a¹ 11c¹, 56 24b, 73 3a, *103 5a; viii 1 21c, 17 14c 14c¹, 19 7b 33c¹ 34b¹ 34c 36b¹, 20 3b 8a¹ 14c 14c¹, 23 2c¹, 24 23c¹, 25 23c, 46 16a 16a¹, 60 9c, 70 1c 1c¹ 12c, 71 13a, 101 6c¹; ix 108 10c¹ 13b¹, 111 2a; x [23 1b] 1b¹, 29 1d, 45 12a, [49 2b, 50 7b], 74 1a 3a 3a, 76 1a, 78 1d 3b 3d 4a, *88 6c, [93 5a] 12b¹, *103 8a, 115 5d, [148 4b].

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¹ at end of lyric verse.

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144. Syllabic restoration is frequently required in the suffixes -bhyām, -bhyaḥ following heavy syllables. Many of the occurrences are at the end of dimeter verses: but (unlike the gen. pl. -aam) they are rare in lyric verse, and comparatively common in Jagātī.

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Resolution is required as follows : -bhīām : i 20 3a¹, 136 1b² 1c¹ 6a², viii 6 36b¹, x *14 11c, *163 4b¹. -bhīaḥ : i 7 10b¹, 13 11b, 34 6b², 43 †6c³, 49 3d, 55 5b², 58 6b², 64 1b², 80 2c, 85 8c², 90 3b¹, 102 3d, 112 5a² 21c², 122 8c, 131 5d¹, 132 4f, 134 4f² 4g¹, 139 7b² 7b¹ 7c¹ 7d¹, 142 6b, 146 5c² 5d, 188 10b, *191 9c¹; ii 1 1b 1c², 4 5b, 5 8b¹, 23 17a, 32 2b², 41 12a; iii 2 6d², 3 11a, 34 7b, 53 16a²; iv 26 4b, 30 4a¹, 36 8a, 41 3b, 53 4c², 54 1c² 2a² 2d² 5a²; v 5 11b¹ 11c, 11 1d, 52 5c¹ 5d¹, 54 9a² 9b²; vi 8 5a², 15 17d¹, 30 3b, 46 9d¹, 47 3d, 59 6b¹, 62 6a, 68 4c; vii 32 26b, *104 4c² *20c *20d² 25d¹; viii 1 17d¹, 8 23d, 9 16d¹, 32 5b¹, 34 13a¹, 41 1b¹ 1c¹, 44 30a¹ 30b, 63 3a¹, 88 5b, 97 1b¹; ix 3 9b, 11 3c¹, 19 5a¹, 28 2b, 33 3b¹, 34 2b¹, 42 2b, 59 2b¹ 2c¹, 61 12b¹, 62 9b¹ 20c, 65 2b 3b 20b¹, 99 7b, 103 6b, 109 21a; x *13 4a, *14 15c² *15d¹, *15 7c, 32 5d, 39 4c, *60 6a¹, 63 2c, 64 2c², 70 2d, 76 5a² 5b² 5c² 5d², 77 7b, *85 17a¹, *94 1b² *7a² *7b² *7c² *7d², 110 4d 5d, *135 4b, *145 3b¹ *3d¹, 156 4c¹, *158 1c¹ *4b¹, *163 3a¹ *5b¹.

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¹ at end of dimeter verse.

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² at end of Jagātī verse.

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³ § 170 iii.

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145. Numerous other forms, chiefly those which contain v, and a few initial syllables, require resolution from time to time provided that a heavy syllable precedes.

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The principal cases are as follows :

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(i) Resolution of v in the endings -dhvam, -dhve, -dhvai, -sva : i 37 14c, 39 6a, 48 11a, 64 7d, 85 4d, 113 16a, 124 13a, *161 8d, 166 12d; ii 41 17c; iii 41 8c, 60 5d 6a; iv 1 2a 3a, 31 4a 11a, 32 14b; v 55 6a bis, 57 3d; vi 19 3d, 48 4d; vii 59 4b 6d, *104 25a; viii 1 23a, 47 7d, 54 2d; x *87 2d, 100 10b, 122 5b.

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After a light syllable -dhuam appears to be found as shewn in § 151 ii.

