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The Philosophy of the Upanishads c12.s3: XVI. Practical Philosophy

The Philosophy of the Upanishads c12.s3

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English

Contents

XVI. Practical Philosophy

1. Introduction

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Every theory of the universe includes judgements on the relative value or worthlessness of objects, and thereby secures an influence on our practical conduct. Every philosophical system therefore has an ethical side, whether it be matured or not into a special ethical system; and it is precisely this side to which our feeling attaches so great importance that we are inclined to estimate the value of a philosophical theory of the universe by the ethical consequences which have resulted or may be derived from it. We allow ourselves to be guided in these matters by the old adage,—"By their fruits ye shall know them."³ Even this saying however cannot be taken without limitations. For to continue the illustration employed by Jesus, it may happen that a tree is good and yet bears no, or no good fruit,—possibly because its blossoms are prematurely touched by the cold breath of the knowledge of the truth.

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³ Matt. 7¹⁶.

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This may in fact have been the case in India. Eternal philosophical truth has seldom found more decisive and striking expression than in the doctrine of the emancipating knowledge of the âtman. And yet this knowledge may be compared to that icy-cold breath which checks every development and benumbs all life. He who knows himself as the âtman is, it is true, for ever beyond the reach of all desire, and therefore beyond the possibility of immoral conduct, but at the same time he is deprived of every incitement to action or initiation of any kind; he is lifted out of the whole circle of illusory individual existence, his body is no longer his, his works no longer his, everything which he may henceforth do or leave undone belongs to the sphere of the great illusion, which he has penetrated, and is therefore of no account. Accordingly he lives îdṛis'a eva, “as it happens,”¹ and though he wish for a hundred years of life and enjoyment, no action will defile him, or will defile you, evam tvayi, “when you are thus,” i.e. when the universe is for you plunged in the abyss of the divine being. Only painfully and artificially has the Bhagavad Gîtâ the skill to derive from these premisses a demand for heroic action, as we shall see in a later part of our work. When the knowledge of the âtman has been gained, every action, and therefore every moral action also, has been deprived of meaning.

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¹ Bṛih. 3. 5. 1; he is yâdṛicchika, Mâṇḍûkya-K. 2. 37, Paramahaṁsa Up. 4.

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Moreover moral conduct cannot contribute directly, but only indirectly, to the attainment of the knowledge that brings emancipation. For this knowledge is not a becoming something which had no previous existence, and might be brought about by appropriate means, but it is the perception of that which previously existed, existed indeed from all eternity. It is compared (as early as the later Upanishads) with awakening,¹ and like that follows of itself² and not by design:—

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² Îs'a. 1. 2.

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¹ *prabodha*, Haṁsa Up. 1, Âtmaprabodha 1, Gauḍap. 1. 14, 3. 40, 4. 92, 98 ; cp. *prabuddha*, Bṛih. 4. 4. 13 ; *pratibodha*, Kena 12 ; *jâgrata*, Kâṭh. 3. 14 ; *boddhum*, Kâṭh. 6. 4 ; *nityaḥ*, *śuddho*, *buddhaḥ*, Nṛisiṁhott. 9.

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² Kâṭh. 2. 23.

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In the infinite illusion of the universe
The soul sleeps; when it awakes
Then there wakes in it the Eternal,
Free from time and sleep and dreams.³

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³ Mâṇḍûkya-Kâr. 1. 16.

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It was first at a later period, when the method of empirical knowledge took entire possession of the doctrine of emancipation, and conceived it as has been shown under the category of causality, that the knowledge through which deliverance is attained came to be regarded as a becoming something, as an effect of definite causes, which might therefore be brought about by promoting such causes. Thus emancipation was conceived, again empirically, in accordance with the external signs which it manifested. These signs were principally two:—
(1) The removal of all desire.
(2) The removal of the consciousness of plurality.

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It was worth while therefore to produce or at least to expedite emancipation by artificial means, and the result was two remarkable manifestations of the culture of India, which are contained in germ in the older Upanishads, and in a series of later Upanishads pass through a complete development.
(1) The Sannyâsa.
(2) The Yoga.

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The former seeks by artificial measures to suppress desire, the latter the consciousness of plurality, and thus to secure the attainment of the knowledge through which deliverance is wrought, as far at least as its external signs are concerned. Practical philosophy is comprised in these two manifestations of culture, which pursue their course on parallel lines, and often touch; and it has been developed out of the thoughts of the Upanishads (empirically conceived). This we have yet briefly to treat, as far as the materials afforded by the Atharva Upanishads will allow us. First however we propose to gather together here the most important ethical ideas which present themselves in the Upanishads, not so much arising from the âtman doctrine as holding a place by its side.

2. Ethics of the Upanishads

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Europeans, practical and shrewd as they are, are wont to estimate the merits of an action above all by its objective worth, that is by the resultant profit for neighbours, for the multitude, or for all men. He who has obtained the greatest results by this standard passes for the greatest man of his time; and the widow's mite is never anything more than a mite. But this objective worth of a good action is too entirely dependent on the favourable or unfavourable character of environment, on mental endowment, on position in life, on the accessory forces of trade and other accidents, to be capable of serving as a standard of moral value. Such a standard must have regard rather to the subjective worth of an action, which consists in the greatness of the personal sacrifice which is involved, or more strictly speaking in the actor's consciousness of the greatness of the sacrifice which he believes himself to be making, and consequently in the degree of self-denial (*tapas*), and self-renunciation (*nyâsa*), which is exhibited in the action, whether in other respects it be of great or little or absolutely no value for others.

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This distinction may save us from being betrayed into an unjust judgement when we note, at first with some surprise, that amongst the ancient Indians, whose consciousness of human solidarity, of common needs and interests, was but slightly developed, the sense of the objective worth of moral action (that is, the worth it possesses for others) is very inferior to ours, while their estimate of its subjective worth (that is, its significance for the actor himself) was advanced to a degree from which we may learn much. In this sense the ethical system of the Upanishads concerns itself especially with the subjective interpretation of moral action, and less with their external results; although this latter consideration is by no means absolutely wanting, but is merely subordinated to the first. This we propose to show in the first place by a few examples.

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In Chând. 3. 17 life is regarded allegorically as a great soma festival. In this a miniature ethical system in five words is incidentally interwoven, when as the reward of the sacrifice (*dakshiṇâ*), which is to be offered at the great sacrificial feast of life, are named:—(1) *tapas*, asceticism; (2) *dânam*, liberality; (3) *ârjavam*, right dealing; (4) *ahiṃsâ*, no injury to life; and (5) *satyavac'anam*, truthfulness.

