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The Positive Background of Hindu Sociology c13.s6: Hindu Positivism in South Eastern Asia, Tibet, China and Moslem Asia

The Positive Background of Hindu Sociology c13.s6

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Hindu Positivism in South Eastern Asia, Tibet, China and Moslem Asia

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Buddhism is known to have reached Siam through Cambodia early in the fifth century (422 A.C.). Burma also played some part in the propagation of Buddhism in Siam. Along with Buddhism came the entire Pāli literature furnished as it is with the elements of positivism and the morality of strenuous and energetic life.

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It is to be remembered that in the early centuries of the Christian era Siam had no independent existence, being but a province of Cāmboja. Whatever is known about the establishment of Greater India in Cāmboja during this period may refer therefore equally to Siam also. From the earliest inscriptions of Cāmboja, e.g., those from the sixth to the ninth century A.C., be they in Khmer or in Sanskrit, we understand the prevalence of Hindu gods, Brahmā, Viṣṇu and Śiva alongside of Buddha.

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It was during the period in question that Siam also came to be annexed to the sphere of Hindu positivism. The earlier beginnings of the Hinduization of this country are not yet clear. But early in the thirteenth century when the first royal dynasty of Siam was established (1218 A.C.) it had already a Hindu name. The first historical king is known to have been Śri Indrāditya and his successors also had Hindu names. The name of the capital of this dynasty was also Hindu or rather Indian, namely, Sukhodaya.

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The third king Rāma Rājā (1283) bore on his very name the influence of the *Rāmāyaṇa*. He was a Buddhist by faith. The inscription (1293)⁵⁶ issued by him describes temples with the image of Buddha as well as monks and a *Mahāthera* (head priest) well-versed in the *Tripiṭaka*.

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⁵⁶ Fournereau : *Le Siam Ancien* (1895), 2 vols; Bradley : "The Oldest Known Writing in Siam" in the *Journal of the Siam Society* (1909) and "The Proximate Source of the Siamese Alphabet" in the *J.S.S.* (1913); all cited in P. N. Bose: *The Indian Colony of Siam* (Lahore 1927), pp. 32-42, 90-91, 101-102, 118-120.

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The Siamese alphabet that was invented by him (1284) was modelled on the Cambojian which is well known to be Sanskritic.

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The titles of ministers of the state council as well as of the principal officials are found to be Hindu. The *montree*, the *parohita* (*purohita*), the *mahāsenāpati*, the *rājakoṣādhipati*, the *amancha* (*amātya*) etc. are all Indian categories. The five Hindu symbols of royalty are in use. The civil and criminal law of the *Manu Samhitā* has furnished the basis of Siamese law. The influence of the *Mahābhārata* also as of the *Rāmāyaṇa* is no less patent.

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The influence of Hindu positivism in the history of Champā from the seventh to the thirteenth century is patent in the royal dynasties of the period, of which each one of the fifty rulers bears a Sanskrit name. And most of these names end in Varman, no matter how varied be the dynasties.⁵⁷

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⁵⁷ R. C. Majumdar: *Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far East*, Vol. I. *Champa* (Lahore 1927), Book IIII, pp. 14, 49, 69, 82, 165, 171-172, 199.

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A Sanskrit inscription of King Prakāśadharma Vikrāntavarman I. (655-690) has a fine verse on *śakti* (prowess) in which *daṇḍa* (punishment) and *bheda* (disunion), two of the important categories of Hindu *Nitiśāstra* are utilized in the right eulogistic manner of Hariṣena and other Indian *praśasti-kāras*.

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Another inscription of his shows familiarity with the *Rāmāyaṇa*. Familiarity with the ideology of the *Manu Samhitā* can be seen in the inscriptions of Vikrāntavarman II (710-730), Indravarman I. (799), Indravarman II. (875) The atmosphere is throughout one of the promotion of *dharma* (law and duty) as the function of the king who is "a god in human form."

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Familiarity with the *Mahābhārata* is evident in an inscription of Rudravarman III (c 908-917) and with the *Artha-Purāṇaśāstra* in an inscription of Jaya Harivarman I (c 800-820).