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(ii) Resolution of v in the suffixes -tva (substantives), -va, -váms (perfect participle), and -ví.

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(a) -tva: návavāstua vi 20 11c; pétua vii 18 17b; rakṣastúá viii 18 13b. For the gerundives in -tva see § 140 ii.

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(b) -va (rare): úruá v 30 4d, ix 87 8b; úrdhuá iv 6 2c, [x 61 20c], 105 9a; kāṇuá viii 2 40b, 4 20a; 1 tánua iii 31 2a; 2 tánua x 93 15b; 3 tánua ix 14 4b, 78 1c: always in yádua. Much more commonly in ásva, where a heavy syllable is produced by external or internal Sandhi: ásva i 175 4d, vi 47 23a, ix 94 5a, x 22 5a, 39 10a; aghá- i 116 6b; ajá- i 138 4b 4c, vi 55 3b 4a, 58 2a, ix 67 10a; ?jrá- i 100 16b 116 16b, 117 18d; jirá- i 119 1b, 157 3b; śatá- viii 4 19a, x 62 8c; śyává- v 61 5c, viii 35 19b 20b 21b, 36 7a, 37 7a, 38 8a; sámbhṛta- viii 34 12b.

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After a light syllable -ua, -uā are found as shewn in § 151 ii.

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(c) -váṃs: dāśuáṃs i 407c, 150 1a (SV. dāśiván), iv 2 8d, vii 37 4c, 92 3a, viii 57 4d, 71 4c; dāsuáṃs i 127 1a; mīlhuáṃs i 114 3b, viii 25 14c, 76 7a, ix 61 23b, 85 4d, *113 2b, *x 85 25c *45a. In ii 11 5c we should probably restore †tastambhuáṃsam (text tastabhváṃsam).

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(d) -ví (rare): mādhuī iv 43 5c, [vi 63 8c], vii 67 7b, 71 2d; pūruíḥ x 68 12b.

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(iii) Resolution of y in the verbal suffixes -ya, -sya: á 'diaḥ (dā ‘bind’) ii 13 9a; āsiat (2 as) iv 30 20b, *x 72 8d, 138 4a, ápāsiā iii 24 1b; árianti (ār) viii 16 6a; kṣeṣiántaḥ (kṣi ‘dwell’) ii 4 3b.

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(iv) Resolution of y v in the gerunds in -tyā, -tvā, -tvī, -yā. -tyā: ápītīā *ii 43 2c; abhítīā iv 32 10c, ix 55 4b; étīā x 66 14c; -tvā very frequently in the Atharvaveda; -tvī: vṛṣtuī v 53 14c; -yā: avásiā i 140 10c, abhigúriā ii 37 3c, abhicákṣiā *viii 1 34c, nicáyīā i 105 18c, iii 26 1a, praticákṣiā i 124 8b, vicákṣiā viii 13 30d, saṃcákṣiā i 165 12c.

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(v) Resolution of the enclitic tvā is regularly dependent upon a preceding heavy syllable: it occurs i 40 1b, 45 5d, 54 5d, 58 6a, 82 3a, 84 6c, 91 11a, 104 9a, 130 1d, *162 15a, 187 2b; ii 32 2d; iii 47 3c, 52 6c; iv *18 11b, 30 3a, 32 4b, 52 4a, *57 6b; v 21 3c, 22 3a, 26 3a, 36 5a; vi 21 6d, 44 10d; vii 16 4a 4d; viii 3 11a, 6 18a 20a, 15 12a, 23 17a, 33 8c, 45 14a, 60 16a, 65 6a, *91 1d *1e, 96 4a 4b 4c 4d, 102 18a; ix 8 9a, 48 3a; x 2 7a, 47 8a, *85 22b, *137 7c, 140 6c, *158 5a, 160 5b, *161 5a. So in i 129 11g it seems necessary to restore rakṣoháṇaṃ tuā vaso.