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In Taitt. 1. 9 twelve duties are enumerated, by the side of each of which the "learning and teaching of the Veda" are constantly enjoined. These are:—Right dealing and truthfulness; asceticism, self-restraint, and tranquillity; and as duties of a householder,—Maintenance of the sacred fire and the agnihotram, hospitality and courtesy, duties to children wives and grandchildren.

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In India also, in other countries, men believed that they heard the voice of the moral law-giver (Prajâpati) in the roll of the thunder, whose *da! da! da!* is explained in the myth of Bṛih. 5. 2 as *dâmyata! datta! daya-dhvam!* (be self-restrained, liberal, pitiful).

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The beneficent results of good actions are beautifully expressed in Mahânâr. 9.¹ "As the scent is wafted afar from a tree laden with flowers, so also is wafted afar the scent of a good deed."

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¹ In the Atharva Recension 8. 2.

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On the other hand, the wicked act is sternly condemned in the verse preserved in Chând. 5. 10. 9 :—

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The thief of gold, and the spirit drinker,
The murderer of a Brâhman, the defiler of his teacher's bed,
These four perish, and he who associates with them as the fifth.

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The fact that only special cases are cited here instead of universal prohibitions of theft, drunkenness, murder and adultery, thus showing lack of generalisation, as well as the rarity of such warnings in Upanishad literature, proves that offences of this character were not common, and that many an Indian chieftain might make in substance his own the honourable testimony which As'vapati Kaikeya bears to his subjects :—

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In my kingdom there is no thief,
No churl, no drunkard,
None who neglects the sacrifice or the sacred lore,
No adulterer or courtesan.¹

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¹ Chând. 5. 11. 5.

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This is in keeping with the gentle humane tone which we see adopted in the Upanishads in the intercourse of husband and wife, father and son, teacher and student, prince and subject.

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Where ethics found so little external work to do, they could give the more undivided attention to the internal, in the spirit of the proverb :—

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In thyself know thy friend,
In thyself know thy enemy.²

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² Bhag. Gîtâ 6. 5.

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The strife with this internal foe is *tapas* (asceticism), the victory over it *nyâsa* (self-renunciation), and in these are contained the two fundamental ideas, around which the ethical thought of the Upanishads moves. *Tapas* has been already discussed in detail;³ and we will only add here that in Mahânâr. 8 all virtues are quite correctly explained as *tapas*, while according to Mahânâr. 62. 11 “all these lower mortifications”¹ are surpassed by *nyâsa*, self-renunciation. More importance than to isolated expressions of this character attaches to the fact that in course of time the ancient traditional life-stages of the *brahmac'ârin* and *grihastha* had a third and a fourth added to them, in which these two supreme virtues were incorporated as it were, *tapas* as *vânaprastha*, and *nyâsa* as *sannyâsin*. These four life-stages of the Brahman—as student, householder, anchorite and wandering beggar—in which according to a subsequent view the life of every Indian Brâhman should be spent, were at a later time very significantly named *âs'ramas*, i.e. “places of mortification.”² The whole life should be passed in a series of gradually intensifying ascetic stages, through which a man, more and more purified from all earthly attachment, should become fitted for his “home” (*astam*), as the other world is designated as early as Rigv. X. 14. 8. The entire history of mankind does not produce much that approaches in grandeur to this thought.

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³ sup. pp. 65-70.

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¹ A list of which is given like the similar series of virtues in Taitt. 1. 9, sup. p. 365, and Mahânâr. 8.

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² First, as far as our knowledge goes, in the *atyâs'ramin* of S'vet. 6. 21, followed by Maitr. 4. 3, etc.

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In the older Upanishads the theory of the four *âs'ramas* is seen in course of formation. Chând. 8. 15 mentions only the Brahman-student and householder, and promises to these in return for study, the begetting of children, the practice of yoga, abstinence from doing injury, and sacrifice, a departure hence without return. Chând. 2. 23. 1 names the *tapas* (of the anchorite) side by side with these as a third “branch of duty.” There is still no progressive series. Rather according to this passage the Brahman-students, in so far as they do not elect to remain permanently in the house of the teacher, appear to have devoted themselves partly to the householder's state, partly to the life in the forest. It is in harmony with this that in Chând. 5. 10 among the dying the anchorite in the forest and the sacrificer in the village appear side by side. Chând. 2. 23. 1 contrasts all three branches of duty with the position of the man who "stands fast in Brahman." So too in Bṛih. 4. 2. 22, those who practise (1) the study of the Veda, (2) sacrifice and almsgiving, (3) penance and fasting, are contrasted with the man who has learnt to know the âtman, and in consequence becomes a muni and pravrâjin (pilgrim). Both have attained the knowledge of the âtman, and therefore the supreme goal. In the cognate passage Bṛih. 3. 5, on the contrary the Brâhmaṇa is still distinguished from the muni as a higher grade. In Bṛih. 3. 8. 10 also the knowledge of the âtman as the highest aim is differentiated both from the sacrifices and benefactions (of the householder), and from the practices of tapas (of the anchorite). All these passages assume only the three stages of Brahman-student, householder and anchorite, and contrast with them the men who know the âtman. The last were originally "exalted above the (three) âśramas."¹ This very position however of exaltation above the âśramas became in course of time a fourth and highest âśrama, which was naturally assigned to the end of life, so that studentship, and the positions of householder and anchorite (which stood side by side) preceded it as temporary grades in this successive order. Until a late period however the separation between the third and fourth âśramas, between the vânaprastha practising tapas, and the sannyâsin who has succeeded in attaining nyâsa, was not strictly carried out. An intimation of the fourfold number of the âśramas is perhaps already afforded by the words of Muṇḍ. 2. 1. 7:—" mortification, truth, the life of a Brâhman, instruction." Otherwise the oldest passage, which names all four âs'ramas in the correct order, would be Jâbâla Up. 4 :—" When the period of Brahman-studentship is ended, a man becomes a householder; after he has been a householder, he becomes an anchorite; after he has been an anchorite, let him travel about on pilgrimage."

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¹ atyâśramin, as it is said in S'vet. 6. 21, Kaiv. 24.

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The further development of the theory of the four âs'ramas belongs to the later period of the dharmasûtras and dharmas'âstras. Here we propose merely to take a brief survey of the substance of the teaching of the Upanishads on this subject.