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In Harivarman IV's inscription (1081) which is partly in Sanskrit verse and partly in Cham prose, the portion in Cham has reference to *sāma*, *dāna*, *bheda* and *daṇḍa*.

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An inscription entirely in Cham of 1088 describes Śrī Jaya Indravarma-deva V as virtually an embodiment of all the good things to be found in the Hindu *nītiśāstras*. In this description we are told that the eighteen titles of law prescribed by Manu were followed by him and that he knew also the *ṣādguṇya* (the six military attitudes). The inscription makes use of the categories, *trivarga*, *artha*, *dharma*, *kāma*, *sāma*, *dāna*, *bheda*, *upapradāna* (bribery), *krodha*, *lobha*, *moha*, *mada*, *mātsarya*, *yoga*, *dhyāna*, *samādhi* etc. among others.

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The *Dharmaśāstras*, especially the *Nāradīya* and the *Bhārgavīya* are referred to in the inscription (in Cham) of Jaya Indravarman VII (1180-1190). These and other inscriptions of Champā may indeed be regarded for certain purposes as exquisite and concrete illustrations (some of them in fine Sanskrit verse) of the principles or theories adumbrated in the texts of political philosophy created on Indian soil.

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It may not be difficult to connect the architecture and sculpture of Champā with those of India. The theme of the figures, of course, is Hindu and their forms also could not but be derived in the main and originally from Indian executions. As regards the buildings, the temples also, in spite of great difference in details their forms may be described as having some family likeness with the Hindu temples, e.g., of South India and of Buddhist *vihāras*. The influence of the *śilpaśāstras* may then have to be detected in the Champā art also.⁵⁸

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⁵⁸ R. C. Majumdar, pp. 272-274; H. Parmentier: "The Common Origin of Hindu Architectures in India and the Far East" (*Rupam*, Calcutta, January 1929)

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The *Brahmāṇḍa Purāṇa* of Bali is older than the tenth century and can be traced to the fifth or the sixth.⁵⁹ In this treatise a Kṣatriya dynasty of Indonesia has been linked up with the Indian sage Pulaha.

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⁵⁹ H. B. Sarkar: *Indian Influences on the Literature of Java and Bali* (Calcutta 1934), pp. 31-33, 46, 60, 74, 89-92, 94-99, 125-128, 175, 194, 213, 234-235; S. K. Chatterjee; "Some Rāmāyaṇa Reliefs from Prambanan, Java" (*Rupam*, Calcutta, January-April 1928): H. Zimmer: *Kunst-form und Yoga in indischen Kultbild* (Berlin, 1926). of Buddhism in India," "The Bodhisattva-cult in China, Japan and India," The Buddhism of China and Japan euphemism for Shaiva-cum-Shaktaism." "Neo-Hinduism in Trans-Himalayan Asia," and "Modern Hinduism" in Sarkar: *Chinese Religion through Hindu Eyes* (Shanghai 1916), pp. 281-303.

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It is possible to suspect also the existence of the Indian *Viṣṇu Purāṇa* in Bali during this period, since some of its stories are found to have influenced the Balinese *Brahmāṇḍa Purāṇa* and other works.

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In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the Indian *Tantras* also were powerfully influencing the literature of the Indonesians. The frequent use of Sanskrit verses in these texts is a noteworthy feature. It is interesting to observe that the peoples of Java and Bali used to offer salutations in verse to the *Panchakanyā* (five ladies), Ahalyā, Dropadī, Sītā, Dārā, and Mandodarī, in the same manner as the Hindus of those days as well as of today.

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Vyāsa's *Nītipraya* is said to have been written for a prince. It deals with what Indian *smriti* and *nīti śāstras* call *rājadharma* or duties of kings. Another Balinese work, the *Nitiśāstra Kawi* is in the same strain. Incidentally it may be observed that Viṣṇugupta Kauṭalya is referred to in a Bālinese inscription of 1041.

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about the Indianization of China and Japan applies equally if not more appropriately to the Indianization of Tibet also.

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The frescoes in the monastery at Luk illustrate Amitābha, Vairochana, medicine-gods, the thousand-handed and thousand-eyed Avalokiteśvara, and scenes in the life of Buddha.