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(vi) There are several other instances, chiefly in the later part of the Rigveda, where resolution of y v seems to be due to a preceding heavy syllable. Thus we find aniá for anyá in *vii 33 8c (ná’niéna), x *14 3d (sváhā ’nié), 91 8d (ná ’niám): ariáḥ v 33 2d (prā ’riáḥ): and similarly diávā iii 46 5a, duárā iv 51 2c, śienáḥ iv 26 †7a, x 144 5a, śuán ‘dog’ *x 14 10a *11a, (also *86 4c initially), siálā i 109 2b, suádanti viii 50 5c, suadanta ii 1 14c, suáhā iii 32 15a, ahian ix 26 3a (medháyā ’hian).

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146. In the feminine case-endings -yai, -yāḥ, -yām, restoration of i is very frequently necessary, and occurs after both heavy and light syllables.

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This resolution is found side by side with the forms with y in all parts of the Rigveda, and occasionally also in the Atharvaveda. See the author's Historical Vedic Grammar, § 198.

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(i) gen. abl. fem. in -iāḥ: árātiāḥ ix 79 3a 3b; urviáḥ i 146 2c; uśínārāṇiāḥ *x 59 10c; jívantiāḥ *v 78 9d; deviáḥ iv 1 17b; bhúmiāḥ i 80 4a, x 75 3a; rátriāḥ *x 129 2b; sū́syantiāḥ *v 78 5b. After a light syllable: tásiāḥ ii 13 1a; pṛthiviáḥ i 39 3c, 100 1b, iii 8 3b, *29 4b, viii 36 4a, 44 16b, ix 8 8b, 31 2a, 57 4b.

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(ii) dat. abl. fem. in -iai: deváhūtiai viii 39 4e; vispátniai *ii 32 7c. After a light syllable śrútiai ii 2 7b, viii 96 3d, x 111 3a;

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and in the older infinitive forms *irádhiai* i 134 2d; *yajádhiai* viii 39 1b; *váhadhiai* x 22 5b; *riṣayádhiai* i 129 8d; *śayádhiai* ii 17 6c.

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(iii) loc. fem. in *-iām*: *ásikniām* iv 17 15a, viii 20 25a; *ucchántiām* i 184 1b, v 64 7a; *jahnáviām* iii 58 6b; *deviām* ii 41 17b; *páruṣṇiām* v 52 9a; *bhúmiām* i 39 4b. After a light syllable *prthiviám* viii 49 7b, 50 7b, x 49 9b, 73 9c; *śáciām* x 61 1b; *śámiām* x 31 10d.

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There is one occurrence of a loc. fem. in *-uām*, namely *śvaśruám*, for which see § 151 ii.

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147. In two parts of the verbal system we find occasional resolution of *y v* respectively, occurring after both heavy and light syllables, namely in the optative suffix *-yā* and in the conjugational suffix *-u -nu*.

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In the optative resolution appears to be most common in the bardic hymns, except in the word *siáma*, in which it becomes increasingly common in the normal and cretic periods, being more frequent than *syáma*.

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Resolution of the *-nu* suffix before vowels is most often found in the Soma hymns which we have attributed to the normal period.

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The instances of *iā-* in the optative suffix are as follows:

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(i) *aśiám* v 64 3a, *aśiāma* iv 4 14b, *ūhiáthe* iv 56 6c, *ṛdhiáma* iv 10 1d, *gamiāḥ* i 187 7d, *jagmiātam* vi 50 10a, *pupūriāḥ* v 6 9c, *vidiātam* viii 5 37b, *sasahiāt* v 7 10d 10e (§ 169 iii).

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(ii) *siám*, etc.: i 17 6c¹, 38 4b 4c, 120 7c; iii 1 23c¹, 38 9b; iv 41 6c; vi 50 9c¹; vii 34 21b¹; viii 14 1c 2c, 19 25b¹ 26d¹, 44 23b, 70 5b²; x 20 8b.

