Ajanta: The Colour and Monochrome Reproductions of the Ajanta Frescoes Based on Photography v4.c17: Notes on the Painted and Incised Inscriptions of Caves XX–XXVI

Ajanta: The Colour and Monochrome Reproductions of the Ajanta Frescoes Based on Photography v4.c17

Language: English

Notes on the Painted and Incised Inscriptions of Caves XX–XXVI

v4.c17.2

¹ This is the continuation of his *Note* published in Part III (Text), pp. 85–96.

In this cave there is no painted inscription of the same nature as those found in other caves, but here again there is an inscription in red paint in two lines on the left wall between the niche containing the figure of the Buddha and the second cell-door. The record is fatally damaged and only a few letters here and there can be deciphered: mere fragmentary remains from which it is not possible to deduce any intelligible meaning.

v4.c17.6

CAVE XXI

v4.c17.7

There is no painting anywhere in this cave, but there is an inscription in red paint and several lines of big letters on the back wall of the veranda between the door and the window. To the right is a similar record in five lines written cornerwise. The writing, which was made on the plaster covering the wall, is badly injured. The fourth line, however, seems to read: [Dasa]ratha [ma*?]ṇḍaṇa

v4.c17.8

There are traces of another similar inscription on the same wall to the left where the writing was done horizontally.

v4.c17.9

It is perhaps not unlikely that it was originally intended to decorate this cave also with the usual mural paintings and that these records in red paint contained, for the guidance of the artists, the titles of particular scenes (perhaps from the Dasaratha Jātaka in the above instance) which were to be painted on a particular portion of the wall.

v4.c17.10

CAVE XXII

v4.c17.11

In this cave are the painted figures of eight Buddhas rendered on the left wall of the shrine. These Buddhas are seated under appropriate *Bodhi*-trees and their names are recorded below the figures, which show that they were the seven omniscient (*sarvajña*) Buddhas and the future Buddha Maitreya.² The names are: (1) Vipaśvī, (2) Śikhī, (3) Viśvabhū[ḥ], (4) [Krakuchchhandaḥ*],³ (5) Ka[naka]muniḥ, (6) Kāśyapa[ḥ], (7) Śākyamuni[ḥ], and (8) Maitre[yaḥ.]

v4.c17.12

² Burgess, *Descriptive Notes*, No. 30, p. 88.

v4.c17.13

³ This name is now altogether missing and has been supplied.

v4.c17.14

Above these Buddha figures and on top of each *Bodhi*-tree was also painted the name of every separate tree, each of which appertained, of course, to its own particular Buddha (Facsimile I). Of these only four names are now extant. Thus, above Śikhī we find puṇḍarīka, to the Rāṣṭrakūṭas. It has not been possible to decipher the entire inscription. Yet the portion which has been made out is of some importance.

v4.c17.15

None of the records is dated. The Rāṣṭrakūṭa record can be placed in the eighth or the ninth century A.D. on palaeographical grounds, whilst the others belong to a period ranging from A.D. 450 to A.D. 525.

v4.c17.16

CAVE XX

v4.c17.17

The subjoined fragmentary Sanskrit inscription occurs on the pilaster at the left end of the veranda in Cave XX. It has been edited by Bhagwanlal Indraji and James Burgess.¹ The inscription has suffered further damage since their time, as a comparison between the facsimile published here and the one published in the *A.S.W.I.*, vol. iv, will show.

v4.c17.18

¹ Burgess, *Descriptive Notes*, pp. 76–77, No. 5 (where Cave XXII is obviously a mistake for Cave XX); *A.S.W.I.*, vol. iv, p. 132, No. 5, and Plate LVIII, No. 5.

v4.c17.19

Inscription in its present condition

v4.c17.20

Facsimile published in A.S.W.I., vol. iv, Pl. LVIII, No. 5

v4.c17.21

My reading is based on the latter as well as on an examination of the original.

v4.c17.22

TEXT

v4.c17.23

1 - - - - - ya[ṁ]² maṇḍapa - - - - 2 - - - - - pautrasya [Kṛi]³ - - - - - 3 - - - - - putrasya⁴ Upendra[sya] - - - - 4 - - - - - sya dharmma-haga⁵ - - - - - 5 - - - - - trasya jayatāṁ - - - - - - - 6 - - - - [sya] kula-pri¹ - - - - - - 7 - - - mo[pā]saka[sya]² - - - - - 8 - - - - nvāmikasyau - - - - - - 9 - - - - puṇyan•tade³ - - - - 10 - - - - gamā - - - - -

v4.c17.24

² This may be restored as *deyadharmmo-yaṁ* following Bhagwanlal Indraji.

v4.c17.25

³ This letter may be read also as *ksha*.

v4.c17.26

⁴ The *sandhi* has not been observed here.

v4.c17.27

⁵ The reading of these two letters is doubtful.

v4.c17.28

¹ The letter *ku* is quite clear in the facsimile published here, but in the one published in the *A.S.W.I.*, vol. iv, it looks like simple *ka*.

v4.c17.29

² Perhaps we had here *paramopāsakasya*.

v4.c17.30

³ The restoration suggested by Bhagwanlal Indraji may be accepted: *yad•atra puṇyan•tade•bhavatu mātā-pitṛi-pūrvvagamānāṁ sakala-sattvānām•anuttara-jñāna-āvāp-taye*.

v4.c17.31

TRANSLATION This *maṇḍapa* is [*the meritorious gift of*] Upendra, son of . . ., grandson of . . .⁴ Whatever merit is here, may that be for the attainment of the supreme knowledge by all the sentient beings, beginning with the (*donor's*) father and mother.

v4.c17.32

⁴ Owing to the gaps in the text, it is not possible to give a translation of the further portions, though in line 6 there is a reference to a family (*kula*) and in line 7 to a great lay-worshipper (*paramopāsaka*).

v4.c17.33

CAVE XXVI

v4.c17.34

Cave XXVI contains the following four inscriptions, all in Sanskrit.

v4.c17.35

No. 1. This is the longest of all. It is engraved on the back wall of the façade, over the doorway on the right side. It has already been edited by both Bhagwanlal Indraji and James Burgess.⁵ It consists of 17 lines, not 27 as misprinted in the *Descriptive Notes* by Burgess. The inscribed surface has been damaged a little, as a result of which portions of the text in lines 1 and 15-17 have been lost to us (Facsimile II). The composition of the record is metrical throughout, there being altogether 19 verses in various metres. Its language contains expressions that are peculiar to Buddhist literature, and here and there shows the influence of Pāli. The record is not dated, but palaeographically it can be placed between A.D. 450 and A.D. 525.⁶

v4.c17.36

⁵ Burgess, *Descriptive Notes*, pp. 77-79, No. 6; *A.S.W.I.*, vol. iv, No. 6, and Plate LVIII, No. 6.

v4.c17.37

⁶ Burgess placed the record in 'the later half of the sixth or beginning of the seventh century A.D.' This date, however, would seem to be too late, taking account of the archaic forms of certain letters—the tripartite form of *y*, for instance—noticeable in the inscription.

v4.c17.38

A comparison of the text and translation presented below will show that they differ in some respects from those given by Bhagwanlal Indraji and James Burgess.

v4.c17.39

The object of the inscription is to record the excavation of the rock-hewn temple, evidently Cave XXVI itself, by a Buddhist *bhikshu*, Buddhabhadra by name. The work was supervised by one of his pupils, Bhadrabandhu by name, and another monk, named Dharmadatta. Buddhabhadra, the record states, was a close friend of Bhavvirāja, the minister of the king of Aśmaka. At the time of the construction of the cave-temple, Bhavvirāja had passed away. His son, Devarāja, had succeeded him as minister of the said king. Buddhabhadra assigns the merit of the pious act to his friend as well as to his own parents.