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In the temple at Gumphug one comes across fine specimens of indigenous Tibetan art. Chinese influence can hardly be detected here. But on the other hand the direct imitation of Tāntric *paṭas* (paintings or drawings) of India is in evidence. Manuscripts of medical treatises bear illustrations of gods or masters of medicine. Indian *Āyurveda* seems to be well represented in Tibetan culture.

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The *maṇḍala* type of architecture is represented by the largest temple at Toling. The form might have been borrowed from the temple at Somapura near Pāhārpur in North Bengal. It is the Vajradhātumaṇḍala of the Tāntric cycle that is reproduced in this temple. Vairochana is in the centre, Akṣobhya is placed in the east, Ratnasambhava in the south, and then come Amitābha and Amoghasiddhi. The entire Mahāyānic pantheon is visible here, especially the one connected with the Sarvavid, Vairochana, Guhyasamāja and Samvaratantra.

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The chapels surrounding the great temple are twenty in number. In the company of Vairochana, Vajrapāṇi, Samvara, Śākyamuṇi, Lokapāla, etc. are found very often the eight gods of medicine. Vijayā, Sitapatrā, Tārā, Prajnāpāramitā are the conspicuous figures in the "white temple."

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At Tsaparang a temple is dedicated to Vairochana. As the centre of Vajradhātumaṇḍala the figure of Vairochana is the special favourite of the sect founded by Rin c'en bzan po. Statues of Maitreya in gilded bronze and of Bhairava with five heads (of which the central is that of a buffalo) are likewise to be met with in some of the temples of Tsaparang.

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Lamaism is the joint product of the labours of Tibetan devotees who had been to India aspiring after spiritual perfection as well as of Indian sages who were invited by the Tibetans as their guides or who were forced to leave their fatherland on account of hostile attacks. Tibet is literally dotted over with bits of Hindu culture in religion, literature and fine arts.⁶⁵

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⁶⁵ *Cronaca della Missione Scientifica Tucci nel Tibet Occidentale* (1933) by G. Tucci and E. Ghersi (Rome 1934), summarized by B. K. Sarkar in the *IHQ*., (Calcutta), June 1935.

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Emperor Harṣavardhana's (606-647) Chinese contemporary was the Tang Napoleon Tai-tsung (627-650); and the contact between the two was established by Yuan-Chwang, the Max Müller of those days (the exponent and popularizer of Hindu culture), who visited India in 629 and returned to his native country in 645. The travels of Itsing, another great Chinese scholar-saint, perhaps more learned than Yuan-Chwang the "organizer", and Fa Hien the devotee or man of *bhakti* (faith), were also undertaken (671-695) under the Tangs (618-905). The seventh and eighth centuries witnessed the Indianization of Chinese culture on a magnificent scale such as had not been attempted before.

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The conquest of Tibet by Tang Tai-tsung (627-650) brought India into contact with China by a new land-route. During the rule of this Tang Napoleon there were in Loyang more than three thousand Indian monks and ten thousand Indian families. It was through Indian "culture-contacts" that Chinese ideographs were furnished with phonetic values. As a result the Japanese alphabet was also created in the eighth century.⁶⁶

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⁶⁶ K. Okakura: *Ideals of the East* (London 1905).

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The dramatic art of the Chinese was likewise influenced to a certain extent by Hindu pantomimic dances and acrobatic performances etc., as Bazin suggests in *Le Theatre Chinois*.

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During the eighth century the scholar, Itsing, on his return from travels and researches in India could count among his collaborators a large number of Indians settled in China. Some of them may be mentioned as follows:
1. Anijana, a priest from Northern India,
2. Dharmaratna, a priest from Tukhara,
3. Dharmānanda, a priest from Kabul,
4. Śringīśa, a layman from Eastern India,
5. Gotamavajra, likewise a layman from Eastern India,
6. Harimati,
7. Arjuna, Prince of Kashmir.