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(1) The *Brahmac'ârin*. "S'vetaketu was the son of (Uddâlaka) Âruṇi. To him said his father, 'S'vetaketu, go forth to study the Brahman, for none of our family, my dear son, is wont to remain unlearned, and a (mere) hanger-on of the Brâhman order.'"¹ From this remark it seems to follow that at that time entrance upon the life of a Brahman-student, while it was a commendable custom, was not yet universally enjoined upon Brâhmans. The entrance also of Satyakâma upon studentship appears to be his voluntary determination.² It was possible for a man to receive instruction from his father, as S'vetaketu,³ or at the hands of other teachers, as the same S'vetaketu.⁴ The request to be received must follow duly (*tîrthena*, cp. *vidhivat*, Muṇḍ. 1. 1. 3), *i.e.* according to Bṛih. 6. 2. 7, with the words,—*upaimi aham bhavantam*. The student takes the fuel in his hand as a token that he is willing to serve the teacher, and especially to maintain the sacred fires.⁵ Before receiving him, the teacher makes inquiry into his birth and family,¹ but yet, as this example shows, in a very indulgent manner. Sometimes instruction is given even without formal reception (*anupanîya*).² The duration of the period of instruction is twelve years,³ or “a series of years.”⁴ S’vetaketu also begins to receive instruction at the age of twelve,⁵ and continues his study for twelve years. During this time he has “thoroughly studied all the Vedas,”⁶ namely the verses of the Rigveda, the formulas of the sacrifice, and the hymns of the Sâma,⁷ apparently therefore only the saṃhitâs. In other instances there appears to have been at first no mention of study. In one example Upakosala has tended the sacred fires for twelve years, and yet the teacher can never make up his mind to impart to him “the knowledge.”⁸ Satyakâma is sent at first with the teacher’s herds of cattle into a distant country, where he remains for a succession of years.⁹ A further act of service on the part of the brahmacârin consists in his going to beg for the teacher.¹⁰ On festival occasions also we find him in the train of the teacher and awaiting his commands.¹¹ Together with and after these acts of service “in the time remaining over from work for the teacher” (*guroḥ karma-atis’eṣeṇa*) the study of the Veda is prosecuted.¹² The consequence was sometimes rather darkening of knowledge than real enlightenment.¹³ We further find the students wandering from place to place; “they hasten from all sides” to famous teachers, like water down the hill;¹⁴ they roam as far as the land of the Madras (on the Hyphasis) “in order to learn the sacrifice.”¹⁵ As a rule however they live as *antevâsins* in the house of the teacher, and not a few found this manner of life so congenial that they “settled permanently in the teacher’s house.”¹ The others were dismissed at the close of the period of studentship with advice² or admonitions:— “After he has studied the Veda with him the teacher admonishes his pupil,—‘Speak the truth, do your duty, forsake not the study of the Veda; after you have presented the appropriate gifts to the teacher, take care that the line of your race be not broken.’”³ Further admonitions follow, not to neglect health and possessions, to honour father, mother, teacher and guest, to be blameless in act and life, to honour superiors, to bestow alms in the appropriate manner, and in all doubtful cases to order himself according to the judgement of approved authorities.

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¹ Chând. 6. 1. 1.

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² Chând. 4. 4. 1.

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³ Chând. 5. 3. 1, Bṛih. 6. 2. 1, Kaush. 1. 1.

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⁴ Chând. 6. 1. 1, differing from the passages just quoted.

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⁵ Kaush. 4. 19, Chând. 4. 4. 5, 5. 13. 7, 8. 7. 2, 8. 10. 3, 8. 11. 2, Muṇḍ. 1. 2. 12, Pras'na 1. 1.

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¹ Chând. 4. 4. 4.

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² Chând. 5. 11. 7.

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³ Chând. 4. 10. 1.

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⁴ Chând. 4. 4. 5.

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⁵ Chând. 6. 1. 2.

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⁶ Chând. 6. 1. 2.

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⁷ Chând. 6. 7. 2.

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⁸ Chând. 4. 10. 1–2.

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⁹ Chând. 4. 4. 5.

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¹⁰ Chând. 4. 3. 5.

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¹¹ Bṛih. 3. 1. 2.

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¹² Chând. 8. 15.

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¹³ Chând. 6. 1. 2.

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¹⁴ Taitt. 1. 4. 3.

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¹⁵ Bṛih. 3. 7. 1, 3. 3. 1.

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¹ Chând. 2. 23. 1.

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² Bṛih. 6. 4.

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³ Taitt. 1. 11.

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(2) The Gṛihastha. “He who returns home from the family of the teacher, after the prescribed study of the Veda in the time remaining over from work for the teacher, and pursues the private study of the Veda in (his own) household in a pure neighbourhood (where Brâhmans are permitted to live), trains up pious (sons and pupils), subdues all his organs in the âtman, and besides injures no living thing except on sacred ground (at the sacrifice), he in truth, if he maintains this manner of life all his days, enters into the world of Brâhman and does not return back.”⁴ According to this passage, the householder may remain in that state all his life long without doing injury to his soul. According to Chând. 5. 10, on the contrary, for those “who in the village observe the rites with the words—‘Sacrifice and works of piety are our service,’” for those therefore who continue in the householder’s state to the end of life, the transient reward in the moon is appointed and a return to a new earthly existence. The most imperative duty of the householder is to establish a family and to beget a son to continue his father's works. This subject has been already considered.¹ Several wives are permitted, as in fact Yâjñavalkhya himself had two.² Further duties of the grihastha are named,—sacrifice, study of the Veda, and almsgiving.³ How far the obligation of sacrifice suffered prejudice through the ideas of the Upanishads has been already discussed.⁴

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⁴ Chând. 8. 15.

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¹ sup. p. 293 ff.

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² Bṛih. 2. 4, 4. 5.

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³ Chând. 2. 23. 1, 8. 5. 1-2, Bṛih. 4. 4. 22, 3. 8. 10.

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⁴ sup. p. 61-65.