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(iii) *siáma*: i *24 15d, 51 15d, 73 8b, 94 13c 15d, 98 1a, 121 15d, 150 3c, *164 40b, 180 9d; ii 2 12a, 11 1b¹ 12d 13a¹, 18 8d, 24 15b, 27 16d, 28 2a, 38 10d; iii 1 21d, 30 18c, 39 7b 8b, 55 22c, 59 3d; iv 8 5a, 16 21d, 17 9d, 41 10b, 50 6d, 51 11c, 56 4d; v 4 8c, 6 8c, 31 13d, 42 17a, 45 11c, 53 14d¹ 15c, 54 13b, 55 10d, 62 9d, 65 5b¹, 70 2c; vi 19 13b, 47 12d 13b, 52 5a, 71 2b 6d; vii 1 20c, 4 4d 7b, 14 3c, 17 7a, 18 3d¹, 19 7d², 34 24d 25c, 37 4c, 40 1d¹, 41 3d 4a 4d 5b, 48 2a, 52 1a, 54 2c, 56 24d, 60 1c, 66 13d¹, 87 7b, 92 4c; viii 40 12d, *48 12d *13d, 53 7b; ix 86 38d, 89 7d, 95 5d; x *14 6d, 22 12d, 29 2b, 31 1d, 36 12c, 38 2c¹, 64 11c, 66 12a¹, *121 10d, 126 4d¹, 131 6d 7b, 132 2d², 148 3c.

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¹ beginning the verse.

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² after a light syllable.

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Resolved values are found in the suffix *-u -nu* as follows: *tanu-* iv 45 2d 6b; *dhanu-* iii 53 4d, ix 75 5a, 77 3b, 79 1a, 97 3c 16d 17c 18d 19b 20c 26b, 105 4b; *dhūnu-* vi 47 17c; *śṛṇu-* iii 20 1c, [v 41 12c]; *sunu-* v 30 6b; *hinu-* viii 1 19d. Similarly *kṣṇavāmi* § 151 i.

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So too in the noun *dhánvan* and its derivatives, i 35 8b, 168 5c, vi 12 5d.

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148. In several words occasional resolution of *y* and *v* is required where one of these is the second element in an initial consonant-group. The syllabic value does not appear to be dependent upon the position in the verse.

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The more important instances are:

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(i) *jyá* ‘strength’: *jiáyān* iii 38 5a, vi 30 4b, x 50 5a; *paramajiáh*², viii 1 30c.

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(ii) *tva* ‘several’: *tua-* i 147 2c², *iv 18 2d bis, *x 71 4c *11a *11c, *72 9c.

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(iii) *tvám* ‘thou’: *tuáyā* i 53 11c, 102 4a², ix 85 8d², *x 84 4c; *tuát* : i 84 6a; iii 14 6a¹; iv 11 3a¹ 3b¹ 3c¹ 4a¹ 4c¹ 4d¹; v 25 7c² 7d¹; vi 7 3a¹ 3b¹, 13 1a¹, 31 2a¹; vii 5 3a¹, 11 1b, 21 3c¹; viii 24 11b¹ 12a 15b, 97 14c¹; x *18 13a, 91 8d, *98 2b¹, 112 9c.

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(iv) *div* ‘sky’: *diaúh* i 8 5c¹, 52 10a¹, 65 3b, 89 4b; ii 4 6d¹; iii 6 3a¹; iv 1 10d¹, 21 1d¹, 22 4b¹; v 41 11d¹; vi 36 5b¹, 50 13d¹, 51 5a¹, 68 4d¹; vii 7 5c¹; viii 7 26c¹, 20 6a, 56 1c¹, *100 12b¹; ix 86 9b¹; x 36 2a¹, 44 8b¹, 45 8d, *59 3b¹, *85 1b *7c¹ *10b¹, 132 1a 6b¹; *diám* (or *dyáam* § 142 ii) i 52 11d¹, 67 5b², 141 8b¹, 174 3b¹, ii 17 5d, iv 22 3d, vii 3 3c, *x 16 3b¹.

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(v) *dvíh* ‘twice’: *duíh* i 53 9a, vi 66 2b¹, *x 120 3b¹.

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(vi) *si* ‘bind’: *ví ṣia-* iii 4 9b, [v 45 1a], ix 95 5b, x 30 11c.

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(vii) *syá* ‘that’: *siá-* vi 65 1a, vii 8 2a (after *tū* § 160), 75 4a, 80 2a; *tiá-* i 30 22a, 37 11a¹, 52 1a¹, 88 5a, 187 4a²; v 32 3a¹ 4a¹ 5a¹ 6a¹ 8a¹, 33 10a²; vi 2 9a, 27 4a, 44 4a¹ 16a; vii 75 3a; viii 10 3a¹, 64 5a¹, 67 1a¹, 92 7a¹, 94 10a¹ 11a¹ 12a¹; ix 111 2a; x [26 2a²], 138 6a, 178 1a¹.