v4.c17.40

The name of the king of Aśmaka is not mentioned. In the inscription in Cave XVII a line of kings feudatory to the Vākāṭakas is mentioned. Ravisāmba and his elder brother (name lost), sons of Kṛṣṇadāsa, of this feudatory line, are stated therein to have conquered and ruled over Aśmaka.¹ We learn further from that inscription that Ravisāmba predeceased this elder brother, who after the demise of his younger brother led a very pious life. Cave XVII was excavated by him. He was contemporary of the Vākāṭaka emperor Hariṣeṇa (circa A.D. 475-500). Considering the approximate date of our inscription, we may presume that it was either Ravisāmba’s elder brother himself or the latter’s son and successor who was king of Aśmaka at the time of the excavation of Cave XXVI.

v4.c17.41

¹ Hyd. Arch. Ser., No. 15 (Inscription in Cave XVII at Ajanta, by V. V. Mirashi), Hyderabad, 1949, p. 4. ² A.S.W.I., vol. iv, p.

v4.c17.42

Buddhabhadra evidently followed in the footsteps of *Sthavira* Muni Achala in building the cave-temple. Verse 6 of the inscription states that Achala had built a similar *śaila-gṛiha* (rock dwelling) of the Lord Buddha. Achala has been identified with A-chê-lo mentioned by the celebrated Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang,² who visited India between A.D. 621 and A.D. 645. From his description it appears that Achala’s work, at the time when he saw it, was already of a long past date.

v4.c17.43

TEXT

v4.c17.44

[Metres: Verse 1 *Drutavilambita*; vv. 2 and 4 *Aupachchhandasika*; vv. 3 and 10 *Upajāti* (*Indravajrā* and *Upendravajrā* combined); v. 5 *Vasantatilakā*; vv. 6, 7, and 8 *Āryā*; v. 9 *Vaṁśasthabila*; vv. 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, and 19 *Anuṣṭubh*; v. 16 *Upajāti* (*Vasantatilakā*, *Indravajrā*, and *Upendravajrā* combined); v. 17 *Śikhariṇī*; v. 18 *Śārdūlavikrīḍita*.]

v4.c17.45

1 Siddhaṁ³ [||*] Jayati loka-hit-āvahit-odyato ◡ ◡ sukh-ā karaḥ paramārttha-vit-tri-⁴ vidha-nirmmala-sarvva-guṇ-odayo Muni[r-a-bhi]⁵ karuṇ-āmala-chandrikaḥ [|| 1 ||*] 2 Punar=api maraṇ-ādi yena samyag=jitam=ajar-āmara-dharmmatā cha labdhā [*] śivam=abhayam=anālayaṁ gato=pi praśama=puraṁ jagatāṁ karoti ch=ārttha[m || 2 ||*] 3 Tato namaskāra-guṇ-ābhidhānaṁ⁶ bhavaty=avandhyaṁ vipulaṁ mah-ārtthaṁ [|] pradattam=ekaṁ kusumaṁ cha yatra svargg-āpavargg-ākhya-phalasya hetuḥ [|| 3 ||*] 4 Ata iha viduṣā Tathāgateshu prathita-guṇ-ādhika-loka-vatsaleshu [*] kṛitam=anusaratā janena kāryyā drava-karuṇā-hṛidayeshv=ati- 5 va⁷ bhakti[ḥ*] || [4 ||*] Devā nirasta-vijayās=sa-vipattikatvāch=chhāpena Śambhur=api kāchara-lochano=bhūt || (l) Kṛiṣhṇo=vaśo=pi vaśam=āpatito=ntakasya tasmāj=jayamti 6 Sugatā bhaya-vipramuktāḥ || [5 ||*] Sthavir-Āchalena muninā śāsanam=udbhāvayaṁ⁸ kṛitajñena [*] kṛita-kṛityen=āpi satā śaila-gṛihaṁ kāritaṁ śāstuḥ || [6 ||*] 7 Prāg=ēva bodhisatvair=bhava-sukha-kāmaiś=cha mokṣha-kāmaiś=cha [*] saṁvidyamāna-vibhāvaiḥ kathaṁ na kāryyā bhavet=kīrttiḥ || [7 ||*] Yāvat=kīrttir=lloke tāvat=svargge- 8 shu modati cha dehī [*] chandra-ārkka-kāla-kalpā kāryyā kīrttir=mahidhreshu || [8 ||*] Aneka-janm-ātta(nta)ra-baddha-sauhṛidaṁ sthiraṁ kṛitajñaṁ sudhiyaṁ vipaśchitam [*]

v4.c17.46

¹³³ See also *On Yuan Chwang’s Travels in India*, by Thomas Watters, edited by T. W. Rhys Davids and S. W. Bushell, London, 1905, vol. ii, p. 239, giving Yuan Chwang’s description of Achala’s monastery with ‘its lofty halls and deep chambers . . . quarried in the cliff’ ³ Expressed by a symbol. ⁴ Read -vit [*] tri-. In fact, after the syllable *vi*, there is a damaged letter which may have been a mute *t*. In that case we had better read -vi[t] [*] tri, the *t* preceding *r* in *tri* having been duplicated. The facsimile in A.S.W.I., vol. iv, Plate LVIII, No. 6, shows a blank space after *vi*. ⁵ Read *Munir-a-bhiḥ*. The reading given by Bhagwanlal Indraji is *mu[śitabhiḥ?]*, which has been accepted by James Burgess, who deletes the query-mark. ⁶ The engraver evidently first engraved a mute *m* after *na* and then, erasing it, he engraved an *anusvāra*, which is seen a little aside, below *sa* of *samyag=* in line 2 above. ⁷ The position of the letter *va*, in the margin away from the alinement, shows that it was first omitted and was later supplied. ⁸ Read *udbhāvayat*, as suggested by Bhagwanlal Indraji.

v4.c17.47

fold¹ magnificent virtues, who knew no fear, (and) whose compassion beamed forth as the very moonlight— (V. 2) —again, who had won complete victory over death and the like, who had attained to the state where one neither decays nor dies; and who, even after having entered into *nirvāṇa*²—the state of utter calm and bliss, beyond fear and void of locality—, fulfils the desires of (all the beings in all the three) worlds! (V. 3) —Obeisance and praise (offered to him) will never turn fruitless from him, (they rather) bring abundant (and) great reward from him, and (even) a single flower offered to whom yields the fruit known as paradise (and even) final emancipation. (V. 4) Therefore it behoves the wise man, treading the noble path³ in this world, to show extreme reverence to the Tathāgatas who are exalted through their reputed excellences (and) have kindly feelings for humanity—have their heart melting, as it were, with compassion.⁴ (V. 5) Gods, being (time and again) harassed by troubles, can hardly aspire after victory; (let alone gods,) even Śiva had to undergo a curse whereby he became a horrid-⁵eyed one; Kṛṣṇa, too, though free of all bondage, fell a victim to death. Therefore the Sugatas, who are absolutely free from fear, excel (over all). (V. 6) The venerable sage Achala, even though he had achieved all which he aspired to (and had no further desire), out of gratitude built a cave-dwelling for the Master,⁶ which is proclaiming (so to say,) His teachings. (V. 7) Why should not a monument⁷ be raised by those possessing wealth, desirous of mundane happiness as also of liberation?—(such a charity should indeed be performed) far rather by Bodhisattvas (‘those beings who aspire after pure knowledge’) for the happiness of the world as also for (their own) final emancipation?⁸ (V. 8) A man continues to enjoy himself in paradise as long as his memory is green in the world. One

v4.c17.48

⁷ The word *kīrti* in the present context means ‘temple’, ‘monument’, or the like. See an essay entitled ‘Kīrti: Its Connotation’, in the *Siddha-Bhāratī* (Dr. Siddheshwar Varma Presentation Volume), Hoshiarpur, 1950, Pt. I, pp. 38–42. ⁸ This *āryā* is rather terse and may be elucidated further. In verse 6 we are informed that the venerable monk Achala caused a rock-temple to be excavated in honour of the Buddha, which evidently means that he provided the money needed for the work. This is a meritorious act which ordinarily a lay worshipper performs if he desires happiness in this world and liberation hereafter. Verse 7, the present *āryā*, justifies a monk’s performing such an act. Achala is here alluded to as a Bodhisattva. The expression *prāg eva* is an idiom peculiar to Buddhist Sanskrit literature and answers to English ‘far rather’. The implication of the statement in the verse seems to be this, that it is far more desirable that monks possessing wealth should spend it for charitable purposes than even that worldly wealthy people should do so. The adjuncts *bhava-sukha-kāma* and *mokṣha-kāma* are common to Bodhisattvas and *saṃvidya-māna-vibhavas* (‘wealthy people’), but these are to be interpreted slightly differently in each case, as has been done in the translation.