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(3) The Vânaprastha and (4) the Sannyâsin (bhikshu, parivrâjaka). A distinction between these two periods of life was established at first gradually. Originally the solitary life in the forest existed as a special “kind of vocation” (dharmaskandha) side by side with the position of householder.⁵ Later it may have become usual to retire into the solitude of the forest on the approach of old age, after the obligations of the householder had been satisfied. Yâjñavalkhya is an example, when he addresses his wife Maitreyî:—“I will now abandon this state (of householder), and will therefore make a division between thee and Kâtyâyanî.”⁶ With Yâjñavalkhya this step means the putting into practice of his teaching in Bṛih. 3. 5. 1:—“In truth, after that Brâhmans have gained the knowledge of this soul, they abstain from desire for children and desire for possessions and desire for the world, and wander about as beggars.” Here the third and the fourth states are not yet distinguished. The case is otherwise with the king Bṛihadratha, who surrenders his kingdom, journeys into the forest, and gives himself up to the most painful mortifications, gazing fixedly at the sun and standing with arms crossed, and yet is obliged to confess:—“I am not acquainted with the âtman.”⁷ Here the anchorite, who devotes himself to ascetic practices with meditation,¹ has not yet attained the highest goal; if anyone without knowing the âtman “practises asceticism for a full thousand years, to him it brings only finite (reward).”² Asceticism leads only to the Pitṛiyâna,³ and the case is different only with those who can say :—“Faith is our asceticism.”⁴ Penance and fasting are only the means by which Brâhmans “seek to know” the âtman.⁵ According to some, tapas is indispensable as a means to the knowledge of the âtman;⁶ according to others, it is superfluous as far as any fruits of the system are concerned.⁷ For as long as the goal was future the hope might be cherished of approaching near to it by severing by means of asceticism the tie that binds to this life. If however emancipation is the discovery of oneself as the âtman, and therefore something that only needs to be recognised as already existing, not to be brought about as though it were future, the asceticism of the vânaprastha becomes as superfluous as the gṛihastha’s sacrifice and study of the Veda.⁸ He who knows the âtman is atyâs’ramin, “exalted above the (three) âs’ramas.”⁹ He has attained that which the ascetic only strives after, complete release from his individuality and from all that pertains to it, as family, possessions and the world.¹⁰ He is called sannyâsin, because he “casts off everything from himself” (sam-ni-as), because he “wanders around” homeless (parivrâj, parivrâjaka), because without possessions he lives only as a “beggar” (bhikshu).

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⁵ Chând. 2. 23. 1, 5. 10. 1-3.

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⁶ Bṛih. 2. 4. 1 (4. 5. 1-2).

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⁷ Maitr. 1. 2.

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¹ Chând. 2. 23. 1.

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² Bṛih. 3. 8. 10.

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³ Bṛih. 6. 2. 16.

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⁴ Chând. 5. 10. 1.

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⁵ vividishanti, Bṛih. 4. 4. 22.

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⁶ Maitr. 4. 3, na atapaskasya âtmajñâne ’dhigamaḥ.

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⁷ Jâbâla Up. 4.

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⁸ Bṛih. 3. 5, 4. 4. 21.

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⁹ S’vet. 6. 21.

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¹⁰ Bṛih. 3. 5, 4. 4. 22.

3. The Sannyâsa

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The Sannyâsa, which is originally only the rejection of the entire Brâhmanical mode of life with its three âs'ramas, assumed in course of time the position of a fourth and highest âs'rama, which as a rule, though not necessarily, would first be entered upon towards the close of life after passing through the stages of brahmac'ârin, gṛihastha and vânaprastha. It thus, however, gained a further meaning. If it was originally an apparent consequence of the knowledge of the âtman, it became now a final and most certain means by which it was hoped to attain that knowledge. The Sannyâsa accordingly is represented as such a means to the knowledge of the âtman and to emancipation in a series of later Upanishads (the most important are *Brahma*, *Sannyâsa*, *Âruṇeya*, *Kaṇṭhas'ruti*, *Paramahaṃsa*, *Jâbâla*, *Âs'rama*); and from these we propose to endeavour to sketch a picture of this most characteristic feature of Indian religious life. Remembering however the slight regard which the Sannyâsins, following the example of Yâjñavalkhya,¹ entertain for the Vedic tradition, and the lack of other authority, it is intelligible that the rules and formulas out of which the Sannyâsa Upanishads have been compiled are in details full of contradictions.

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¹ Bṛih. 3. 5, 4. 4. 21.

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(1) *Preliminary conditions of the Sannyâsa*. A clear distinction between these four âs'ramas is found only in Jâb. 4 and Âs'r. 1–4. The latter Upanishad distinguishes the third and fourth stages by the fact that all four varieties of the vânaprastha continue to observe the sacrifice in the forest, while the four varieties of the sannyâsin are absolved from it. Jâb. 4 enjoins entrance into the sannyâsa only after passing through the stages of brahmac'ârin, gṛihastha and vânaprastha, but permits the transition direct from any stage. Similarly in Kaṇṭh. 1 the injunction is given to renounce the world “in the right order,” while in Kaṇṭh. 2 a deviation from it is allowed. In Sanny. 1 renunciation is defined as an “advance beyond the stages of life” (therefore still not a fourth stage). According to the descriptions of Sanny. 2 and Kaṇṭh. 4 the transition is direct from the position of householder to renunciation; and the reason for this may be either that gṛihastha and vânaprastha are still placed side by side as preliminary stages of renunciation,¹ or that vânaprastha and sannyâsin are not yet definitely separated.²

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¹ As in Chând. 2. 23. 1.

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² As in Âs’r. 3-4, and later.

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(2) Departure from life. The Sannyâsa demands a surrender of all possessions, a resigning the seven upper and seven lower worlds, which on this occasion are enumerated,³ an abandonment of sons, brothers, relatives,⁴ of father, son and wife,⁵ of teachers and relatives,⁶ of children, friends, wife and relatives,⁷ a leaving behind of family.⁸ In one passage only⁹ is permission given for him who renounces the world to be accompanied by his wife. The Sannyâsa is accordingly a complete separation from life; and therefore in this instance also, as at death, a purification (saṃskâra) by sacred text and ceremonies has to be observed.¹⁰ In particular the candidate for renunciation has still to offer a sacrifice for the last time, in the description of which the texts greatly differ. In Sanny. 1 an offering is prescribed to the deceased and a sacrifice to Brahman (brâhmeshti); henceforth the man who has renounced the world lives without offerings to the deceased and sacrifices.¹¹ Kaṇṭh. 4 requires that in the first place for twelve successive days an agnihotram with milk shall be proffered, during which time the sacrificer himself shall live only on milk; then after selecting once again as before all the hitherto recognised sacrificial priests,¹² he is to offer a vais’vânara sacrifice (i.e. to Agni Vais’vâ- nara, probably to be understood as in Chând. 5.