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(viii) *svá* ‘his’: *suá-* i 1 8c, 58 2a, 75 5c², 94 14a, 119 8b; ii 2 11d, 4 7b², 5 7a¹ 7a; iii 10 2d¹, 53 8d¹; iv 16 10c¹; v 4 6b, [41 9b¹], 48 3c, 58 7b, 64 5c¹, 87 4c; vi 3 8b, *28 2b², 40 5b, 41 1c, 44 22c, *75 19a; vii 36 5b, 82 6b; viii 2 7c¹, 11 10c¹, 18 13c¹, 44 12b, 79 9a¹; x 8 4d, *18 1b, 23 4a, 54 3d, 56 2d *6c¹ *7c¹, 74 2d², *83 5d¹, *85 42d, 105 10c, 118 1c¹, *124 2d¹, 144 3b².

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¹ beginning the verse.

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² after a light syllable.

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149. As the suffix *-ya* regularly becomes *-ia* after a heavy syllable, and *-va* occasionally becomes *-ua*, there is no antecedent improbability in the restoration of *-ara* for *-ra*, *-ana* for *-na* under the same circumstances. There are in fact a number of passages in which such restoration is probable: but if we consider the two words for which this step most readily suggests itself, *índra* and *rudrá*, it is clear that it is attended with special difficulty. In the case of *índra* the restoration is almost always suggested in a single position, viz. immediately after an early caesura, and a very large proportion of the instances are in decasyllabic hymns, so that an alternative metrical interpretation is suggested: whereas in the case of rudrá the usual condition for restoration, a preceding heavy syllable, is not found. On the other hand, the number of occurrences in which restoration is suggested is relatively so small in all words of this class that we can hardly think of such forms as índara (índrra) or rudará as the primitive forms. It will therefore be necessary to consider these two words separately. As before, instances which can be alternatively explained as decasyllabic verses, if they occur in decasyllabic hymns, are enclosed in square brackets.

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(i) índra (a) after early caesura: i 33 14a, 53 11a, [63 1a to 9a], 89 6a, 100 17a, [104 2a 8a, 129 1a 4a 7f 8b], 130 2a, 133 6a, 165 3a, [167 1a 10a, 169 1a to 5a, 173 5a 7c 10b 11a 13a, 174 1a to 10a], 177 5a, [178 1a to 4a], 186 6c; ii 17 8d, [19 3a 8c, 20 4a 5b 6a 7a], 31 3a; iii 32 12a, 49 1a; iv 16 21a, 17 1a, 19 1a 2b, [21 10a], 24 2b, 39 4d, 50 11a; v [33 4a 5a], 36 1a; vi [20 3b 11a 13a, 21 2a 8a], 22 3a 10a, 23 3a, [24 1a 10b], 25 1b, 26 7b, [33 1a, 35 2a 3a], 44 15a, 47 9a; vii 19 2a 6a, 20 2a, 21 5a 6a, 22 1a 8c, 23 5a, 25 1a, 29 1a, 30 1b 4a; viii 66 5c, 96 20a, 97 14a; ix 88 1a; x [22 1a 2a †11a 12a 13a 15a, 23 1a], 29 3a, [49 11a, 50 2b 3a 4a, 61 22a, 93 11a], *139 4c, [148 1a 2a 4a 5a]. índramádana vii 92 4a.

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(b) elsewhere in Trimeter verse: i 62 3a, 130 10c; [ii 20 2a]; iii 53 24a; iv 16 15a; vi 26 1a; vii 37 4a; viii 90 6c; *x 180 3a.

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The extreme rarity of the form in dimeter verse, in spite of the great number of Indra hymns in Groups I and II in dimeter and lyric metres, seems to shew clearly that the word was always a disyllable to the poets of those groups. The immense majority of the occurrences being in Group III, where the decasyllabic variation prevails, the verses can most readily be explained as decasyllabic, especially as even in this group such convenient forms as índarasya, índarāya would be are never found in trimeter cadence. Hence the first real evidence for resolution occurs in the Vasiṣṭha hymns, where there are twelve instances.