v4.c17.49

Muni, *Munirāja*, and *Munindra* in verses 1, 24, and 28 respectively; see Burgess, *Descriptive Notes*, pp. 73 and 75; *A.S.W.I.*, vol. iv, pp. 129 and 130; *Hyd. Arch. Ser.*, No. 15 (*Inscription in Cave XVII at Ajaṇṭā*, by V. V. Mirashi), Hyderabad, 1949, pp. 10, 12, and 13. ¹ These refer to *mānasika*, *vāchika*, and *kāyika* (mental, oral, and physical) qualities. ² This is obviously indicated by the epithets that follow. ³ *Kṛita* here, in my opinion, is to be taken in the sense of *Kṛita-yuga*, the age of purity and nobleness of character. Compare: *Loko mad-yuga-janmā kṛita-Kṛita-karmā na mad-dharmā | iti hetor=iva balinā Kalinā saṃpīdyate sā-dhuḥ ||* —“The fellow is born in my age, but has been doing the deeds of the *Kṛita* age and not following my ways”, reasoning thus, methinks, Kali (the modern age of discord) is specially harsh upon good people.’ ⁴ As pointed out by James Burgess, *drava-karuṇā-hṛidayeshu* is bad Sanskrit, yet its meaning is plain enough. ⁵ I take the word *kāchara* as a variant of *kachchhara*, meaning ‘wicked’, ‘ungainly’, &c. ⁶ The original has *Śāstri*, ‘teacher’ or ‘master’, which is another well-known appellation of the Buddha. See above, p. 116, n. 11 should (*therefore*) set up a memorial on the mountains that will endure for as long as the moon and the sun continue.¹

v4.c17.50

¹ The significance of the word *kīrti* is further made clear here. By advising his readers to make temples out of the living rock, the author obviously alludes to the lasting nature of such monuments in contrast to those made of brick and mortar, which are less durable.

v4.c17.51

(V. 9-13) The monk Buddhabhadra has caused (*this*) temple of Sugata to be made in honour of his parents as well as in honour of (*that*) Bhavvirāja who served the mighty king of Aśmaka as the latter’s minister, who was attached to him (*the monk*) in friendship through many successive births, who was steadfast, grateful, wise, learned, expert in the polity both of Bṛhaspati and of Śukra,² proficient in social laws and customs, worshipping only the Buddha, supplying the needs of all the needy; who was very eloquent, was exalted through his virtues, was all humility, was renowned the world over for his pious character, was blessed with a son, an equally foremost personality, Devarāja (*by name*), who accomplishes, with tact and sweetness, even such tasks as would normally call for rigours and active struggle, who is (*now*) the excellent minister of the king (*of Aśmaka*),³ and who, on the demise of his father, raised the (*dignity of his*) office by his excellences.

v4.c17.52

² The reference is obviously to the *nītis*, schools of polity of Bṛhaspati and Śukra, the former the preceptor of the gods and the latter the teacher of the demons.

v4.c17.53

³ Both Bhagwanlal Indraji and James Burgess wrongly took this part of Devarāja’s description as applying to his father, Bhavvirāja.

v4.c17.54

(V. 14) Thanks to⁴ the monk Dharmadatta as well as to (*my*) good pupil Bhadrabandhu; for it is these two who have seen to the excavation and completion of this (*cave*) temple on my behalf.⁵

v4.c17.55

⁴ *Agamya*, literally ‘having come’, is another idiomatic expression peculiar to Buddhist Sanskrit. It is used to acknowledge indebtedness. *Cf. yā kāchid asmākam śrī-saubhāgya-sampat sarve’sau Buddham Bhagavantam āga-mya*—‘whatever fortune of wealth and prosperity we possess, all that we owe to the Lord Buddha!’ (*Divyāvadāna*, edited by E. B. Cowell and R. A. Neil, Cambridge, 1886, p. 95.)

v4.c17.56

⁵ This statement, in the first person, is supposed to be emanating from the monk Buddhabhadra, to whom the excavation of the cave-temple is due.

v4.c17.57

(V. 15) Whatever merit is here, may that be for the attainment of fruit (*in the shape*) of supreme knowledge as well as the multitude of all the pure qualities by them⁶ and by (*all the beings in all the three*) worlds!

v4.c17.58

⁶ That is, the persons named, Bhavvirāja, Buddhabhadra, his parents, Dharmadatta, and Bhadrabandhu, who are concerned with the excavation of the hall and the fane within.

v4.c17.59

(V. 16) He who, born of a noble family, endowed with great learning, with his mind purified by righteous conduct, (*competent to lead the people on the path of liberation*), having perfectly mastered the course of the Buddha’s teachings, became a monk in his early age.

v4.c17.60

(V. 17) [Owing to the serious lacunae in the text as a result of the damage done to the inscribed portion here, a coherent translation of the extant part is not possible.]

v4.c17.61

(V. 18) This (*cave*) temple has been established for the welfare of - - -, on the top of a mountain, which is frequented by great *yogins*, and the valleys of which are resonant with the chirpings of birds and the chatterings of monkeys, - - -

v4.c17.62

(V. 19) And this *praśasti*⁷ of Sugata has likewise been composed by the same teacher - - - for long in the world.

v4.c17.63

⁷ The original *pūrvā* is a substantive and it means *praśasti*, ‘eulogy’.

v4.c17.64

No. 2. This inscription is engraved on the pedestal of the topmost Buddha figure, standing, facing north, on the left side of the façade. It consists of two lines, the second of which is much shorter. It has likewise been edited by Bhagwanlal Indraji and James Burgess.⁸ Its facsimile has not been published previously.

v4.c17.65

⁸ Burgess, *Descriptive Notes*, p. 79, No. 7; *A.S.W.I.*, vol. iv, p. 136, No. 7.

v4.c17.67

The inscription is comparatively well preserved. A little blank space between *yad-atra* and *puṇyaṃ* in line 1 is owing to a flaw in the stone itself. Palaeographically the two forms of *t*, one with its semicircle to the right of the vertical and the other with it to its left, are noteworthy, as in *bhadanta* and *yad-atra*, line 1.

v4.c17.68

1 Siddhaṃ¹ deya-dharmmo-yaṃ Śākya-bhiksho-bhadanta-Guṇākarasya yad-atra puṇyaṃ tad-bhavatu mātā-pitarāṃ² pūrvvaṅgamaṃ kṛi(kṛi)tvā 2 sarvva-satebhya³ anutara-jñāna āptaye⁴

v4.c17.69

¹ Expressed by a symbol.

v4.c17.70

² Read *mātā-pitarau pūrvvaṅgamau*. Curiously enough the same wrong form *mātā-pitaram* occurs in verse 13 of the foregoing inscription (No. 1), too.

v4.c17.71

³ Read *sattvebhyo-nuttara-jñān-āptaye*.

v4.c17.72

⁴ A few auspicious symbols that follow mark the end of the record.

v4.c17.73

TRANSLATION

v4.c17.74

Luck! This is the meritorious gift of the Śākya monk, the reverend Guṇākara. Whatever merit is here, may that be for the attainment of the supreme knowledge to all the sentient beings, beginning with the (*donor's*) father and mother!