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19–24),¹ accompanied by a mouse to Prajâpati (perhaps as ransom from the duty of begetting), and a cake of three layers to Vishnu.² In Jâb. 4, on the contrary, the sacrifice to Prajâpati is disapproved of, and only that to Agni as Prâna is demanded (probably therefore the vais'vânara, sacrifice), but subsequently direction is given for a Traidhâtavîya offering to the three elements, sattvam, rajas and tamas. Thus too in Jâb. 4, in harmony with the separation of all four stages here carried out, he who enters upon the Sannyâsa is thought of as a vânaprastha; and this is the ground of the immediately following prescription, that the priests shall cause the fire to be brought from the village; if no fire is to be had, the offering shall be made in water, “for water is all the deities.”³ This offering is made with the words, “Om! I offer to all the deities, svâhâ,” where the word om implies all three Vedas;⁴ and thereupon the sacrificer shall taste the fat and savoury meats of the sacrifice. According to Kanth. 1 he is to stretch his limbs symbolically over the sacrificial utensils, thereby signifying his renunciation of them. Kanth. 4 commands him to throw his wooden vessels into the fire, the earthen into water, and to give the metal ones to his teacher;

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elsewhere he is to throw the broken wood into the fire.⁵ Thereby he symbolically takes the fire, which henceforth he will no longer maintain, into himself,⁶ or into his body.⁷ The sacrificial fire he takes up into the fire of his belly,⁸ the Gâyatrî⁹ into the fire of his speech.¹⁰ It is probably this taking up of the sacrificial fire into his own body which is symbolically intended when he who has renounced the world, addressing the fire, has to consume a handful of ashes from the embers,¹ or to smell the fire.² Besides this ceremony, mention is made of a special initiation (dīkshā),³ which must be completed by means of the hymn Atharvav. 11. 8:—“When Manyu chose himself a wife from out of the saṅkalpa,” etc. Since this hymn expresses itself in depreciatory style of the origin of the body,⁴ this application of it perhaps meant that a man thereby declared himself free from his own body. After thus separating himself from sacrificial duties, a highly significant act followed, upon which accordingly stress is laid by all the texts, namely the laying aside of the sacred thread, the token that he belongs to the Brâhmanical class,⁵ and the lock of hair which indicates his family descent.⁶ Henceforth meditation alone is to serve as the sacrificial cord,⁷ and knowledge as the lock of hair,⁸ the timeless âtman is to be both sacred thread and lock of hair for him who has renounced the world.⁹ According to Kaṇṭh. 4 the sacred thread, according to Jâb.

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6 this and the lock of hair, are offered in water with the words “svâhâ to the earth”; according to Âr. 2 the sacred thread and lock of hair are to be buried in the earth or sunk in water. The later systematising of Âs’r. 4, which distinguishes four grades of Sannyâsins, insists on the retention of the lock of hair and the sacred thread by the Bahûdaka, the lock of hair without thread by the Haṃsa, and allows only the Paramahaṃsa as the highest grade to dispense with lock of hair and sacred thread, or even to shave the head. On this point also difference of opinion exists. Kaṇṭh. 2, 3, 4 demands removal of the hair of the head, Jâb. 5 complete baldness, Kaṇṭh. 5 only a lesser tonsure, Sanny. 3 and Kaṇṭh. 5 removal of the hair on the privy parts and armpits. Last of all, the separation from the son takes place, who accompanies his father for a certain distance, after which with festive greetings both turn right round and go their way without looking back; and the son is not permitted to shed tears.¹

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³ Âr. 1.

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⁴ Âr. 1.

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⁵ Âr. 5.

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⁶ Kaṇṭh. 4.

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⁷ Par. 1.

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⁸ Âr. 2.

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⁹ Sanny. 2. 7.

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¹⁰ Sanny. 1.

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¹¹ Par. 4.

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¹² Kaṇṭh. 1.

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¹ Kanth. 1 and 4.

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² Kanth. 4.

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³ cp. sup. p. 190 f.

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⁴ Jâb. 4.

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⁵ Sanny. 1, Kanth. 4.

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⁶ Sanny. 1.

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⁷ Sanny. 2. 4.

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⁸ In which for the future he offers the prâna-agnihotram, sup. p. 124 f.

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⁹ i.e. the Veda, Chând. 3. 12. 1.

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¹⁰ Âr. 2.

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¹ Kaṇṭh. 4.

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² Jâb. 4.

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³ Sanny. 3, Kaṇṭh. 5.

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⁴ cp. the translation, Allgemeine Einleitung, pp. 270-277.

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⁵ Kaṇṭh. 2, 3, 5, Âr. 1, 3, 5, Brahma 3.

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⁶ śikhâ, Kaṇṭh. 2, 3, Âr. 1, Brahma 3, Par. 1.

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⁷ Kaṇṭh. 2, Brahma 3, Par. 2.

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⁸ Kaṇṭh. 2, Brahma 3.

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⁹ Par. 2.

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¹ Kaṇṭh. 2 and 3.

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(3) Dress and Equipment. On these also great differences of opinion exist. The robe should according to Sanny. 3, Kaṇṭh. 5 be dark red, according to Jâb. 5 colourless, according to Kaṇṭh. 2 torn or made of bark, according to Sanny. 4 patched. Âsr. 4 permits the Bahûdaka to wear a loin-cloth and dark red robe, the Paramahaṃsa only rags and a loin-cloth. Par. 4 requires of the latter that space be his clothing, Jâb. 6 that he should live “naked as he was born.” Together with the coat, girdle and thread, the staves also of palâśa, bilva or aśvattha wood, which serve to distinguish the castes, must be laid aside.² In their place the triple staff, composed of three staves twisted together (tridaṇḍam, probably as a token of the reconciliation of caste differences), makes its appearance,³ but even this is sometimes forbidden.⁴ We have instead the single staff (token of complete reconciliation),⁵ or the staff of bamboo.⁶ Even this however is prohibited⁷ with the remark that he who carries knowledge alone as his staff is rightly named a man with a single staff. Âsr. 4 introduces system again here by permitting the triple staff to the Bahûdaka, to the Haṃsa the single staff, and allows no staff to the Paramahaṃsa. Similarly in Sanny. 3 a sieve, in Kaṇṭh. 5 a ragged cloth is allowed for the straining of liquid, to prevent the destruction of any living thing; on the contrary, in Jâb. 6 and the verses of Kaṇṭh. 5 even cloth-strainers are forbidden. A covering is permitted by Par. 1, but Par. 2 prohibits this for the highest grade. A summary in verse is given of the objects which a less strict observance allows to the Sannyâsin :—

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² Âr. 5.