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The mighty Tangs were followed by the brilliant Sung dynasty which ruled the entire Empire from 960 to 1127, and later only South China down to 1279. Under the Sungs the fortunes of Hindu culture were no less prosperous than under the Tangs. Indeed by the twelfth and thirteenth centuries not only Taoism but even Confucianism had been thoroughly transformed under Indian influence. The result was a reinterpreted Confucian cult or Neo-Confucianism.⁶⁷

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⁶⁷ Edkins : *Chinese Buddhism* (London 1893), ch. XX.

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This was the epoch of Chu-hsi (1130-1200) *par excellence* who commanded the intellect and morals of Young China. And it is the Neo-Confucianism as propounded by this philosopher of Sung times under the influence of Buddhist or Indian ideology that has ruled China and Japan since. The story of Hindu humanism from Harṣa to Hemādri becomes thus the story of a world-process which embraced virtually three fourths of Asia in its endeavours at remaking.

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The ancient and medieval Chinese were strong in historiography. In catalogue-making also they were past masters. The progress of Indianization in China can be followed step by step in and through the catalogues of Buddhist *sūtras*. In Chinese the treatises bearing names which end in "*lou*" may conveniently be taken for catalogues.

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In *Litai san pao ki*⁶⁸, a catalogue compiled in 597, there is a list of 24 previous catalogues of Buddhist works, the oldest of which is by tradition ascribed to the epoch of the first Chinese Emperor, Tsin Shi Hwangti (c B.C. 246-209). But none of these catalogues were seen by Fei Tchang-fang the compiler of the *Li tai san pao ki*.

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⁶⁸ P. C. Bagchi : *Le Canon Bouddhique* (Paris 1927), pp. xxxii-lii.

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The catalogues of Buddhist *Sūtras* such as could be used by Fei Tchang-fang in 597 were three in number. By 730 three more catalogues were compiled. Down to the end of the thirteenth century sixteen catalogues were prepared and all these are available today.

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The *charaiveti* (“march on”) of Hindu culture was not confined to those Asian regions which accepted the Indian faiths as their own. Moslem Asia also was considerably Hinduized in culture. During the period from Harṣa to Hemādri Greater India was thus flourishing in the Saracen Empire in Western Asia as in Central, Northern, Eastern and South-eastern Asia including the Islands of the Indian Archipelago.

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The *Panchatantra* was translated first into Persian. From Persian it was rendered into Arabic as *Kalila and Dimna*. The medical work of Charaka likewise passed through Persian version into Arabic. Practically all the other Arabic versions of Hindu texts were made direct from the original.⁶⁹

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⁶⁹ E. C. Sachau: *Alberuni's India* (London 1910), Vol. I. pp. xxvii-xi.

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The astronomical (mathematical) works of Brahmagupta, namely, the *Brahmasiddhānta* (called *Sindhind* in Arabic) and the *Khaṇḍa-khādyaka* (*Arkand*) were translated into Arabic by Alfazari and Yakub Ibn Tarik during the reign of Mansur (753-774).

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Under Harun-Alrashid (786-808) the ministers, belonging as they did to the Barmak family, were Buddhists converted to Islam. It was under their auspices that Hindu scholars were invited to Bagdad and Sanskrit works on medicine, pharmacology, toxicology, philosophy, astrology and other subjects were translated into Arabic.

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At this time the son of Dhanya or Dhanin was the director of the hospital at Bagdad. A Hindu physician named Kanka was also practising there. Atri's work on drinkables was introduced to the people. Vedavyāsa’s work on wisdom or philosophy, allied perhaps to Bādarāyana's *Vedānta* philosophy, was likewise to be found among the Sanskrit texts known in the Saracen capital. This may have had some part in the formation of Arabian Sufism. A *Jātaka* by Satyavarman perhaps belonged also to the Indian literature imported into the Saracen Empire under Harun. Vyāghra's book on the signs of swords and a work on astrology attributed to SNGHL, a name which it is difficult to decipher, are likewise mentioned. The Buddhist story adapted in Christian literature under the title of *Joasaph and Barlaam*, as well as some of the fables of Buddhaghoṣa relating to the cunning of women were also rendered available in Arabic during this period.