v4.c17.75

No. 3. This inscription is engraved on the pedestal of the topmost Buddha figure, standing, facing south, on the right side of the façade. It is fragmentary, a large portion of it, on the right side, having been broken away. The extant portion has the beginnings of the three lines—the inscription evidently consisted of three lines only. It has been previously edited by Bhagwanlal Indraji and James Burgess.⁵ It is a donative record like the foregoing one.

v4.c17.76

⁵ Burgess, *Descriptive Notes*, p. 80, No. 8; *A.S.W.I.*, vol. iv, p. 136, No. 8, Plate LVIII, No. 8

v4.c17.78

1 Siddham¹ deyadharmmō-yaṁ[yaṁ]² - - - - - - 2 ya³-atra pu⁴[nyaṁ] - - - - - - - - - - 3 sarvva-satvā(ttvā)nā[m=a]⁵ - - - - - - - -

v4.c17.79

¹ Expressed by a symbol.

v4.c17.80

² A very small part of the left side of the letter *ya* of *yaṁ* is all that survives.

v4.c17.81

³ What looks like an *anusvāra* over *ya* is a natural depression in the stone.

v4.c17.82

⁴ The gap between *pu* and what follows is caused by the subscript *m* of the syllable *rmmo* in line 1 above. What follows *pu* is obviously *nyaṁ* of which only a part of the subscript *ya* now remains.

v4.c17.83

⁵ Only the left side of the letter *ma* is now to be seen.

v4.c17.84

TRANSLATION

v4.c17.85

Luck! [*This*] is the meritorious gift - - - Whatever merit is here [*let that be for the attainment of supreme knowledge*] by all sentient beings - - -

v4.c17.86

No. 4. This brief record of two short lines is engraved on the pedestal of a small figure of the Buddha to the left of the third niche from the front, in the right aisle. It has also been published by Bhagwanlal Indraji and James Burgess.⁶ A comparison of the facsimile reproduced here with that published in the *A.S.W.I.*, vol. iv, Plate LVIII, No. 9, will show that the latter had been worked up by hand considerably before it was reproduced.

v4.c17.87

⁶ Burgess, *Descriptive Notes*, p. 80, No. 9; *A.S.W.I.*, vol. iv, p. 136, Plate LVIII, No. 9.

v4.c17.88

Inscription in present condition

v4.c17.89

Facsimile published in A.S.W.I. vol. iv

v4.c17.90

TEXT

v4.c17.91

1 Deyadharmo-yaṁ Śākya- 2 bhikshu-Saṁgha⁷mitrasya

v4.c17.92

⁷ What looks like an *anusvāra* over *gha* is obviously a natural depression in the stone.

v4.c17.93

TRANSLATION

v4.c17.94

This is the meritorious gift of the Śākya monk, Saṁghamitra.

v4.c17.95

CAVES XXVI-XXVII

v4.c17.96

As stated above, the back wall of the Chapel between Caves XXVI and XXVII contains a fairly large inscription. It was covered with the mass of debris accumulating there through landslides caused by rains at different periods, and moisture and salts have much damaged the rock on which it is carved. In 1936, when the court of Cave XXVI was excavated and the chapel to its left was cleared of wreckage, this inscription was exposed to view.

v4.c17.97

The inscribed part measures about 2½ feet by 5½ feet. The inscription consists of fourteen lines in all. It is taken as being in three parts, indicated here as *A*, *B*, and *C* (Facsimiles II-V). Of these *A* and *C* each consists of only one line. *A* occurs right above *B* and possibly announces the fact that below is the description of so-and-so. *C* occurs almost in a line with *A*, but at a distance. It states that ‘this has been written by Kapaṭatuṅga’. *B* thus constitutes the inscription proper. It consists of 12 lines of varying lengths. At the end of several of these lines some inscribed portions have been destroyed, the exact extent of which cannot now be determined.

v4.c17.98

The task of deciphering the inscription is beset with various difficulties. First of all its damaged condition is a great handicap. The natural fissures of the rock have here and there got mixed up with the strokes and dots of the engraved letters, which, in their turn, have mostly suffered from exposure to the ravages of the weather. Then there is the peculiarity of the script. Several signs have similar forms, making it difficult to distinguish one from the other. To crown all, there is the language-difficulty. Were it pure Sanskrit, the extant part of the inscription could have been correctly deciphered in spite of the other handicaps. The language of the inscription happens to be a queer mixture of Sanskrit and Prākṛit. There are instances where one compound word is half Sanskrit and half Prākṛit. In line 5, for example, we have *rājādhi-arayara*, for Sanskrit *rājādhirāja*. The complete expression may have been *mahārājādhirāja*. Even where the writer has used pure Sanskrit words he has still been strongly under the influence of Prākṛit, especially in the matter of orthography. We have thus such strange forms as *patthe* for *pathe*, *bhrāttā* for *bhrātā* in line 2, *Vajraṭṭa* for *Vajraṭa* in line 3, The worst difficulty is when an initial consonant is duplicated, as in *Llalitāvaloka*, in lines 3-4. The word beginning thus with a double *l* in line 12 has not been completely deciphered. Short and long vowels are also used promiscuously, as illustrated by *Kapaṭṭatuṅgena* in line 14, where *ṭ* is again unnecessarily duplicated, the correct form being *Kapaṭatuṅgena*.

v4.c17.99

As already indicated, palaeographic evidence would place the record in the eighth or the ninth century A.D. The characters belong to the nail-headed variety, the top of each letter, as a rule, having a triangle with its apex downwards. Earlier instances of this script occur in such records as the Poona plates of the Vākāṭaka queen Prabhāvatīguptā.¹

v4.c17.100

¹ *Epigraphia Indica*, vol. xv, pp. 39 ff., and plate. For plate inscriptions, early and late, see *ibid.*, vol. xxvii, p. 132 and note 4.

v4.c17.101

As regards the contents of the inscription, its object is not clear. It, however, belongs to the Rāṣṭrakūṭas, probably of the Vidarbha line. In line 2 it refers to one Nanarāja born of the

v4.c17.102

Rāṣṭrakūṭa family 'in Dakṣiṇāpatha', i.e. in South India. The name is probably to be taken as Nannarāja. We know of two members of the Vidarbha branch of the Rāṣṭrakūṭa family who bore the name Nannarāja: one who issued the Nagardhan plates,¹ and who was evidently a younger brother of Svāmirāja, the progenitor of the said lineage (A.D. 570-90), and the other who issued the Multāi plates,² and who was a son of Svāmirāja (A.D. 690-710) of the same lineage.³ The Nannarāja of our record is probably identical with one or other of these two Nannarājas. Our record next mentions Nannarāja's brother, whose name seems to have been lost in the damaged portion of line 2. In line 3, it names one Vajraṭṭadeva, who, as the inscription has it, was 'famed in (all) the three worlds'. It is quite possible that this is in fact the name of Nannarāja's brother, though this relationship is not known from any other source. One Vajraṭa, on the other hand, figures very prominently among the enemies defeated by the Cālukyas of Bādāmi, who, in their turn, were defeated by Dantidurga, a member of the Mūlaka branch of the Rāṣṭrakūṭa family (A.D. 710-50).⁴ This Vajraṭa is mentioned under the variant Vajjaḍa in the Nasik plates of Dharāśraya-Jayasimha, a son of Cālukya Pulakeśin II. The form occurring in our inscription is Vajraṭṭa, which, but for the unnecessary duplication of ṭ in it, is the same as Vajraṭa. Besides, in all likelihood, one and the same ruler is meant by Vajraṭa, Vajraṭṭa, and Vajjaḍa. Scholars have been at pains to fix the identity of this mysterious figure. Dr. N. Venkataramanayya equated him with Vajrāyudha, a ruler of Kanauj in North India,⁵ while Professor V. V. Mirashi identifies him with Śilāditya III of the Maitraka dynasty, an emperor of the West.⁶ Our inscription, on the other hand, would tend to prove him to be a Rāṣṭrakūṭa monarch. The situation may have to be understood as follows: Vajraṭa of the Vidarbha branch of the Rāṣṭrakūṭa family suffered a defeat at the hands of a Cālukya king of Bādāmi (Dharāśraya-Jayasimha by name, according to his Nasik plates), while, later on, Dantidurga of the Mūlaka branch of the Rāṣṭrakūṭa family likewise inflicted a crushing defeat on a Cālukya monarch. It would look as if the defeat of one branch was avenged by the other.