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³ Sanny. 4.

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⁴ Kaṇṭh. 5, Jâb. 6, Âr. 2.

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⁵ Par. 1.

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⁶ Âr. 3.

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⁷ Par. 3.

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Pot, drinking-cup and flask,
The three supports, a pair of shoes,
A patched robe giving protection
In heat and cold, a loin-cloth,
Bathing drawers and straining cloth,
Triple staff and coverlet.¹

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¹ Sanny. 4. ² Kaṇṭh. 5. ³ Âśr. 4. ⁴ Kaṇṭh. 5. ⁵ Sanny. 4, 5. ⁶ Sanny. 2, 4. ⁷ Kaṇṭh. 2. ⁸ Âr. 4. ⁹ Kaṇṭh 5, Jâb. 6. ¹⁰ Kaṇṭh. 2. ¹¹ Âr. 5. ¹² Kaṇṭh. 5.

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These same objects, the very verse being repeated, are elsewhere forbidden to the Sannyâsin,² and with this the enumeration in the prose of Jâb. 6 agrees. Another passage³ allows them to the Bahûdaka, and forbids them only to the Paramahaṃsa. The direction of Âr. 5, that he who has renounced the world shall bear the syllable *om* on his limbs, is unique.

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(4) *Food*. The Sannyâsin must live by begging,⁴ only bread given in charity and broken fruits are to be his food,⁵ or water, air and fruits.⁶ Food should be asked of all four castes,⁷ the distinctions of which have no longer any existence for the Sannyâsin. Âśr. 4 distinguishes here also four grades; the Kuṭîc'aras are to beg in the houses of their children, the Bahûdakas of well-to-do Brâhman families, and the Paramahaṃsas alone of all four castes. In begging the Sannyâsin is to employ a clay or wooden vessel, or a gourd,⁸ but elsewhere the rule is laid down that his belly should form his vessel,⁹ his hand,¹⁰ or his belly or hand.¹¹ He who has renounced the world "shall eat the bread of charity, but give no alms" (*bhikshâs'î na dadyât*, for which might be read with a very slight change *bhikshâs'î 'shad adyât*, "living on the bread of charity he shall eat little").¹² This would be in harmony with other passages, according to which he who has renounced the world should use his food only as medicine,¹ should avoid eating sufficient to put on fat, but should remain thin.² Nevertheless, should he feel weak, he should not pursue these and other abstinences so far as to give rise to disorder:³ if he is ill, he should practise self-mortification only in the spirit or by means of words.⁴ Elsewhere it is said, extending the theory of the Prāṇāgnihotra:⁵ “That which he eats in the evening is his evening sacrifice, in the morning his morning sacrifice, at the new month his new moon sacrifice, that at the full moon his full moon sacrifice, and when he cuts (afresh) in the spring the hair of his head, his beard, the hair of his body, and his nails, that is his agniṣṭoma (a kind of Soma sacrifice ”).⁶

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¹ Kaṇṭh. 2, Ār. 3.

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² Kaṇṭh. 2.

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³ Kaṇṭh. 2.

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⁴ Jāb. 5.

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⁵ *sup.* p. 124 f.

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⁶ Kaṇṭh. 4.

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(5) *Place of abode.* The essential characteristics of the man who has renounced the world are already implied in the three chief names which he bears. As *sannyāsin* he must “cast everything from him,” as *bhikshu* live only as a “beggar,” and as *parivrāj*, *parivrājaka* must wander about homeless as a “pilgrim (vagrant).” He is no longer tied to any locality. He has no further interest in dying in *Avimuktam* (a place at Benares that ensures immediate salvation for those who die there), for he bears always with him the *Varaṇā* and the *Asī* (two streams, between which Benares lies, and from which it derives its name *Vārāṇasī*), as the arches (*varaṇa*) of his eyebrows and his nostrils (*nāsā*).⁷ As a rule he is to make his home by the side of water,⁸ on sand-banks in a river or before the doors of a temple,⁹ or to sit or lie on the bare earth.¹⁰ According to Jāb. 6, he should “remain homeless in a deserted house, or a temple of the gods, on a heap of grass, or an antheap, or among the roots of a tree, in a potter’s shed, by a sacrificial fire, on an island in a river, in a cave in the mountains, a glen, or a hollow tree, by a waterfall, or on the bare earth.” He may tarry only one night in a village, only five nights in a town.¹ An exception is allowed in the rainy season.² During the four months of rain he may remain in a village or a town;³ in the remaining eight he is to wander about either alone or in the company of another.⁴

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⁷ Jāb. 1–2.

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⁸ Kaṇṭh. 2.

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⁹ Sanny. 4, Kaṇṭh. 5.

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¹⁰ Ār. 4.

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¹ Kaṇṭh. 2; according to Âśr. 4, this rule first becomes binding at the Haṃsa stage.

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² Kaṇṭh. 5.

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³ Kaṇṭh. 2.; a gloss makes only two of them, cp. Deussen, Upan., p. 699.

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⁴ Âr. 4.

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(6) Occupation. The Sannyâsin, as we have seen, no longer offers sacrifices, the place of these being taken by the nourishing of his own body,⁵ and similarly he continues to live without study of the Veda,⁶ without the Vedic texts;⁷ but he is to “recite the Âraṇyakam and the Upanishads from all the Vedas.”⁸ All the texts require of him “bathing, meditation, and purification by sacred waters,”⁹ washings at intervals of three days,¹⁰ washings and rinsing of the mouth “with water as the vessel” (i.e. without a vessel).¹¹ In particular there is also enjoined upon him silence,¹² meditation,¹³ and the practice of yoga.¹⁴ His chief virtues are described as “chastity, abstinence from doing injury, poverty and truthfulness.”¹⁵ He says:—“All living creatures are at peace with me, for by me everything has been created.”¹⁶ He must not accept gold, or touch it, not even once look at it.¹⁷ He has abandoned all desire, knowledge is his staff, therefore is he rightly named “with a single staff”; he however who takes the wooden staff, because it gives him freedom “to eat of anything,” is a false sannyâsin, and goes to hell.¹⁸ He on the contrary who has truly renounced the world "should bid farewell to lust, anger, desire, infatuation, deceit, pride, envy, self-will, presumption and falsehood."¹ He is "free from the six surges (of saṃsāra :— hunger, thirst, vexation, error, old age and death), and leaves behind him censure, pride, jealousy, deceit, haughtiness, longing, hatred, pleasure, pain, desire, anger, greed, error, joy, disappointment, self-will and everything of the kind; and because his own body is regarded by him merely as a carcase he turns away for ever from this decaying body, which is the cause of doubt, perversity and error, and directs his mind steadfastly to that (Brahman), makes his home in him, and knows of him, who is tranquil, immutable,—‘I am that timeless one, consisting wholly of bliss and knowledge, it is I myself, he is my highest state, my lock of hair, my sacred thread.’"² He is not elated by praise, does not curse when he is reviled.³ "He does not attract and he does not cast off; for him there are no longer Vedic texts, or meditation, or worship, or visible and invisible, or joined and disjoined, or I and thou and the world, . . . steadfast in pain, in pleasure without desire, in longing self-restrained, in all things dependent neither on beauty nor ugliness, free from hatred and free from joy. The motions of every impulse have been stilled, he abides only in knowledge, firmly founded in the ātman."⁴ "Then he may enter upon the great journey, by abstaining from nourishment, throwing himself into the water or the fire, or choosing a hero's death; or he may betake himself to a hermitage of the aged."⁵