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(ii) rudrá: i 100 5a, 114 4a 6b 8c; ii 33 13 times; iv 3 6d; v 46 2c, [51 13d]; *vi 28 7d; *vii 35 6c, 36 5d, 46 2d 4a; x 92 9a, 126 5c.

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The restoration is necessary, and can most easily be explained as an imitation of that of índra: it is almost confined to the normal and cretic periods, and is generally found after a late caesura.

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(iii) suffixes -ra, -rā, -rī, almost always after the caesura, and generally in decasyllabic hymns: ómātrā [x 50 5b]; candrá [i 135 4f]; tuvimātrā viii 81 2c (dimeter); tvāṣṭrá x 76 3c; dātrá iv 38 1a, [vi 20 7d]; pātrá i 121 1a, vi 44 16a, [x 50 6c, 105 10c]; bhrātrá iv 23 6b; mántra [x 50 4d 6d]; mandrá vii 9 2c; rāṣṭrá iv 23 6b, vii 84 2a; raúdra [x 61 1a 15a]; vāśrá [x 99 1b]; śrótra *x 85 11c (dimeter);

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sutrātrá [vi 68 7a]; stotrá [x 105 1a]. hótrā [i 122 9d, 129 7a], iv 2 10c, 48 1a (dimeter), vii 60 9a. netrí i 92 7a, 113 4a.

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After a light syllable only rjrá: see § 151 ii.

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Half of the instances are in decasyllabic hymns, and therefore open to question. But the fact that almost all possible occurrences follow a heavy syllable favours the view that, in the later periods at least, resolution occasionally took place.

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(iv) The suffixes -na, -nas may be read with resolution in the case of cyautná vi 47 2c, [x 50 4c], and rékṇaḥ i 121 5c, [vi 20 7c, x 61 11c, 132 3b]. Both examples are doubtful: but the occurrence of nútna, nútana in the text in agreement with the metre shews at least the possibility of the former resolution.

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150. In connexion with these restorations it seems best to consider the proposed restoration of násatyā for násatyā. In all cases the normal number of syllables may also be obtained by the restoration násatiā: and the rhythm is sometimes favourable to one, sometimes to the other form. On the whole it seems probable that both forms occur, but there is little reason to consider that either is a primitive form. Most of the instances follow an early caesura.

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(i) násatyā is metrically preferable: i 34 9d, 116 2c 9a 10a 11b 13a 14b 16c 17d 19b 20c 22c 23b, 117 1d 6b 11d 13d 23c, 118 4d 11b, [173 4d], 180 9d, 182 4d 8a, 183 3c 5d, 184 1c 3b 5d; ii 41 7a; iv 3 6c, 43 7d, 44 4b; v 74 2b; vi 11 1c, 49 5c, [63 1c 4d 7b 10a]; vii 39 4d, 70 6a, 71 4c, 72 1a 2b 3d; viii 5 32c 35c, 9 9a, 25 10b, 26 2b, 57 1c 4b, 85 1a 9a, 101 7c; x 39 3c, 41 2a.

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(ii) násatiā is metrically preferable: i 20 3a, 47 9a; iv 37 8b; viii 8 15a, 9 15a, 19 16b; x 73 4b: and índra-násatiā viii 26 8b.

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The case of ādityá is exactly similar, except that the occasions for restoration are relatively fewer:

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(i) ādityá is metrically preferable: *i 24 15c, ii 1 13a, 29 1a, iii 54 20c.

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(ii) āditiá is metrically preferable: i 45 1b, ii 27 6c, viii 18 2b.

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151. In several forms and a large number of individual words syllabic restoration is suggested by the metre in one or more passages, but not with sufficient frequency to constitute proof. In the instances that follow restoration is sufficiently probable to make it undesirable to treat the verses concerned as metrically irregular.

Linked texts (4)

Ṛgvedasaṃhitā — Sanskrit
Taittirīyabrāhmaṇa — Sanskrit
Atharvavedasaṃhitā — Atharvan & Aṅgiras, Sanskrit
Saṃhitā