v4.c17.103

¹ Ep. Ind., vol. xxviii, pp. 1 ff. and plate.

v4.c17.104

² Indian Antiquary, vol. xviii, pp. 230 ff.

v4.c17.105

³ Ep. Ind., vol. xxviii, p. 7.

v4.c17.106

⁴ Ibid.

v4.c17.107

⁵ Indian Historical Quarterly, vol. xx, pp. 181 ff.

v4.c17.108

⁶ Ibid., pp. 353 ff. In the same journal, pp. 360 ff., Miss Krishnakumari J. Virji throws some further light on the problem.

v4.c17.109

Further, our inscription mentions one Lalitāvaloka immediately after Vajraṭṭadeva. Their relation is, however, not clear. Dr. A. S. Altekar says: 'The avaloka-ending epithets were peculiarly associated with the Rāṣṭrakūṭas.' He illustrates the point by citing several instances: Nāgāvaloka, Khaḍgāvaloka, Vikramāvaloka, Mānāvaloka, Raṇāvaloka, Guṇāvaloka, and Dharmāvaloka.⁷ To this list may be added Lalitāvaloka of our inscription. Can this be an epithet of Vajraṭṭadeva himself?

v4.c17.110

⁷ A. S. Altekar, The Rāṣṭrakūṭas and their Times, Poona, 1934, p. 83.

v4.c17.111

What follows in lines 4-9 seems to be a description of this Vajraṭṭadeva-Lalitāvaloka as a warrior comparable to Nārāyaṇa and Chaturbhuja (both of them being names of the god Viṣṇu) in the battlefield.

v4.c17.112

In line 5 we have a Mallayeśa and in line 8 a Cholla. It is rather hazardous to suggest at this stage that they refer respectively to a *Malayēśa*, ‘king of Malaya’ and a *Chola* ruler. Similarly we cannot at present state definitely what *puṇḍra* in lines 1 and 10 stands for. It may be a proper name, presumably of a country. We know of a Puṇḍravardhana in East India, but not in South India. Certain recensions of the *Mahābhārata* bracket the name of the ruler of the Puṇḍra kingdom with that of the Pāṇḍya in enumerating the princes who attended the *svayaṃvara* of Draupadī.¹ Since, however, all the other princes mentioned in that particular verse, except the Pāṇḍya one, belong either to the north or to the east, it is doubtful whether the Puṇḍra refers to a country in South India.

v4.c17.113

¹ See the *Mahābhārata*, *Ādiparvan*, critical edition by Vishnu S. Sukthankar, Poona, 1933, p. 724, note to verse 15: *Kaliṅga-Vaṅg-ādhipa-Pāṇḍya-Pauṇḍra Videharājo Yavan-ādhipaścha*. Elsewhere the Puṇḍras are ‘mentioned along with the Āndhras’, who no doubt belonged to South India. See the *Journal of the Bihar Research Society*, vol. xxxvii, 1951, p. 127.

v4.c17.114

A name *Chāchupattha* has been read in line 12. The suffix *pattha* for *patha*, as in *Dakṣiṇā-patthe* in line 2, suggests that this also is the name of a region. The reading is, however, not beyond all doubt. Nor can I hazard an identification of it, even if the reading be correct.

v4.c17.115

Owing to the imperfect nature of the transcript offered here, it is not possible to add a coherent translation of the text. In the absence of such a translation, the foregoing remarks and comments may prove of some help in advancing the study of this highly important record.

v4.c17.116

The text given below has been prepared by me from the inked estampages taken in 1942, under the supervision of Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, the then Government Epigraphist for India, as also from those prepared in 1950 under my personal supervision. On this occasion I examined the original also, but found that the inscription could be read far better from estampages. I must say that I have been deciphering inscriptions for the past eighteen years now and that during all this period I have not come across such a hard nut to crack as the present one. I have spent months on it, and was occasionally also assisted by Messrs. M. Venkataramayya, M.A., M.Litt., and P. B. Desai, M.A., two of the Epigraphical Assistants in my office, in the task of deciphering it. It is a great satisfaction to me that the inscription has yielded quite a considerable part of its secrets to the combined efforts of all three of us. We hope to continue our efforts until all that can be gleaned from this inscription has been gleaned. The text given here may thus be regarded as tentative.

v4.c17.117

TEXT

v4.c17.118

v4.c17.119

1 da hi ni .ā rāya-raṭṭe puṇḍra sa ya la pa [ri] iva saṃ - ti

v4.c17.120

v4.c17.121

2 śrī[ḥ]² Dakṣiṇāpatthe Rāṣṭrakūṭṭa-kule s[ūto] Na³narājasya bhrāttā [du]hi[ka] - - llachandrasya [ka] - - - -⁴

v4.c17.122

² The lower dot of the *visarjanīya* is clear. The upper dot has partly disappeared.

v4.c17.123

³ There is space enough for one letter between the two na’s, and there seems to be some abrasion there. However, I take it to be a flaw in the stone, which the engraver possibly avoided. Presumably he gives here the name *Nannarāja*.

v4.c17.124

⁴ Traces of some few *aksharas* after the doubtful *ka* are visible, of which a subscript *chha*, in a comparatively small size, is clear enough.

v4.c17.125

3 [n]i asya ¹Nāmnā Vajraṭṭadev-eti vikhyāto bhuvana-ttraye [*] tasy=eyaṁ aṁka-pa - - [rā] || Llalitā- 4 valoka-śatru-prākāra-pralaya-divākara-ni[ddhā]da .ā[nu]rāga-prachaṇḍa-vidyādhara-chaṇḍa-Nā-rāyaṇa-rip[ū].e - 5 matta-gaja-kesari-mahimānaṁ Mallayeśa-kārttā[nta] - - [sra] - - - [rāja]dhi ara[yara] - samara-stambha- .u. i - - - 6 [ya]da[mṛi]a [śaurya]-saṁgrāma-gaja-paridrava[ṇa]-davagi āhava-haṇua | samara-Chaturbhuja || taṇḍa -[i] 7 taṇu atula- - - gaja-la . i n.ū [sa]chhaheṇa chaṇḍ-aṇila-vea-chali²a-chāru-la -³ yara 8 chaṁchaleṇa Cholla iṇṇiarāya-raṭṭu-jieṁ āyāsa ma ṇa ja i - bha i ja saṇṇi-bhāṇu - ṇṇa 9 vihartuṁ kiṁṇṇareṇa || ko ajar-āma[ra] e⁴ thu jage i mū jā ṇamta vidiṇa - ṇḍabhaṁ | chaṁ ti - [saṁ ti] -[ṇṇa]ya 10 kāpara[rṇṇa] - raṇṇihi -[ja]hi puṇḍra-jivia kuhaṇḍa - ti esha saṇṇi-bhāṇ[ū]lla bha i sura-jua - - ṇṇava[bhuja] 11 riva[kha]-bhaṁge maṇḍavo iṇṇi arāya-[ra]ṭṭuṇṇi[tu]- vihimillā[bhu]-jaṇa sa ya la sā lāhe ṇi -ja[ta] - ma - - 12 [sa]para-grāha || lla - khaṇḍe[śva]ra viṇāu chāu[ra vartta]ṇa e Chāchupatthe durjaha - ṇe - - - - - 13 - - bhima - ṇḍa-prāya - bhaṁ -[ga]sa ma the⁵ mahaṁ guṇa e - dā si e .e ku[lla]ṇa - [sa]ṁ ti -

v4.c17.126

¹ From *nāmnā* to *ttraye* we have obviously a hemistich in the *Anuṣṭubh* metre. Between *nā* and *mnā* there is again a blank, apparently due to the roughness of the stone. ² Between *li* and *a* there is a little blank space which is due to the medial *u* of *rbhu* of *Chaturbhuja*, in the previous line, extending downwards. ³ This may not have been a letter, but only a blank owing to the roughness of the stone. ⁴ Between *e* and *thu* there is a little blank space due to the medial *u* of *ṭṭu* of *raṭṭu*, in the foregoing line, extending downwards. ⁵ The letter *the* appears above the line. Next to it are some vertical strokes which must be natural depressions in the stone.