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Treatises on snakes (*sarpavidyā*), on poisons (*viṣavidyā*), auguring, talismans, veterinary art, sex-lore, logic, ethics, politics, war, and general philosophy are known to have been translated by the Saracens. The Moslem authors wrote also commentaries, adaptations and summaries etc. of the Hindu books.

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At home in Khiva Alberuni (979-1048) was in a position to study the *Brahmasiddhānta*, the *Khaṇḍakhādyaka*, the *Charaka Samhitā* and the *Panchatantra* in Arabic versions. An Arabic translation of Vitteśvara's *Karaṇa-sāra* could likewise be used by him. There were in existence also certain Arabic treatises on astronomy and chronology in which the knowledge of Hindu mathematics was implied.

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While in India (1017-30 ?) he wrote his work on India in which in addition to his special subjects, astronomy and mathematics, philosophy, literature, general culture etc. are introduced. The sub-title of the book is "an accurate description of all categories of Hindu thought, as well those which are admissible as those which must be rejected." Besides, during the same period he produced a number of independent treatises. These are being enumerated below:

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1. A treatise on the determination of the *nakṣatras* or lunar stations.
2. The *Khayal-alkusufaini* in which among other items the theory of *yoga* is described.
3. The Arabic *Khaṇḍa-Khādyaka*, more or less similar in contents to No. 2.
4. A book in which the *karanas* are described.
5. A treatise on the various systems of numeration in use among different nations including the Indian.
6. The key of astronomy.
7. Treatises on the methods for the computation of longitude.

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Two works of Varāhamihra were translated into Arabic by Alberuni. The one was the *Brihatsamhitā* and the other the *Laghujātaka*. A Sanskrit treatise on loathsome diseases owes its Arabic rendering to him. Among philosophical works he is responsible for the translation of Kapila's *Sāmkhya* and Patanjali's treatise on *Yoga* as well as of the *Gītā*.

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Translations from the *Viṣṇudharmottara Purāṇa*, *Viṣṇu Purāṇa*, *Matsya Purāṇa*, *Vāyu Purāṇa* and the *Āditya Purāṇa* are to be found in Alberuni's work on India.

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As for the works on astronomy, mathematics etc. his book exhibits knowledge of (1) Brahmagupta's *Puliśa-siddhānta*, *Brahmasiddhānta*, *Khaṇḍakhādyaka*, *Uttara-* *khaṇḍakhādyaka*, of which the first three were translated by himself into Arabic, (2) Balabhadra's commentary on the *Khaṇḍakhādyaka*, (3) Varāhamihira's *Panchasiddhāntikā* and *Brihadjātakam* in addition to the two other works translated by himself, (4) Utpala's commentary on the *Brihatsamhitā*, (5) a book by Aryabhata II, (6) Vitteśvara's *Karaṇasāra*, (7) Vijayanandin's *Karaṇatilaka*, (8) Śrīpāla, (9) *Book of the Ṛiṣi Bhuvanakoṣa*, (10) *Book of the Brāhman Bhattila*, (11) *Book of Durlabha*, (12) *Book of Jīvaśarman*, (13) *Book of Samaya*, (14) *Book of Auliatta*, (15) Panchāla's *Minor Mānasa*, (16) Mahādeva Chandrabīja's *Sarvadhara*, (17) a calendar from Kashmir.

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Among other Hindu books that went to the making of Alberuni's *India* may be mentioned (1) Haribhaṭa's dictionary, (2) a treatise on the medicine of elephants, (3) the *Mahābhārata*, (4) the *Rāmāyaṇa*, (5) Manu's *Dharmaśāstra*, and last but not least, (6) the *Gītā*.

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Previous to the composition of the work on India Alberuni had translated two Sanskrit books into Arabic, as he says in the preface (Vol. I. p. 8), one about the origines and a description of all created beings called *Sāmkhya*, and another about the emancipation of the soul from the fetters of the body called *Pātañjali*. According to this eleventh century Moslem "indologist" "these two books contain most of the elements of the belief of the Hindus." He hoped that the work on India would "enable the reader to dispense with these two earlier ones, and with other books of the same kind."