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⁵ Kaṇṭh. 4.

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⁶ Par. 1, Âr. 1.

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⁷ Âr. 2.

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⁸ Âr. 2.

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⁹ Sanny. 4, Kaṇṭh. 5.

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¹⁰ Âr. 2.

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¹¹ Kaṇṭh. 2.

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¹² Kaṇṭh. 3.

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¹³ Âr. 2.

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¹⁴ Sanny. 4.

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¹⁵ Âr. 3.

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¹⁶ Âr. 3.

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¹⁷ Par. 4.

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¹⁸ Par. 3.

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¹ Ār. 4.

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² Par. 2.

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³ Kaṇṭh. 5.

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⁴ Par. 4.

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⁵ Kaṇṭh. 4, Jāb. 5.

4. The Yoga

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Emancipation consists in the consciousness of unity with the ātman as first principle of all things. It is essentially on the one hand an annihilation of all desire, and on the other an annihilation of the illusion of a manifold universe. The first, as we saw, is the aim of the *sannyâsa*; to effect the latter by preparatory artificial means is the function of the *yoga*. It is therefore, apart from excrescences and exaggerations, a perfectly intelligible consequence of the doctrine of the Upanishads. For if the highest end is contained in the knowledge of self-identity with the âtman, why should we not attempt to reach it by purposely dissolving the ties that bind to the illusory world of phenomena, and by self-concentration? That the external world derives little or no advantage from the practices of the Yoga does not enter into consideration for a truer ethical judgement.¹ The only real consideration that may be urged against the practices of yoga, which have always been highly esteemed in India, and are to this day widely spread (precisely as they may be urged against the self-imposed acts of penance among the Pietists of the West), consists in this, that they aim at bringing about in an artificial way that which is only thoroughly genuine when it originates naturally and without the assistance of our will. *Tout ce qui n'est naturel est imparfait*, as Napoleon would have said. In other respects the phenomena of yoga are akin not only, as has often been asserted, to certain diseased conditions that exist also among ourselves (hypnotism, catalepsy, etc., upon which we do not enter since the material to hand in the Upanishads does not suggest it), but also with the entirely healthy and joyous phenomenon of æsthetic contemplation. The more than earthly joy which we experience at the sight of the beautiful in nature or in art depends upon a forgetfulness of one's own individuality, and a union of subject and object, similar to that which the yoga endeavours to secure by artificial means. These means we propose now to consider.

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¹ sup. p. 364.

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In post-Vedic times the practice of yoga was developed into a formal system with its own text-book (the sûtras of Patañjali). The rise of this system, as its first beginnings in Kâṭh. 3 and 6, S'vet. 2 and Maitr. 6 show, belongs to the time when the original idealism of the Upanishad teaching began already to harden into the realistic philosophy of the Sâṅkhya. On this foundation, which was far from being adapted to its original conception, the later yoga system was raised. This system therefore lays the chief stress on external means (*sâdhana*), and the external results thereby attained (*vibhûti*); and regards the union with the only real âtman, which was the original aim of the yoga, as a separation (*kaivalyam*) of the purusha from the prakṛiti, dismissing entirely into the background that which was properly its chief concern, the meditation on the âtman by means of the syllable *om*. Only the theism was preserved over from the later Upanishads, in contrast to the chosen basis of the Sâṅkhya; and thus external support was secured for the system, although no real life could ever be fostered on this uncongenial ground.¹ A remarkable testimony to this theistic modification of the Sâṅkhya system in the service of the doctrine of the yoga is given by the C'ûlikâ Upanishad, which, starting from the twenty-five principles of the Sâṅkhya, ranks the Îs'vara with them on purely external grounds “as the twenty-sixth” (or probably by the insertion of âtman as twenty-seventh),² and recognises its difference from the purushas only in the freedom with which it drinks from the breasts “of its foster-mother Mâyâ” :—

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¹ sup. p. 238 f.

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² C'ûl. 14.

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The children indeed are numberless,
That drink there of the world of sense,
Yet one alone drinks of it as God,
Freely following his own will.³

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³ C'ûl. 6.

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In the sequel we limit ourselves to the *yoga*, as far as we are able to follow it up through the Upanishads, and adopt from the post-Vedic system merely as the framework of our picture the “eight members” (*aṅga*), into which the yoga is divided on the practical side, and of which the five last (with *tarka* as a sixth) are already enumerated in two passages of the Upanishads, though not yet in the regular order.¹ The later eight *aṅgas* are as follows:—(1) *yama*, discipline (consisting in abstinence from doing injury, truthfulness, honesty, chastity, poverty); (2) *niyama*, self-restraint (purity, contentment, asceticism, study, devotion); (3) *âsanam*, sitting (in the right place and in the correct bodily attitude); (4) *prâṇâyâma*, regulation of the breath; (5) *pratyâhâra*, suppression (of the organs of sense); (6) *dhâraṇâ*, concentration (of the attention); (7) *dhyânam*, meditation; (8) *samâdhi*, absorption (complete union with the object of meditation).

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¹ Maitr. 6. 18, Amṛitab. 6.