v4.c17.127

v4.c17.128

14 Kapaṭṭatūṅgena li[khi*]tam=ētat

v4.c17.129

PAINTED INSCRIPTIONS IN CAVE XXII

v4.c17.130

[Figure: INSCRIPTION ON THE BACK WALL OF THE VERANDA, OVER THE DOORWAY ON THE RIGHT SIDE

v4.c17.131

[Figure: INSCRIPTION ON THE BACK WALL OF THE CHAPEL TO THE LEFT OF THE COURT

v4.c17.132

[Figure: INSCRIPTION ON THE BACK WALL OF THE CHAPEL TO THE LEFT OF THE COURT

v4.c17.133

PORTIONS B AND C]

v4.c17.134

v4.c17.135

v4.c17.136

B (1)

v4.c17.137

B (2)

v4.c17.138

B (3)

v4.c17.139

INSCRIPTION ON THE BACK WALL OF THE CHAPEL TO THE LEFT OF THE COURT, CAVE XXVI IN SECTIONS

v4.c17.140

Abhisheka ceremony, representation of, 51, 57, 93 Afghanistan, 1, 4, 6 Ahmad, Mr. Sayed, 4 Ajanta, Cave I, 4, 5 —, Cave II, 4, 5, 14 —, Cave IX, 2 —, Cave X, 2, 4, 30 —, Cave XVI, 1, 4, 5, 28, 35 *n.*¹ —, Caves XVII–XXVII: general remarks, 1–18; artistic skill, 5, 7; date, 1–2, 18; influence of Ajanta art, 4; method of painting, 2, 8; representation of nationalities, 6; representation of social life, 8, 9–10. —, Cave XVII: general description, 10–11; veranda, 19–30; front corridor, 30–41; pilaster between front and left corridors, 42; left corridor, 43–52; pilaster between left and back corridors, 53–65, 73–81; antechamber, 66–73; pilaster between right and back corridors, 82; right corridor, 82–95; pilaster between front and right corridors, 95–96; front corridor, 96–106; antechamber, 106–7; ceilings, 107–8 —, Cave XIX, 1, 12–13 —, Cave XX, 13, 20, 111; incised inscriptions, text and translation, 113–14 —, Cave XXI, 14, 111 —, Cave XXII, 14–15, 111 —, Cave XXIII, 14 —, Cave XXIV, 15, 16 —, Caves XXV, XXVI, XXVII, plan, 16 —, Caves XXVI, XXVII, 123; general discussion of inscription, 121–3; language, 121; contents, 122–3; text, 123–4 —, Cave XXVI, 1, 18, 112, 114–20; inscriptions, text and translation, 115–20 —, Cave XXVII, 18, 112 —, Caves XXVIII and XXIX, 18 *n.*¹ Alms-hall, representation of, 99, 99 *n.*²

v4.c17.141

Amāravatī, sculpture at, 3, 7; Stūpa, 15 Amazon, representation of, 85 aṅgochhā, representation of, *see* Scarf aṅgrakhā, representation of, 9, 47, 104 Animals, representation of: apes, 31; bear, 102, 103; bull, 21, 23, 26; camel, 21; cat, wild, 55; chital, 106; deer, 11, 47, 53, 55, 74, 80, 101, 103, 104, 106; dog, 55, 74, 102, 108 *n.*²; fox, 55; horse, 50, 61, 68, 69, 72, 78, 81 *n.*², 91, 99, 102, 108 *n.*²; monkey, 20, 34, 45, 50, 54, 55, 60, 61, 62, 69, 72, 74, 80, 85, 88, 91, 92, 101; hyena-heads, 12; jackal, 55; lion, 19, 54, 101, 104, 108; monkey, langūr, 31, 35, 53, 56 *n.*¹, 80 *n.*³, 104; oxen, 37, 66; panther, 55; ?shark, 84; swine, 66; tiger, 53; wolf, 31 Anklets, representation of, 77, 89 Apes, representation of, 31 apsarasas, representation of, 27 Aquatic plants, representation of, 74, 97 Architecture, representations of, *see* Buildings Areca-nut tree, representation of, 20, 37, 46, 56, 63 arhat, representation of, 29, 49, 52, 66, 99 *n.*⁴ Arrow, representation of, 31 *n.*⁴, 34, 75, 80, 92, 93, 94, 101, 103 Artistic skill, 5, 7 Aurangābād, 9, 14 *n.*² Avalokiteśvara, the Bodhisattva, representation of, 5, 19, 27

v4.c17.142

Bactria, 6 Bādāmi, capital of Chālukyas, 2 Bāgh, paintings at, 4 Bahusodarī, daughter of the gods, 80 Balcony, representation of, 37, 89 Balustrade, representation of, 76 Bāmiyān, Afghanistan, 1, 4 Banana, representation of, 37, 57, 75, 105

v4.c17.143

Banner, representation of, 38, 63 Banyan, representation of, 34, 65, 104 Barnett, Dr. L. D., C.B., vi Basin, representation of, 77 Basket, representation of, 21, 38 Batey, Mr. Charles, v Battle-scene, representation of, 64–65 Beads, strings of, representation of, 31 Beams, representation of, 76 Bear, representation of, 102, 103 Begging-bowl, representation of, 27, 70 bel, fruit, 8 Bell, representation of, 90 Belt, representation of, 66 Benares, 76 *n.*¹ Benevolent Bear, Story of, 102–3 Benevolent Buffalo and the Mischievous Monkey, Story of, 81 Benevolent Monkey, Story of, 53–54 Bhagwanlal Indraji, on inscriptions, 112, 120 Bharhut, 28 Bhavanāga, of Padmāvatī, 15 Bhavvīrāja, 18 bhikshu, representation of, 17, 66, 88, 109 Bhil, representation of, 101 bhūsparśa-mudrā, 24, 67 ? Bimbisara, 68 Binding medium, 8 Birds, representation of: aquatic, 34; crane, 49, 79, 106; crow, 79 *n.*¹, 90; duck, 30, 31, 106; goose, 40, 49, 106; peafowl, 26, 29, 53, 80 *n.*³, 104, 108; pigeon, 80 *n.*³; stork, 106; vulture, 83, 90 Blanket, representation of, 34 Blouse, representation of, 25 Boat, representation of, 81 Bodh Gaya, 75 Bodhi trees, 71, 111 Bodhisattva, 7, 32 *n.*², 33 *n.*¹, 36, 53 *n.*¹, 73, 76 *n.*¹, 79 *n.*¹, 80, 81, 96 *n.*¹, 99 *n.*⁴, 102, 103 *n.*³, 117 —, or Lokeśvara, 42 —, Avalokiteśvara, 5, 19, 27 —, Maitreya, 27, 42 —, Padmapāṇi, 11, 66, 67 —, Vajrapāṇi, 11, 66, 67