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Alberuni was convinced that "misrepresentation" (Vol. I. p. 5) was "much in fashion among those who undertake the task of giving an account of religious and philosophical systems from which they slightly differ or to which they are entirely opposed." While examining the manner in which he classifies the "misreporters" and liars about other nations we are easily reminded of another great Moslem scholar, Abul Fazl, who nearly six centuries later analyzed the causes of intolerance and prejudices of races against one another. It is interesting that two of the greatest intellectuals of the Moslem world were inspired by the selfsame ideal, namely, the love of truth as well as the desire to rescue the Moslem conception about Hindu culture from hearsay as well as secondhand information. Not less significant is the fact that in attempting to be "objective" narrators of a "simple historic record of facts" both have exhibited their pro-Hindu leanings, although, of course, Alberuni's propaganda in favour of the Hindu achievements does not verge on the almost hundred per cent identification of Abul Fazl, the "Hindusthani Shaikh," with the fortunes of his countrymen.

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In regard to Hindu religion and philosophy Alberuni makes it a point to distinguish between the educated and the uneducated classes. This distinction is with him fundamental. In the case of the Arabs and Greeks also he observes that the ideas of men and women differ according as they are cultivated or not.

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"It is well known," says he, "that the popular mind leans towards the sensible world and has an aversion to the world of abstract thought which is only understood by highly educated people, of whom in every time and every place there are only few." He is therefore not surprised that among the Hindus "idols are erected only for uneducated low-class people of little understanding and that the Hindu never made an idol of any supernatural being, much less of God" (Vol. I. p. 122). In the sixteenth century (1598) Abul Fazl also took the same liberal view about Hindu images.

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Alberuni describes the "educated people among the Hindus as calling God *Īśvara*, i.e., self-sufficing, beneficent, who gives without receiving. They consider the unity of God as absolute" (Vol. I. p. 31). Then passing "from the ideas of the educated people among the Hindus to those of the common people," he observes "that they present a great variety and that some of them are simply abominable."

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But Alberuni is faithful to the Koranic gospel of "speaking the truth even if it were against yourselves" (*Sura*, 4, 134). It is therefore quite in keeping with his love of truth to admit at once that "similar errors also occur in other religions. Nay, even in Islam we must decidedly disapprove, e.g., of the anthropomorphic doctrines, the teachings of the Jabriyya sect, the prohibition of the discussion of religious topics and such like."

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The Hindu culture that was assimilated by Alberuni was presented by him to his readers in the perspective of Greek thought. It is very noteworthy that the manner in which we moderns try to institute parallels or identities between the Hindu and the Hellenic ideologies can be traced back to this Afghan-Moslem scientist and philosopher of the eleventh century. In his work on India the Moslems found Plato, Proclus, Aristotle, Grammaticus, 'Alexander of Aphrodosias, Apollonius of Tyana, Porphyry, Ammonius, Aratus, Galenus, Ptolemy, Pseudo-Kallisthenes rubbing shoulders with the authors of the *Sāmkhya*, the *Yoga*, the *Gītā* and other systems (Vol. I. pp. xlii, xxlii). Nor is this all. His comparative method served to bring in the Hindu ideas into the milieu of Zoroastrian, Christian, Jewish, Manichaean, and Sufi sources.

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Arabic culture was in those days the connecting link between Asia and Europe. Alberuni was thus functioning in Moslem Asia and beyond, indeed, in the entire Christian world in much the same manner as his great Chinese predecessors of the seventh century, Yuan Chwang and Itsing, in China and Japan, so far as the propagation of Hindu culture is concerned. This Moslem mathematician of Khiva is an important landmark and agent in the establishment of Greater India. His services to the *charaiveti*, the dynamic march, of Hindu culture are immense. Not the least paradoxical feature in this evolution consists in the fact that while his masters of the Ghazni House were laying the foundations of a Moslem *rāj* in India his scientific and philosophical researches in Hindu culture were contributing to the Hinduization of the Moslem world and, through the Moslems, of the culture of Europe in exactly the same friendly spirit as had been shown by the Barmak ministry and others during the days "of good Harun Alrashid."

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