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These requirements we see already presented separately in the older Upanishads. Thus we have *pratyâhâra* in the direction of Chând. 8. 15, “to bring all his organs to rest in the âtman,” and *prâṇâyâma*, when Bṛih. 1. 5. 23 enjoins as the “sole vow” to inhale and exhale. Here and in other passages² the regulated breath takes the place of the sacrifice, and seems thenceforward to have been adopted into the yoga as a symbolic act. The word *yoga* in a technical sense first occurs, exclusive of Taitt. 2. 4, in Kâṭh. 2. 12 (*adhyâtma-yoga*), 6. 11, 18, Śvet. 2. 11, 6. 13, Maitr. 6. 18, etc. The true explanation of it as “harnessing, arranging” is evident from the expression *âtmânam yuñjîta* occurring in Mahânâr. 63. 21 and Maitr. 6. 3; while in Maitr. 6. 25 the *yoga* seems to have been conceived as a “union” (between prâṇa and the syllable *om*). The Upanishads quoted contain also the earliest theory of the yoga practice. Kâṭh. 3. 13, recalling Sâṅkhyan ideas, requires that speech and manas “shall be restrained” (yacchet) in the buddhi, the buddhi in the mahân which is still distinguished from it, and the latter again in the avyaktam. Kâṭh. 6. 10–11 enjoins a fettering (dhâraṇâ) of the organs (senses, manas, buddhi), whereby the purusha thus separated from them all may be drawn forth from the body, as the stalk from the bulrush.¹ S'vet. 2. 8–15 discusses already the choice of place,² the manner of sitting,³ the regulation of the breath,⁴ the control of the senses and manas in the heart,⁵ and mentions the phenomena that accompany and follow yoga.⁶ To this is attached the recommendation of the syllable om, which occurs as a symbol of Brahman as early as Chând. 1. 1, Taitt. 1. 8, as a vehicle (âlambanam) of meditation,⁷ as fuel,⁸ as bow,⁹ or as arrow,¹⁰ in order to pierce the darkness, and to hit the mark in Brahman. The three morae (a, u, m), of which the syllable om consists, are mentioned first in Pras'na 5, Maitr. 6. 3, while the third and a half mora first occurs as the “moraless” part of the word in Mâṇḍ. 12, as the “head of the syllable om” in Maitr. 6. 23. To these anticipations are attached descriptions of the practice of yoga, which are found in Maitr. 6. 18–30 and in the Yoga Upanishads of the Atharva-Veda. The most important are,—Brahmavidyâ, Kshurikâ, C'ûlikâ; Nâdabindu, Brahmabindu, Amṛitabindu, Dhyânabindu, Tejobindu; Yogas'ikhâ, Yogatattva, and Haṃsa; upon these we base our description, following the later order of the eight members (yama, niyama, âsanam, prâṇâyâma, pratyâhâra, dhâraṇâ, dhyânam, samâdhi).

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² *sup.* p. 124.

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¹ 6. 17.

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² 10.

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³ 2. 8.

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⁴ 2. 9.

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⁵ 2. 8, 9.

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⁶ 2. 11–13.

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⁷ Kâṭh. 2. 17.

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⁸ S'vet. 1. 14, Dhyânab. 20.

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⁹ Muṇḍ. 2. 2. 4, Dhyânab. 19.

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¹⁰ Maitr. 6. 24.

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(1) *Yama*, restraint, and (2) *niyama*, self-restraint. These two divisions do not yet occur in the enumerations of Maitr. 6. 18 and Amṛitab. 6, possibly because they are tacitly assumed to be universal duties (objective and subjective). The remark of Yogat. 15 might be quoted here with many others to prove that the yogin affords protection to all beings, since he knows them to be his own self; and admonitions like the following:—

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From fear, from anger, from indolence,
From excessive wakefulness, excessive sleep,
From too much food, and from starvation
The yogin should constantly protect us.¹

c12.s3.t4.24

¹ Amṛitab. 27.

c12.s3.t4.25

(3) *Āsanam*, sitting. Stress is laid in the first place on the choice of the right locality. As early as S'vet. 2. 10 it is prescribed for the practice of yoga:—

c12.s3.t4.26

Let the place be pure, and free also from boulders and sand,
Free from fire, smoke, and pools of water,
Here where nothing distracts the mind or offends the eye,
In a hollow protected from the wind a man should compose himself.

c12.s3.t4.27

Elsewhere "a pure region,"² a "level surface of the ground, pleasant and free from faults,"³ are required. According to Yogat. 15 yoga should be practised "in a lawful place, quiet, remote, and free from distractions." Kshur. 2, 21 ordains that "a noiseless place" should be chosen. In regard to the mode of sitting, the Upanishads are still free from the extravagant definitions of the later Yoga, which betray external influence. No less than eighty-four modes of sitting are there distinguished. S'vet. 2. 8 prescribes only a triple holding erect (of breast, neck and head), and symmetry of sitting posture. Amṛitab. 18 lays stress upon facing the north (the region of the way of the gods), and enjoins only three modes of sitting, viz.—the lotus seat (*padmāsanam*, *i.e.* sitting with the legs bent underneath, the usual method of sitting in India), the cruciform seat (*svastikam*), and the auspicious seat (*bhadrâsanam*); the two last differ only slightly from the first. Yogas'. 2 directs the choice of the lotus posture "or otherwise as seems good to him," with attention concentrated on the tip of the nose, hands and feet closely joined. Amritab. 22 commands the yogin to sit firm and motionless, "from every side above and below his gaze turned fixedly on himself." Kshur. 2 lays stress only on "the right mode of sitting." Kshur. 4 speaks of a correct inclination of the breast, hips, face and neck towards the heart. A special kind of bodily posture is described in the concluding verse of Sanny. 4. *Âsanam*, like *yama* and *niyama*, is not yet reckoned in the Upanishads as an *anga* of the yoga, and the latter has therefore only six divisions (*shadango yoga' uc'yate*),¹ not eight as later on. They are enumerated in Maitr. 6. 18, viz.—*prânâyâma*, *pratyâhâra*, *dhyânam*, *dhâranâ*, *tarka*, *samâdhi*. The same list, but with the transfer of *prânâyâma* to the third place, recurs in Amritab. 6. It is strange that both lists place *dhâranâ* not before, but after *dhyânam*; this may be due to some other conception of these ideas than that which later became usual. Both lists name *tarka*, reflection, in the fifth place, and this in Amritab. 16 is defined as "meditation, which is not contrary to the teaching," and explained by the commentator in one place ² as control of the *dhyânam*, but elsewhere as the knowledge free from doubt which proceeds from the *dhyânam*.

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