v4.c17.144

Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara and Buddhist Litany, 19 Bodhisattvāvadāna Kalpalatā, 19 Bodice, *choli*, representation of, 8, 23, 24, 39, 85 Bolster, representation of, 67, 89 Borobudur, 40 Bow, representation of, 21, 31 *n.*⁴, 34, 37, 61, 74, 101, 103 Bracelet, representation of, 71, 93, 95 Brahma, representation of, 67 Brahmadatta, 76 *n.*¹ Brahman, representation of, 5, 36, 45, 53, 75, 105 Brake, representation of, 102 *brassière*, representation of, 8, 59 *n.*¹ Breastplate, representation of, 64 Breeches, representation of, 67 *n.*² Brihaspati, teacher of the gods, 118 Buddha, first sermon or great miracle, 28–29 —, the mother and child before, 70–71 —, preaching in Tushita heaven, 66–70 —, preaching to the congregation, 109 Buddha: as beggar, 11 *n.*²; first sermon, 6; Kassapa, 63 *n.*¹; *manushya*, 14; reclining, 17; seven *sarvajña*, 111; various appellations, 116 *n.*¹¹; with inscription, cave XXVI, 119; various representations, 1, 11, 27, 32, 42, 99 *n.*⁴, 108 *n.*² Buddhabhadra, 17, 114, 118 Buildings and details of architecture, representations of: alms-hall, 99, 99 *n.*²; balcony, 37, 89; balustrade, 76; beams, 76; building, three-story, 89; cornice, 36; dome, *stūpa*-shaped, 75; frieze, carved, 89; gate and gateway, 64, 74, 88, 104; hall, 75; hut, 23; kitchen, 58, 105; lattice-work, 76; pantry, 58; pillars, 75, 76, 87, 89, 104; portico, 59; roof, 36, 81 *n.*²; *shāmiyāna*, rectangular tent, 57, 62, 84, 99, 105, 106; shops, 46, 56; stables, 60; steps, 59 Bull, representation of, 21, 23, 26 Bullock-cart, representation of, 27

v4.c17.145

Burgess, James, 16; on inscriptions, 112–20

v4.c17.146

Camel, representation of, 21 Cannibal king, 54 Cannibalism, 58 Cap, representation of, 21, 45, 64, 67 *n.*², 88 Carriage or chariot, representation of, 45, 101, 102 Casket, representation of, 38 Cat, wild, representation of, 55 Ceylon, 4 Ceylon—Sigiri (Sigiriya), 1 Chain of Causation, 21 — of human figures, 16 Chair, representation of, 28, 39, 45, 60, 69, 75, 77, 88, 89, 98 *chaityas*, 1, 18 *chakra*, see Loop Chakravarti, Dr. N., v Chālukya dynasty, 2, 18 Chaṇḍoraṇa, Mount, 76 *n.*¹ Chandraprabha, 36 *n.*² Chaplain, representation of, 75 *charkaṭā*, representation of, 25, 45, 61, 77 *chauri*, fly-whisk, representation of, 11, 20, 25, 26, 32, 37, 38, 40, 41, 42, 44, 47, 49, 51, 56, 57, 60, 63, 70, 75, 77, 87, 91, 93, 95, 98, 101 Chavannes, E., translator, 76 Cherubs, representation of, 11 Chhabra, Dr. B. Ch., v ? *chilis*, representation of, 105 China, 4, 6 Chinese art, resemblance to, 6 *n.*⁸ — pilgrims, 6, 46 *chital*, representation of, 106 *choli*, representation of, 8, 23, 24, 39, 85 Coats, various, representation of, 8, 9, 21, 39, 41, 47, 50, 56, 60, 61, 65, 67 *n.*², 74, 77, 89, 94, 95, 104 Cobra, representation of, 19 Coiffure, see Hair Colours used, 2, 5 *n.*², 8, 30 Conch, representation of, 45, 107 Coral reef, representation of, 84 Cornice, representation of, 36 Coronet, representation of, 37, 95, 98

v4.c17.147

Costume, articles of, representations of: belt, 66; blouse, 25; bodice (*choli*), 8, 23, 24, 39, 85; brassière, 8, 59 *n.*¹; breeches, 67 *n.*²; cap, 21, 65, 67 *n.*², 88; coats, various, 8, 9, 21, 39, 41, 47, 50, 56, 60, 61, 65, 67 *n.*², 74, 77, 89, 94, 95, 104; *dhoti*, 8, 21, 29, 31, 41, 82, 89, 93, 94; dress or robe, 66, 67, 95; jacket, 60, 91, 94; *jāmiwār* (silk brocade), 104; kirtle (*ghagri*), 24; materials, 8; ribbons, 39, 52; sandals, 21, 65; *sāri*, 8, 21, 25, 28, 39, 77, 85, 93; scarf (*aṅgochhā*), 24, 41, 45, 74; shirt, 8, 31; skirt, 8; socks, 41, 64; tassels, 30; veil, 67 Cotton-wool tree, representation of, 74 Couch, representation of, 32, 89 Court scene, 38–39 Creepers, representation of, 32, 97 Crocodile, representation of, 11, 13, 29, 62 Crown, representation of, 25, 29, 36, 38, 41, 62, 67, 88, 91, 93, 97, 99 Cunningham, A., 71 Cup, representations of, 59, 90 — of leaves, representation of, 99 Curtains, representation of, 41, 104 Cushion, representation of, 23, 25, 39, 62, 67, 98 Cymbals, representation of, 24, 26, 93

v4.c17.148

Dagger, representation of, 50, 63, 81 *n.*², 89, 90 *dagoba*, 17 *Dakshiṇa-deśa*, 6 Dandekar, Dr. R. N., 82 *n.*¹ *da’o*, curved knife, representation of, 86, 92 Dates of paintings, 1–2, 18 Deccan, 9 Deer, representations of, 11, 47, 53, 55, 74, 80, 101, 103, 104, 106 Destruction, causes of: bats, 27; climatic, 65; copal varnish, use of, 31; figures cut from rock face, 26; insects, 2 *n.*¹, 78; landslides, 12, 17, 121; rains, 17, 19; smoke, 27, 78, 81, 106

v4.c17.149

*devas*, 29, 66 *Devadatta*, 33 *n.*¹ *Devasena*, king, 1, 4 *devīs*, representations of, 66, 67 *dharmachakra mudrā*, teaching attitude, representation of, 11, 29, 35, 42, 68 *dholak*, double drum, representation of, 24, 26, 45, 106 *dhotī*, loincloth, representation of, 8, 21, 29, 31, 41, 82, 89, 93, 94 *Dhṛtarāṣṭra*, sacred goose, representation of, 40 *Dīpaṅkara*, representation of, 71 *n.*² Discoids, representation of, 93 *n.*¹ *Divyāvadāna*, 82 Dog, representations of, 55, 74, 102 Dome, representation of, 75 Domestic and kindred objects, representations of: banners, 38, 63; basin, 77; baskets, 21, 38; begging-bowl, 27, 70; bell, 90; blanket, 34; bolster, 67, 89; casket, 38; chair, 28, 39, 45, 60, 62, 67, 69, 75, 77, 88, 89, 98; *chauri*, fly-whisk, 11, 20, 25, 26, 32, 37, 38, 40, 41, 42, 44, 47, 49, 51, 56, 57, 60, 63, 73, 75, 77, 87, 91, 93, 95, 98, 101; cup, 59, 90; curtains, 41, 104; cushion, 23, 25, 39, 62, 67, 98; fan, 59 *n.*¹; flag, 56, 61, 69, 91, 99, 102; flagon, 27, 102; kitchen, general description, 105; knife, 35; ladder, 90; leashes for dogs, 55; matting, 65; metal box, 57; mirror, 95; palanquin, 50; pillow, 32, 51; plate, 33, 59; pots, 23, 56, 58; potter's wheel, 22; scales, 46; screens, 59 *n.*³; ? spittoon, 39; spoon, 46; staff, 75 *n.*¹; stool, 87, 98; table, 45, 59; tablet, wooden, for writing, 57; tapestries, 41; tassels, 104; throne, 39, 40, 56, 66, 75, 87, 88, 89, 93, 101, 104, 106; tray, 41, 51, 60, 63, 93, 95, 97; tripod, 17; tub, 77; umbrella, 21, 34, 40, 41; vessels, various, 49, 75, 87, 93, 95, 97, 99; waterflask, 42, 60; waterpot (*lotā*), 20, 39 Dravidian, representation of, 24

v4.c17.150

Dress or robe, representation of, 66, 67, 95 Drums, representation of, 26, 93 *dvārapālas*, representations of, 14, 15 Dwarfs, Two, with Musical Instruments, 106-7 —, representations of, 26, 38, 51, 58, 87, 94 *n.*², 95, 97, 98, 105 Ear-rings, representations of, 24, 37, 43, 47, 52 *ektārā*, representation of, 42 Elephant, representation of, 25, 30, 35, 39, 45, 50, 61, 68, 69, 72, 78, 81 *n.*², 91, 99, 102, 108 *n.*² Elephant, the, who had Blind Parents, 76-78 —, the Six-tusked, the Story of, 30-33 Elephant-bands, representation of, 91 Ellora, Buddhist shrines at, 2, 17 Emeralds, representation of, 29 Fa-Hian, 6 Fan, representation of, 59 *n.*¹ Ferns, representation of, 31, 32, 97 Fielden, Mr. F. J., vi Fingernails, representation of, 27 Fish which saved its Kinsfolk from Certain Death, Story of, 78-79 —, representation of, 34, 62, 79 Five Commandments, 106 — Virtues, 74 Flag, representation of, 56, 61, 69, 91, 99, 102 Flagon, representation of, 27, 102 Floral Designs and Decorative Motifs, 30 Floral Designs and other Motifs, 107-8 Flowers and fruits, representations of: aquatic plants, 74, 97; areca-nut, 20, 37, 46, 56, 63; banana, 37, 57, 75; banyan, 34, 65, 104; cotton-wool tree, 74; creepers, 32, 97; ferns, 31, 32, 97; *gūlar* (wild fig), 24; lily, 32, 58; lotus, 31, 42, 49, 52, 55, 72, 78, 88, 97, 107, 108; mango, 33, 37, 65, 96; osiers, 48; *palāśa* (‘flame of the forest’), 32, 53, 106; pineapple, 25; pumpkins, 94; reeds (*sirki*), 23; *samālū* (vitex trifolia), 74, 106; teak, 20, 53, 65, 74, 104, 106 Flute, representation of, 24, 26 Flying horse, representation of, 83 Food, representations of: bananas, 105; ? beans, 105; ? chilis, 105; ghee, 58; honey, 58; karelas, 105; laddūs (sweetballs), 77; malida (sugared flour), 77; mūlis (radishes), 105; pickles, 58; sugar-cane, 77 Forester, representation of, 76 Foucher, A., 19, 54, 72, 73 *n.*¹ Fox, representation of, 55 Friars, representation of, 47, 99 Frieze, representation of, 89 *gaṇas*, representations of, 13, 15, 42, 66, 68, 87, 88 *Gandhakuṭi*, 12 *Gandhāra*, 6, 69 *gandharva*, representation of, 28 *n.*², 29 Ganges, 33 Gate and gateway, representations of, 64, 74, 88, 104 *ghagri*, kirtle, representation of, 24 *Ghaṭotkacha*, 1, 4 ghee, representation of, 58 *ghuṅrūs*, brass bells, representation of, 26 Gift, the, of the Seven Hundreds, 44 *n.*¹ Goad, representation of, 50, 92 Goblin, representation of, 62 Gold, use of, 9 —, sources of, 9 Golden Deer, the Story of, 100-2 Griffiths, 31, 109 *gūlar*, wild fig, representation of, 24 Gupta kings, 3 *n.*⁴, 4, 18 Hair, Beard, and Moustache, representations of, 11, 12, 19, 21, 22, 23, 29, 43, 44, 46, 47, 48, 51, 56, 59, 61, 69, 71, 85, 88, 95 Halo, representation of, 68, 70 Harisheṇa, king, 1, 4, 18, 115 Harness and vehicles, representations of: brake, 102; bullock-cart, 27; carriage, 45, 101, 102; elephant-

v4.c17.151

Harness and vehicles (*cont.*) bands, 91; goad, 50, 92; harness, 46, 54, 55; *haudas* (howdahs), 92, 94; reins, 35, 47; saddles, 60, 61, 74; wheel, 26 Hastibhoja, 1 *haudas*, howdahs, representation of, 92, 94 Heaven, the, of the Thirty-three, 66 Helmet, representation of, 64 Hermit, representation of, 28, 32, 45 Herringham, Lady, 36 *himrū*, material for clothes, 9 *n.*³ Hinayāna, period, 108 Honey, representation of, 58 Horse, representation of, 20, 34, 45, 50, 54, 55, 60, 61, 62, 69, 72, 74, 80, 85, 88, 91, 92, 101 Hunt Scene, 20–21 —, representation of, 54 Huts, representation of, 23 Hyena-heads, representation of, 12

v4.c17.152

Incised Inscriptions, general remarks, 112–13, 124 Indra, 67, 74, 75 Influence of Ajanta art, 1, 4 Insects, ruinous to painting, 2 *n.*¹

v4.c17.153

Jackal, representation of, 55 Jacket, representation of, 60, 91, 94 Jalal-ud-Din, Mr., *v* *jāmiwār*, silk brocade, 9 *n.*³, 104 *Jātakas*, subjects from the, 36–38, 38–39, 66; *Chāmpeya*, 7; *Hamsa*, 40–41; *Hasti*, 35–36; *Mahājanaka*, 4, 26, 27; *Mahākapi*, 33–35, 53–54; *Mahisha*, 81; ? *Mātriposhaka*, 76–78; *Matsya*, 78–79; *Mriga*, 100–2; *Nigrodhamiga*, 103–6; *Ruru*, 100; *Sarabha*, 73–76; *Shad-Danta*, 3, 18, 30–33; *Śibi*, 96–99; *Sutasoma*, 10, 54–66; *Śyāma*, 3, 18, 79–80; *Viśvantara*, 5, 43–52 Javelin, representation of, 57, 61 Jewellery and ornaments, representations of: anklets, 77, 89; beads, strings of, 31; bracelet, 71, 93, 95; coronet, 37, 95, 98; crown, 25, 29, 36, 38, 41, 62, 88, 91, 93, 97, 99; emeralds, 29; ear-rings, 24, 37, 43, 47, 52; *ghungrūs* (brass bells), 26; *lapis-lazuli* beads, 8 *n.*¹; necklace, 93, 95; pearls, 29, 71, 95, strings of, 23, 37, 38, 52, 95, 107; rubies, 29, 95; sapphire, 29, ? 40; yak’s tail, 39, 69, 91 Jūjaka, 48

v4.c17.154

Kalahatthi, 60 Kālidāsa, 4, 4 *n.*⁶ Kapilavastu, 70 karelas, representation of, 105 Kassapa, Buddha, 63 *n.*¹ Khema, 40, 100 kinnara, representation of, 24 Kirtimukhas, lions’ heads, representations of, 13 Kirtle, *ghagri*, representation of, 24 Kitchen, representation of, 58, 105 Knife, representation of, 35 Kosalas, 71, 79 *n.*¹ Kshatriya, 63 *n.*¹ Kuda, sculpture at, 3 Kuvera, 108 *n.*¹

First 152 of 171 passages. Read on

Linked texts (12)

Jātaka — Pāli
Mahāvastu — Sanskrit
Divyāvadāna — Sanskrit
Setubandha — Pravarasena II, Māhārāṣṭrī Prakrit
Viṣṇudharmottarapurāṇa — Sanskrit
Mālavikāgnimitra — Kālidāsa, Sanskrit
Mahāsamayasutta — Pāli
Mahābhārata — Vyāsa, Sanskrit
Meghadūta — Kālidāsa, Sanskrit
Bodhisattvāvadānakalpalatā — Kṣemendra, Sanskrit
Nasik plates of Dharāśraya-Jayasiṁha: (Kalachuri) year 436 — Sanskrit
Poonā plates of Prabhāvatīguptā (ed. Mirashi 1963) — Sanskrit